THE JOURNAL OF THE HISTORICAL
I Me Ct f ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA
Editors Emeriti
Charlton W. Tebeau, Ph.D.
Thelma Peters, Ph.D.
Editor
Arva Moore Parks
Managing Editor
Natalie Brown
Number LIII 1993
CONTENTS
Editor's Forward .................................................................... 3
by Arva Moore Parks
Thoughts on Tequesta ............................................................ 5
by Charlton W. Tebeau
"Watch the Port of Miami".................................................... 7
by Arthur Chapman
Miami During the Civil War: 1861-85 ................................ 31
by Ltc. James C. Staubach
A Problematic Law: The Armed Occupation Acts of 1842
and Its Impact on Southeast Florida ................................... 63
by Joseph Knetsch and Paul S. George
Historical Association of Southern Florida Members........... 81
COPYRIGHT 1993 BY THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA
is published annually by the Historical Association of
Te est.:A Southern Florida. Communications should be addressed
Ir to the Managing Editor of Tequesta, Historical Museum
of Southern Florida, 101 W. Flagler Street, Miami,
Florida 33130. Telephone: (305) 375-1492. The Association does not assume respon-
sibility for statements of facts or opinions made by contributors.
On the Cover: In 1905, Miami gets its port with the dredging of Goverment Cut,
a 900-foot-wide slice through the southern tip of Miami Beach which created Fisher
Island and the spoil banks of the Lummus and Dodge Islands. Mayor John Sewell
declared a holiday so Miamians could watch the dredge dig the last few feet.
2 TEQUESTA
Historical Association of Southern Florida, Inc.
FOUNDED 1940 INCORPORATED 1941
George R. Harper
Ronni W. Bermont
John C. Harrison, Jr.
Fernando Garcia-Chacon
Robert B. Battle
Raul L. Rodriguez
Hunting P. Deutsch
Randy F. Nimnicht
J. Andrew Brian
Arva Moore Parks
Chariton W. Tebeau, Ph.D.
Thelma Peters, Ph.D.
Stuart B. Mclver
Natalie A. Brown
Chairman of the Board
First Vice Chairperson
Second Vice Chairperson
Secretary
Treasurer
Past Chairperson
Past Chairperson
President
Museum Director
Editor, Tequesta
Editor Emeritus Tequesta
Editor Emeritus Tequesta
Editor, South Florida History Magazine
Editor, South Florida History Magazine
Trustees
Wayman Adkins
Teo A. Babun, Jr.
Francisco Blanco
Miguel A. Bretos, Ph.D.
Marianne Devine
Matthew B. Gorson
Jorge Gross
William Ho
Keith Jennings
Mary Lesko
Jack Lowell
Mary Stuart Mank
Lynn A. Monast
Anna Price, Ph.D.
Thomas G. Schultz
Alicia M. Tremols
Judy Wiggins
Howard Zwibel, M.D.
Harris R. Anthony
Anthony Barthelemy, Ph.D.
Stuart Block
Ignacio Carrera-Justiz
Steven Goldberg
Priscilla M. Greenfield
David Harper
Thornton Hoelle
Susan Johnson
Michael Lewis
Rev. J. Kenneth Major
Joseph S. Mensch, M.D.
Charles P. Munroe
Janice C. Pryor
Michael B. Smith
Lourdes Viciedo
Eric Williams
Editor's Forward
In July 1996, the City of Miami will celebrate its 100th birth-
day. To commemorate this milestone, the Historical Association of
Southern Florida is calling for papers for a special commemoration
in the 1995 and 1996 Tequestas. Although it is the City of Miami's
centennial that we will be celebrating, the event has much more than
a one-city focus. The centennial celebration is important to all of us
because the founding of the City of Miami marks the launching and
continuous progression from isolated wilderness to the exciting, inter-
national megalopolis we are today. Therefore, all areas of historic
Dade County, including the history of other municipalities, are right-
fully included.
We are interested in all facets of the last 100 years of Greater
Miami history including: biography, eye-witness accounts, important
previously printed documents and articles as well as new scholarly
work. In preparation for this exciting event, we invite our readers and
writers to read back issues of Tequesta to determine important sub-
jects including politics, government, life-style and ethnic history that
have not been covered well in the past. We plan to include photo-
graphs so we also encourage our readers and writers to seek out new
images that record South Florida's exciting, every-changing history.
Perhaps you have special memories of your own that you think
would be of interest to our readers or know someone who has a story
to share. We remind you that history is ongoing and that knowledge
of our more recent past is just as important to our understanding of
ourselves as events that happened long ago.
We have a long tradition of working with new writers to encour-
age more people to try their hand at writing local history. We look
forward to your submission or, if you just have an idea, give us a call
and we will work with you.
Arva Moore Parks
Tequesta Editor
Wr
a -
J
Tn-r
Ground breaking for the Royal Palm Hotel, March 3, 1896, "the starling of Miami." (Historical Association of
Southern Florida, gift ol ErneI Gearhart, 62-24-185)
Thoughts on Tequesta
Dr. Charlton Tebeau edited Tequesta for 40 years and continues to
serve as Editor Emeritus. His strong editorial philosophy, which
continues to guide us today, is reprinted below. We hope this article
will further encourage our readers to become writers and add to the
permanent record of our area.
In my forty years (1946-1986) as editor of Tequesta, I developed
some rather definite notions as to what it could and should be with
no intent to dictate what my successors should do, I suggest them for
continuing consideration.
Above all perhaps, I thought of Tequesta as a publication in
which all members of the Association might find at least one article
they might enjoy reading.
An equally important concern was to provide basic source
material for anyone who might be studying the history of the area.
Many of the items we published were by the participants in the events
they described.
Another feature with the same intent was the reprinting of source
materials, many first hand accounts; others public documents, which
are no longer easily available elsewhere.
We always sought research based articles of graduate students,
faculty members of educational institutions, and any interested per-
sons. They need not be history students or teachers simply interested
in some aspect of local history.
We used Tequesta to encourage persons who had never before
written anything for publication to tell their stories. Sometimes we
invited those known to have a story to tell.
The editor stood ready to make suggestions but never to rewrite
the article. He told each person to write the story in his or her own
words exactly as he or she would tell it. Then the editor could suggest
unanswered questions and possibilities for expanding the article. People
do enjoy seeing themselves in print, and having the feeling they ac-
tually wrote it. Laurence Will was hardly a typical case, but he
6 TEQUESTA
accepted the invitation to write an article for Tequesta. He later came
back to it and made a book of the first article.
Pioneers who would write accounts of their early days in Miami
have largely gone to their reward, but the number of professional
people here has grown vastly. To the University of Miami has been
added two state universities, two private colleges, and the community
college system. And there is no disposition to exclude persons without
academic connection. Nor do we exclude persons from other aca-
demic institutions.
The first function of the editor is to beat the bushes for articles,
to be on the lookout for anyone who is interested in the history of the
area. The editor should be highly visible as the editor of Tequesta and
known to be seeking articles. A part of the editor's function is to
work with people to develop articles and be known to be helpful to
those who feel they have a story to tell.
I'm as proud of those forty years as anything I did. It grew
entirely from my personal interest in the history of the region and in
people who shared that interest. Don't go back to the "Good Old
Days," but remember, you wouldn't be here except for them.
Charlton W. Tebeau
"Watch the Port of Miami"
by Arthur Chapman
The history of the Port of Miami is filled with fascinating twists,
moves and controversy. From finger piers in the Miami River to the
world's premier passenger cruise port, the port has mirrored the
development of Miami. Constantly facing the difficulties of shallow
water and the need for dredging, the modern port of today reflects on
its beginnings in a plan for further expansion and development. Lo-
cated in the midst of beautiful, but very shallow Biscayne Bay, no
pioneer could possibly have envisioned what the future held.
In an 1842 letter concerning the joint land and sea operations
during the Seminole Indian Wars, Lt. John T. McLaughlin wrote of
the problems encountered while attempting to cross Biscayne Bay:
Fort Dallas, [located on the north bank of the Miami River]
which has been under the occupancy of the land forces since
the early stages of the war, cannot be approached within eight
miles by the vessels of this squadron...our operations [had to
be carried out] in canoes...'
The Navy, which had responsibility for the movement of materials
and personnel, had to row supplies to the fort on the Miami River
from a base on Key Biscayne.2
For many years, the shallow bay relegated Miami to a relatively
unimportant role in the development of Florida's maritime trade. South
Arthur Chapman (also known by his middle name, Ed), is the fourth
generation of a pioneering Florida family. He holds a doctorate
degree in history from the University of Miami and an MBA from
Florida International University. He currently teaches at both uni-
versities and is a frequent contributor to South Florida History
Magazine. He resides in Coral Gables with his wife, Toni, and his
son, John, who is the fifth generation in southern Florida.
8 TEQUESTA
Florida's primary port was Key West, which as a deep water port,
could provide proper, safe berthing for large, deep-drafted vessels.
The only berths provided in the Miami area were timber finger piers
on the river that served the few residents of the area.3
There was no serious effort made to remedy this situation until
1895 when Julia Tuttle sent her legendary orange blossoms to Henry
Flagler in hopes of attracting his interest to the Miami area. Julia
Tuttle's ploy worked, as the blossoms dramatically showed that Miami
was untouched by a killer frost that had destroyed most of the North
Florida orange groves. As additional encouragement, Tuttle, along
with William and Mary Brickell offered Mr. Flagler extensive parcels
of land if he would extend his railroad to Miami, construct a water
works plant, and provide for some other civic improvements.4
Flagler refused to permit the shallow bay to stop him from
developing Miami. Accordingly, in 1897, he dredged a 12-foot deep
channel from Cape Florida to Miami at a cost of twenty thousand
dollars.5 Flagler expanded the same finger piers on the river and then
coined the phrase, "Watch the Port of Miami."6
Despite Flagler's dredging efforts (this channel is still in use
today) regular steamship service did not begin until May 21, 1897,
when he obtained The City of Key West and The Miami. This service
ran only between Miami and the deep water port of Key West. The
first of these ships, The City of Key West, required more than 12 feet
of water and was forced to anchor a mile away from Miami. Her
passengers and cargo were then tendered to shore because of the
shallow depth of the bay.7
The City of Key West at the city docks, 1899. (Historical Association of
Southern Florida, a gift of Arthur Chapman.)
Port of Miami 9
The pressing need for a deep-water port could only be solved by
extensive dredging and then, as now, those operations were extremely
controversial. For William Brickell, it was a continual source of ir-
ritation. Flagler's men left a 30-foot spoil pile of broken marl and
shell near Brickell's point obstructing the view of the bay from his
home on the south bank near the mouth of the river.8
Another pioneer of distinction, Commodore Ralph M. Munroe,
who lived in nearby Coconut Grove, also had serious objections to the
dredging operations because the spoil banks that were created re-
duced the sailing area of the bay. In addition, there were many un-
lighted pilings which, although necessary for the steamer pilots, be-
came a constant menace to nighttime sailors. Eventually, the dredged
area became virtually impassable, so much so, that the long estab-
lished Biscayne Yacht Club was forced to abandon its race course.9
Though modernization and big business were steadily making
their presence known, a certain degree of independence remained in
the hearts of some of the pioneers who worked on the bay. This spirit
was illustrated in the early 1900s by the captain of the Lady Lou, a
ferry that carried people between the City of Miami and Smith's
Casino on Miami Beach. He steadfastly refused to sail until he had
a minimum of six passengers aboard. Once, an impatient visitor,
weary of waiting, offered to pay all six fares and the captain de-
murred. "No sir," he stated. "It's not the money I want. It's the
people."'0
Henry Flagler not only played an integral role in the develop-
ment of a modem Miami seaport but also an important part in the
The Miami at the city docks, 1899. (Historical Association of Southern
Florida, a gift of Arthur Chapman.)
10 TEQUESTA
development of the maritime trade in Miami. Not only did he provide
for the first dredging work, but in 1900, he merged his shipping
company with that of Florida's west coast railroad mogul, Henry
Bradley Plant. This union led to the creation of the Peninsular and
Occidental (P&O) Steamship Company, which built the new port on
Flagler's property between 6th and 9th Streets on Biscayne Bay.
Moreover, at a later date, the P&O instituted the first regular ship-
ping service between Miami, Granada, and Nassau."
The P&O Steamship Company's terminal and ticket office in the late
1940s at what was to become the "old port." (Historical Association of
Southern Florida, 1989-011-13728)
As soon as the port moved to the Fifth Street area, a continuing
controversy began which continues today. Where should the port be
located? The Flagler decision meant that some of Miami's most sce-
nic and valuable bayfront property was utilized for warehouses, park-
ing lots, fuel depots, and other such maritime industrial activities.
Many of these uses were considered "ugly, unattractive," and "unde-
sirable." Pioneers, such as Frank Walton Chapman and Stobo D'Pass
Curry became early activists in the effort "to get the port off of
Biscayne Boulevard."12
The development and expansion of a port for Miami was hin-
dered by a major obstacle: the Flagler Cape Florida/Miami channel
Port of Miami 11
that had been dredged in 1897 was not deep enough to allow major
vessels to call upon Miami. The distance from around Cape Florida
to Miami also hindered marine development. These problems forced
a search for another channel site.
In 1902, the Committee on Rivers and Harbors of the U.S.
Congress appropriated money for dredging a new ship channel that
would provide deep berths. Dredges cut a 900-foot-wide slice through
the Miami Beach peninsula at its southern tip, thus creating Govern-
ment Cut and Fisher Island. Spoil banks were also created and named,
including the Dodge Islands and Lummus Island.13 On the day that
the dredges were to complete their project, Miami Mayor John Sewell
proclaimed a holiday. About 3,500 people came to view the historic
moment. Unfortunately, the dredge broke down just as it reached the
last few feet. Reacting quickly to the crisis, "Sewell tore off his coat
and necktie, picked up a shovel, and made the dirt fly,"'4 In 30
minutes, while the people cheered, Sewell saw the first trickle of
water from Biscayne Bay mingle with the waters of the Atlantic. (See
cover photo.) By the next morning a free flow of water had been
created between the ocean and the channel and the cry was, "Watch
the Port of Miami."15
By 1926, The Voters and Taxpayers Protective League was
heavily involved in the ongoing port location dispute, publishing "open
letters" to all citizens and undertaking a letter writing campaign to
Congress to gather support for their site plan. They had the support
of none other than Major General Harry Taylor (Chief of Engineers).
Along with his support, Taylor also provided written statements on
where he thought the port should be located. Eventually, the issue
was reduced to two possible sites: 1) "Bend of the Causeway" (today's
Watson Island) which was known as the Sewell or Waldeck Plan or:
2) the "Orr Plan" which would require extensive revamping and dredg-
ing of Biscayne Bay.'6
Of the two plans, the first site (Watson Island) was immediately
available, required little dredging, and was somewhere from $3 to $7
million cheaper than the Orr Plan. The Orr Plan called for massive
dredging and the creation of a vast new island port that would extend
almost across the entire bay located on top of the Dodge Islands. It
was this plan that resurfaced in the 1950s, leading to the creation of
"The New Port of Miami" in the 1960s.17
The City of Miami, however, was unable to make any decision
about either plan and in the midst of considerable controversy took no
12 TEQUESTA
Passengers in process of transferring from a liner to a large launch so that
they could enter the shallow port area, 1925. (Historical Association of
Southern Florida, gift of Arthur Chapman)
action on the location of the port, leaving it on Biscayne Boulevard.
The city did, however, recognize its legal responsibilities by request-
ing the Florida Legislature to create the first Port Authority Bill,
entitled, "Miami Airport and Harbor District Law."'8
The port experienced a fairly steady growth with sudden spurts
due to completion of various construction projects. In 1905, the open-
ing of the first section of the Intracoastal Waterway between Miami
and St. Augustine (later completed in the late 1930s, served as a
catalyst for a marked increase in maritime trade." Another growth
spurt occurred in 1912 when the Florida East Coast Railway Com-
pany completed two 25-foot-wide finger piers and re-dredged the
channel to a depth of 18 feet, leading to their property on Biscayne
Boulevard and Sixth Street.20
After Flagler's death, the City of Miami realized the importance
and value of possessing a seaport. The city therefore purchased the
Flagler (or FEC Site as it was commonly referred to), and soon a
number of plans were created to provide for future growth. Almost
immediately some citizens began to actively campaign to relocate the
port, free the existing site for commercial or park development, elimi-
nate traffic congestion, and beautify the area.21
Port of Miami 13
The 1920s witnessed an increase in the number of passenger
ships traveling to and from Miami. On January 1, 1921, the S.S.
Georgiana Weems instituted the first regularly scheduled service be-
tween Miami and Baltimore. On November 24, 1924, the S.S. Apache
entered the port, inaugurating the first direct passenger service be-
tween New York and Miami.22
During the 1920s Miami experienced "The Boom," a fantastic
explosion in the price of real estate that lured large numbers of people
to South Florida. As land prices skyrocketed, fortunes were made in
a day. A building boom accompanied the land speculation and the
lumber suppliers were hard pressed to keep up with the demand. The
railroad was so swamped with incoming freight that it called for a
freight embargo in August 1925 to repair overburdened tracks and
prevent the train yard from being inundated with freight cars.23 This
action placed the burden of delivering lumber on ocean-going freight-
ers.
Despite the crush of ships bringing supplies, operations at the
port remained smooth until January 10, 1926, when the Prinz
Valdemar, a Danish naval training ship which had been rigged as a
floating hotel, ran aground at the entrance of the port's turning basin.
Soon after, a brisk northeast wind caught her four tall masts, turning
the 240-foot ship on her side and causing it to capsize. For 41 days
the harbor entrance was blocked, trapping passengers and cargo in
port. The passenger ship, the George Washington, and 10 other large
vessels were firmly locked in Biscayne Bay.24
To alleviate the situation, the U.S. Corps of Engineers dug an
80-foot bypass channel around the Prinz Valdemar that permitted
some ships to edge up to the causeway and discharge their cargo.
Then, as the channel began to fill with busy vessels, a steamer grounded
on the outer channel, effectively again blocking the entrance to the
port. Next, the weather took a sudden turn for the worse and addi-
tional ships began to run aground. Almost 45 million board feet of
lumber remained undelivered and an unknown number of passengers
were either trapped or unable to disembark.25
Ultimately, the Prinz Valdemar was refloated and beached at
Sixth Street and Biscayne Boulevard where it served a variety of
functions for many years.26 Reflecting on the grave problems caused
by the sinking of the Prinz Valdemar, Commodore Munroe remarked,
"One can only wonder why the vessel itself was not immediately
14 TEQUESTA
The hapless Prinz Valdemar effectively blocking the main ship channel
with dredges at work nearby. (Historical Association of Southern Florida,
gift of Arthur Chapman)
blown up." It was another pioneer family, the Des Rocher Dredging
and Towing Company that finally righted the ship and set it up along
Biscayne Boulevard.27
The year 1926 just got worse for the port. The devastating
hurricane that struck Florida in September left the fledgling port with
a collection of broken boats. The schooner Rose Mahoney was lying
on Biscayne Boulevard along with numerous other vessels, and the
new dredge that had been stationed in the bay to begin deepening the
channel was now on its bottom. But the hapless Prinz Valdemar
survived in one piece, its only damage was having been swung out of
position.28
The port and the maritime industry quickly recovered from this
disaster. In 1931, the P&O Steamship Company commissioned the
S.S. Florida, which became Miami's first cruise ship to make regular
trips between Cuba and Miami.29 In 1932, the Greater Miami Port
Association announced that the port had processed 24,168 passen-
Port of Miami 15
The 1930s dredging at the southern tip of Miami Beach with Fisher Island
to the right. (Historical Association of Southern Florida, gift of Arthur
Chapman)
gers, which placed Miami fourth behind New York, Boston and San
Francisco.30
During the 1930s, the need for a larger port and a deeper access
channel became more more apparent to city officials. By 1932, Miami's
ship channel had been dredged to a depth of 25 feet, but still not deep
enough to accommodate modem ships. Thirty steamship lines that
operated out of Boston, New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New
Orleans bypassed Miami. Five foreign lines expressed an interest in
using Miami as a port of call. The Port Association advocated a 35-
foot channel to augment Miami's Caribbean, South American and
Transatlantic shipping trade.3"
Even though the dredging was not completed by the end of the
fiscal year of 1937-38, the 66,458 passengers who were processed
through the port moved Miami up in the rankings to the nation's third
busiest passenger port behind only New York (649,903) and Seattle
(124,939).32
16 TEQUESTA
During World War II, the U.S. Navy assumed control of the
port as the area became a huge training camp for members of the
armed forces. Because U-boats were actively engaging ships just off
the coast, all cruise activity as well as coast-wide waterborne com-
merce was stopped. Many of the cruise ships were converted into
troop transports (such as the President Roosevelt, today's Emerald
Seas) while many vessels were used for all types of naval tasks.33
The role of the U-boat and the danger presented to Allied ship-
ping was altogether too real, especially during the early stages of the
war. On February 2, 1942, the tanker Pan Massachusetts, carrying
100,000 barrels of flammable materials, was torpedoed off Cape
Canaveral.4 In May, a Mexican tanker was torpedoed, south of Fowey
Rock.35 One week later, another Mexican ship, the Falo de Ora, went
down from a torpedo hit off the Florida Keys.36
Civilian craft played a significant role in the conduct of the war.
Some were converted to military use while others served equally
useful purposes. Two Miamians, Dr. F.E. Kitchens and D.R. Smith
saved 41 of the 42 men aboard the James A. Moffet, when it was
torpedoed off Tennessee Reef.37
When war hostilities ended, the Navy Department returned con-
trol of the port to the City of Miami, which recognized the need for
a major expansion of the facility. The planning of this expansion met
with major difficulty. The existing 26-acre site, located along Bis-
cayne Boulevard, was surrounded by private developments that made
enlargement virtually impossible.38 A decade passed before any of the
proposed expansion plans became a reality.
From 1946 to 1956 the port operated under authority of the City
of Miami. It was during this period that the modem cruise industry
was born. In January 1947, the P&O Company reinstated its cruise
schedule between Miami, Havana, Nassau, and the West Indies with
the S.S. Florida."
At the end of the 1940s, F. Leslie Fraser, a British Jamaican,
envisioned the commercial possibilities of 14-day cruises in the Car-
ibbean. He founded the Eastern Shipping Company and brought the
Nuevo Dominican to Miami to establish cruises to the Dominican
Republic. In 1951, Fraser added the Yarmouth Castle to his fleet.
Three years later, he purchased the Evangeline.40 A man of vision,
Fraser concentrated his marketing efforts on popularizing 10-, 12-
and 14-day cruises to various Caribbean Islands. Unfortunately, the
response to this creative idea was unenthusiastic. The Nuevo Dominica
Port of Miami 17
Above: As passenger traffic grew, congestion increased at the old Port of
Miami on Biscayne Blvd, circa 1940s. Below: A number of ships and other
landmarks can be seen in this 1960s photos, including The Miami Herald
building in the background. (Historical Association of Southern Florida,
Miami News Collection, 1989-011-13780 and 1989-011-13785)
18 TEQUESTA
occasionally sailed with as few as four passengers. Fraser's other
ships often sailed with fewer than 100 passengers. Known in the
industry as a man far ahead of his time, Fraser sold his interest in the
firm in the late 1950s.41
One of the major reasons behind the decline of passenger ship
travel during the 1950s was the rising popularity of air travel. Steam-
ship companies operated under the same concept of travel as the
airlines did-they took people where they had to go, primarily for
business. The modem development of extended cruising for pleasure
and relaxation was not yet a realistic venture.42
As the 1950s came to a close, the issue of creating a larger and
more modem port came to a head. By 1956, the port plummeted in
the rankings to 35th, behind many other ports in the U.S.43 To halt
this decline, the City of Miami finally began preparations for a new
port. Five competing proposals on where and how to construct a new
port emerged: 1) expand the old port site northward by filling in the
western shore of Biscayne Bay; 2) dredge and fill in the Dodge Is-
lands; 3) build the port on Virginia Key; 4) let Port Everglades serve
as Miami's seaport; or 5) build a new site on South Miami Beach."
Since the seaport served all 27 municipalities within Dade County,
the newly formed Metropolitan-Dade County Government offered to
assume the responsibilities of planning and constructing the new port.
Again, as in the 1920s, the location for the port became a major
issue. The Miami Herald lent its powerful voice and support by
printing entire sections on the subject. In the June 22, 1958 issue,
sites were discussed. Editorially, however, The Herald supported the
historic Orr Plan.45
Ultimately, Metro-Dade made the decision to support the Orr
Plan. On July 22, 1959, Metro-Dade announced that the new port
would be constructed on a string of small islands, spoil banks, which
had been created when the turning basin and main ship channel were
dredged. This decision marked the beginning of the present Dodge
Island Seaport. (The Dodge Islands were named for Dr. R.L. Dodge,
a prominent citizen and a member of the Port Authority that once
included both the airport and seaport.)46
In 1960, city and county officials reached a joint agreement
about operating control of the port. Dade County purchased the ex-
isting port facilities for $1.3 million and on July 1, 1960, O.W.
Campbell, county manager, issued Administrative Order No. 60-5:
Port of Miami 19
Pursuant to the authority vested in me.. .there is hereby cre-
ated a Seaport Department that shall be responsible for the
operation of the commercial seaport and coordination of the
construction for the new port facilities. The department shall
be organized in accordance with accompanying Chart Num-
ber 41. This administrative order is effective as of the 1 st day
of July 1960. This administrative order is hereby submitted to
the Board of County Commissioners.47
Thus, the birth certificate of the New Port of Miami was drafted.
For the first seven years, all the construction costs for the Dodge
Island site were paid by Dade County. This amount totaled $15.3
million and was here after known as "seed money." After that, the
Port of Miami was on its own, financially independent and self sup-
porting. The seaport supported itself by selling revenue bonds and
redeeming them from earned revenue. Each issue was given the high-
est possible rating in the municipal bond market.
The "New Port of Miami" had officially opened on October 4,
1964, when the JFK (a barge converted from a Navy LC-1) dis-
Cutting the ribbon for the new multi-million dollar Port of Miami
expansion on Dodge Island, June 7,1965. From left to right, Port Director
Arthur Darlow, Commissioner Newton Green, Commissioner Joe Boyd,
Dade County Vice Mayor Arthur H. Patton, Jr., and Commissioner Lew
Whitworth. (Historical Association of Southern Florida, 81-99-110)
20 TEQUESTA
Above: Spoil islands pre-1961, which were to become the site of the new
Port of Miami and below, after construction had begun, circa 1960s.
(Historical Association of Southern Florida, 81-71-1 and 81-17-2)
I-
- i. ./ - .
: " ,; .
.^H^!A
Port of Miami 21
- I -
~' '?XI
Construction of the highway and rail bridges to the new Port of Miami,
circa 1959-60. (Historical Association of Southern Florida, 81-17-4)
I
22 TEQUESTA
charged her cargo. This barge was operated by the Miami San Juan
Trailer Company, Inc. After performing in this historic event, the
barge's cargo of heavy equipment was welded to her decks as a
precaution against heavy seas. In December of the same year, how-
ever, the JFK capsized and sank anyway.48
Coordinated Caribbean Transport, Inc. (CCT) brought in the
Freight Transporter on November 8, 1964. It was the first true cargo
vessel to berth and be worked at the new port. Another pioneering
company, Norwegian Caribbean Lines (NCL), had been operating the
Sunward, as a three-to-four-day passenger ship. On December 18,
1966, the line brought her in from Marseilles, France, to Bay 26
(Shed A), departing on the 19th. The Sunward was the first passenger
vessel to utilize the new facility. Both CCT and NCL continue to play
a major role in the development of South Florida's maritime industry.
By 1983, CCT was the twelfth largest cargo line and NCL was the
busiest passenger line operating at the port.49
Shed A was the first building completed at the new port. It was
a 200,000-square-foot clear span structure large enough to accommo-
date three football fields end-to-end. Then two more cargo sheds,
36,000 square feet each, designated as "E" and "F," were completed
on the eastern end of the port for the Caribbean trade. In 1967, the
County dedicated Shed B, a second 200,000-square-foot building. At
the same time, the County widened the Eastern Channel to 300 feet,
the South Channel to 200 feet and dredged both of them to a Mean
Low Water (MLW) depth of 25 feet. During March 1973, dredging
commenced for the deepening of the North Channel and turning basin
to 36 feet MLW. This important dredging work, completed in Decem-
ber 1975, provided access for larger cargo carriers.50
In 1965, the port placed the first of two 20,000 square foot
buildings of the Maritime Office Center in use. Fifteen years later,
they completed an additional five-story, 36,000-square-foot office
building that interconnected with the original two.
By 1967, the New Port of Miami assumed all the functions of
the old port. (Later, the old site became Bicentennial Park.) On De-
cember 29, 1968, the $5 million first five passenger terminals were
formally dedicated. Port Director Irwin Stephens, a retired admiral,
proceeded with the ceremony even though the International
Longshoremen's Union was on strike. At the time of the dedication,
the terminal was only two-fifths complete. The total plan called for
five separate "piers," each capable of handling about 2,500 passen-
Port of Miami 23
gers.5 Within a year of its opening, only the Port of New York could
claim more cruise passengers.52
The eastern end of the island was designed for 2,000 feet of
dock aprons with two roll-on/roll-off platforms serving four trailer
ships at one time. The south channel, adjacent to the area just de-
scribed, had another roll-on/roll-off platform that served an additional
two ships. These platforms bordered a container and trailer assembly
area. Adjacent to this specialized cargo area were two more cargo
sheds which were specifically designed for the "stuffing" of trailers
and containers. They were designed as Shed C (90,000 square feet,
completed in 1970) and Shed D, expanded to 140,000 square feet in
1975. A seventh cargo building, Shed G, consisted of 138,000 square
feet and became the Miami home of CCT. In 1981, an auxiliary truck
maintenance building was constructed for CCT's use in repairing
their trailers, containers, and heavy equipment.53
Miami's location was a great asset for rapid growth. Miami
offered the closest U.S. port to the Caribbean and most of Latin
America, as well as the Eastern coast of Africa. This advantageous
location created a greater profit margin for importers and freight
forwarders. As the transportation costs were reduced and delivery
dates expedited, there was a natural increase of profits. This held
especially true for cargo that was being transshipped. In 1960, the
general cargo economic impact to Dade County was $5,512,420. By
1979, this impact had increased by thirty-fold. In 1960, 411,170 tons
of cargo were processed, and by 1981, 2,757,374 tons were pro-
cessed. It was also in 1981 that the port embarked on a quarter billion
dollar expansion project. Marketers again picked up on Flagler's
historic phrase, "Watch the Port of Miami," using it as a major
promotional slogan.54
In addition to this tremendous increase in cargo handling, the
number of passengers increased as well. In 1960, the port processed
136,275 passengers and 1,029,687 in 1976-the greatest number of
passengers ever processed in worldwide travel. By 1981, the number
had increased to 1,567,709. In 1982, as a result of this heavy pas-
senger traffic, over one-third (29) of the world's operating passenger
ships sailed regularly from the Port of Miami.55
The port has encouraged the development of roll-on/roll-off cargo
service and acted as a pioneer in this field. Because of this pioneering
action, by 1983, the Port of Miami led all U.S. ports in RO/RO
cargo. Because of this, the Port of Miami did not have to rely on the
24 TEQUESTA
Florida economy for success, as much of the processed cargo origi-
nated elsewhere. This was especially true for transshipped containers.
By 1983, 36 modern trailer ships (they also carry containers) called
Miami home.56
Just as the operating philosophy of the port has pioneered new
passenger and cargo methods, it has also encouraged the development
of academic and scientific centers. In 1967, the Environmental Sci-
ence Services Administration, now the National Oceanic and Atmo-
spheric Administration (NOAA), selected the Port of Miami from 114
competing areas as its base of operations for oceanographic research
vessels. The first NOAA vessel was the $10 million M/V Discoverer.
A four-building shoreside and maintenance base and an 800-foot long
slip for the research ships was constructed for NOAA near the center
of the south half of the port. The University of Miami's Rosenstiel
Institute of Marine Sciences shares the use of the slip and some of the
other facilities.57
The original 25-Year Master Plan (1969) for the development
and expansion of the port called for 17,000 linear feet of peripheral
berthing. However, the rapid growth rate of the port was not antici-
pated. The 1979 expansion program called for the creation of an
additional 295 acres of land and two towering container cranes (40
long tons each). In March 1983, both cranes were fully operational
and the tagline of the port was modified to add "The Container Port
of the South" to "The Cruise Capital of the World," a designation
attained 10 years earlier.58
One of the main catalysts for the port's growth was the 1966
decision by Norwegian Caribbean Lines to use the port as its base of
operations. When NCL established its operations there, the total number
of passengers was down because of adverse publicity from two cruise
ship fires. The presence and marketing effort of NCL, which intro-
duced cruises that had immediate public appeal, is credited with stop-
ping the decline.9
In 1966, NCL introduced the highly successful M.S. Sunward
with one class cruising on three- and four-day cruises. In 1968, they
introduced the M.S. Starward, the first ship to offer year-round seven-
day cruises to Jamaica. Then in 1970, the M.S. Skyward became the
first ship to make regular stops at Cap Haitian, Haiti, which subse-
quently became a popular cruise port. In 1972, NCL offered a 14-day
cruise, the first since the 1950s. By 1975, NCL was the only com-
Port of Miami 25
pany offering three Caribbean itineraries. In May 23, 1980, N.C.L.
brought in the S.S. Norway (formerly The France), the largest pas-
senger ship in the world.'
The port's growth exploded beyond expectations. The 1961
master plan had projected 850,000 passengers by 1985, a figure
surpassed 12 years ahead of time in 1973.61
The year 1973 was to become the port's new benchmark of
success, attaining the nation's cruise capital status, based on the
number of cruise ships that provided regular service from the facility.
Three years later, the port was regarded as the cruise capital of the
world, processing more than one million passengers annually. By
1979, one-third of the world's cruise liners worked out of the port and
the annual passenger total climbed to more than 1.3 million.62
The appointment of Carmen J. Lunetta as port director in 1979
marked the beginning of a new era. Under his aggressive leadership,
the level of port activities expanded as never before.63 The Twenty-
Five Year Master Plan, then just 10 years old, had to be completely
rewritten. Expansion moved so quickly that it was necessary for the
consulting firm of Post, Buckley, Schuh, and Jurnigan, Inc. to main-
tain an office at the port. Mr. Blaise Lionelli, project manager for
Post Buckley, soon became as well known as anyone on the Director's
staff. Because of the port's exciting development, expansion and growth
became everyday topics.6
Today, the main ship's channel is 40 feet deep and can accom-
modate the world's largest passenger ships. Office space at the port
has tripled to more than 100,000 square feet. Moreover, six more
transit sheds have been completed, berthing increased by 40 percent,
and a total of 20,800 feet of railway track was added. The sailors'
recreational needs were also addressed with a tennis court, track,
soccer field, gym, and an Olympic-size swimming pool.65
Though the past has been bright, the future looks even brighter.
The master plan at the time of this writing looks to fully developing
Lummus and Sams Islands which are adjacent to the present facility,
thus doubling the present cruise and cargo facilities. This plan has
four distinct phases and the estimated cost for the entire project is
$230.3 million. The completion date has been set for the year 2000,
but if past performance holds true, it may occur much earlier.66
Certainly the records indicate that such rapid advancement is
possible. Consider the following chart:
26 TEQUESTA
Year Revenue Passengers Cargo67
1981 10,339,907 1,567,709 2,757,374
1982 11,867,619 1,760,255 2,665,921
1983 14,201,008 2,002,654 2,305,645
1984 15,943,548 2,217,065 2,287,281
1985 17,135,048 2,326,685 2,333,026
1986 18,223,415 2,520,571 2,405,784
1987 19,933,197 2,633,041 2,425,937
1988 26,489,275 2,502,411 2,602,556
1989 30,035,859 3,100,055 3,206,417
1990 32,236,465 2,734,816 3,590,937
1991 36,033,262 2,928,532 3,882,284
The economic importance of this very rapid growth is not lim-
ited to maritime operations alone. It includes related enterprises such
as hotels, restaurants, trucking and handling of food, related travel,
etc. This economic ripple effect was pegged in 1981 at a value of
$1.76 billion. In 1986 the figure was $3.1 billion and in 1991 the
figure increased to $5.27 billion.68
Today, the growth and development of the port remains unprec-
edented. Restricted from further eastward expansion due to the Fisher
Island development the port has turned its sites back to its beginnings,
back to Flagler's Biscayne Boulevard site. In any case, one statement
is worth remembering today: "Watch the Port of Miami."
Port of Miami 27
The growth of the Port of Miami from the days of rail to the number one
ranking by passenger count in the world is typified by this photo of the
sailing ship, Christian Radich and the ultra-modern Song of Norway.
(Historical Association of Southern Florida, gift of Arthur Chapman)
Endnotes
1. Letter from J.T. McLaughlin to A.P. Upshur, January 16,
1842. Naval Records, Information Relating to the Service of the
Navy and Marine Corps, p. 109. See also National Archives, Early
Wars Branch, Adjutant General's Office, Orders and Special Orders,
Volume 10, 1837-1838 and "Notes on Fort Dallas," Records Group
94, Document File No. 44540.
2. Ibid.
3. Unpublished notes found in the Port of Miami File located at
the library of the Historical Association of Southern Florida (HASF).
Hereafter referred to as "PHF."
4. Ibid; See also Helen Muir, Miami, U.S.A. (New York: Holt
& Co., 1953), 69.
28 TEQUESTA
5. Ibid; See also James E. Buchanan, ed., Miami: A Chrono-
logical And Documantary History (New York: Oceana Publish-
ing,1978), 4-5.
6. Ibid. In 1981, the Port of Miami embarked on a quarter-
billion-dollar expansion program using this quote and developing it
into a marketing/promotional slogan.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid; See also John Sewell, Memoirs and History of Miami,
Florida (Miami: The Franklin Press, 1933), 14.
10. Interview with Estelle Chapman Fay, Lamar Louise Curry
and Lenore McLean. Notes are in the possession of the author. Here
after referred to as "Interviews."
11. PHF.
12. Interviews.
13. PHF, South Florida Maritime History folder in file, 2.
14. Ibid. Sewell is honored with a historical marker located in
Seaman's Park at the port.
15. Ibid.
16. PHF, Greater Miami Port Plan.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid; See also Florida State Planning Board, Miami and
Dade County (New York: Bacon, Perry & Daggett, 1940), 3.
21. PHF.
22. Florida State Planning Board.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid; See also Samuel J. Boldrick, "The Ship That Stopped
The Boom," Update (June 1975), 8-9.
26. Kenneth Ballinger, Miami's Millions (Miami: Franklin Press,
1936), 119.
27. Interviews.
28. PHF; See also Boldrick.
29. Ibid.
30. PHF; Greater Miami Port Association, Port of Greater Miami
(Miami: Greater Miami Port Association, 1932), 1.
31. Ibid, 7-8, 20.
32. Miami's Chamber of Commerce, "Relative Standings, Port
Port of Miami 29
of Miami Fiscal Year, 1937-1938." See also PHF.
33. I. J. Stephens, "The Port of Miami," Update (June, 1975),
3. See also the "Petition for Amplification of Greater Miami Port
Project" (Document 470, 76C, 1st S), (Miami: City of Miami). These
documents detail the military importance of the port as well as its
importance in terms of international trade.
34. James E. Buchanan, ed. Miami: A Chronological And Docu-
mentary History (New York: Oceana Publishing, 1978), 35.
35. Ibid., 36.
36. PHF
37. Ibid.
38. Stephens, 3-12.
39. PHF
40. Ibid.
41. Ibid. Fraser was a true maritime pioneer who helped to
create the modem cruise industry.
42. Hugh B. Cave, Wings Across The World: The Story of the
Air Transport Command (New York: Dodd Mead and Company,
1945), 163-174.
43. PHF; "Decrepit Port is City's Now," Miami News, October
18, 1956; "Neglected City Docks Have Turned Away Ships for Lack
of Space and Facilities," The Miami Herald, December 16, 1956;
"Miami Neglects Marine Port, Boots Its Port Plan Again," Miami
News, February 6, 1957; "Ocean Port Neglected, It Rates 35th in
U.S.," The Miami Herald, December 16, 1956, 6G.
44. Stephen Trumbull, "Port Plans Bring Hot Arguments," The
Miami Herald, September 22, 1956; "What is the Proper Role of
Miami's City Docks?" The Miami Herald, September 22, 1956; "Key
Site Again Eyed For Port," The Miami Herald, February 6, 1957.
45. Juanita Greene, "New Port Waits at Crossroads," The Mi-
ami Herald, April 26, 1956; "What's To Do About Miami Port, The
Miami Herald, October 14, 1956; "City Faces Challenge on Sea-
port," The Miami Herald, April 19, 1959; Paul Einstein, "Port Battles
Slug In Open," The Miami Herald, May 8, 1959.
46. Ibid.
47. Metropolitan Dade County, Administrative Order 60-5.
48. PHF, Port Handbook.
49. Ibid.
50. Ibid.
51. PHF, Greater Miami Port Plan and Port of Miami History, 2.
30 TEQUESTA
52. PHF, Port of Miami Fact Sheet, 1980, 3-9; JoAnn Werner,
"Port of Miami Opens $5 Million Terminal," The Miami Herald,
December 30, 1968.
53. PHF.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid, Norwegian Caribbean Lines, travel brochures and travel
agenda for the M.S. Starward and history of NCL, 1-6.
57. PHF.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid.
61. PHF, Port Fact Sheet 1980, 9.
62. Ibid.
63. M.R. Stierheim, "Appointment of Seaport Director Memo,"
January 16, 1979. Carmen J. Lunetta replaced Captain Robert Waldron
who retired in 1978, The other directors were Admiral Irving J. Stephens,
Arthur Darlow and Charles A. Olsen.
64. PHF, Port Fact Sheet 1980, 4.
65. Ibid, Port Fact Sheet 1980, 4-5; See also Annual Reports.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid.
Miami During the Civil War, 1861-65
by Col. James C. Staubach, U.S. Army (Retired)
During the War Between the States the only inhabitants of the future
Greater Miami area were a few hardy pioneers around the Miami
River. Nevertheless, the isolated community got involved in the con-
flict. Some Miamians ran the blockade, one fought for the Confed-
eracy, and at least one resident worked for the Union Navy which
raided and burned in the area.'
The Environment
In the mid-19th century the lower third of the Florida peninsula
was a unique and unknown subtropical wilderness dominated by the
Everglades. The Glades were, and remain, unlike anything else in the
world. Entering the Everglades is like walking outdoors onto an end-
less, flat, grassy terrace ablaze with sunlight.2 Before the massive
drainage projects of the early 20th century, this "River of Grass"
covered most of South Florida. It was exceptionally dangerous to
venture into the Glades in the 1860s. Except for the Seminoles, only
a few naturalists, determined surveyors, and military men pursuing
hostile Indians had penetrated its vast expanse.
James C. Staubach was born on Miami Beach in 1944, grew up in Miami's
southwest area and graduated from the University of Miami with a
bachelor's degree in history. Later he obtained a master's in history from
George Mason University in Fairfax, Va., and worked for six years for the
Military History Division of the National Archives in Washington, D.C.
His 26-year military career, in both the active Army and the Army Re-
serve, included combat tours in Vietnam and Kuwait. While teaching
Army ROTC at the University of Miami in 1986, he took Dr. Paul George's
local history course for which this paper was begun as a term paper.
Staubach retired from the Army in late 1993 and is now teaching Army
Junior ROTC at Manatee High School in Bradenton, Fla.
32 TEQUESTA
Dry land along the lower southeast coast consisted of a narrow
coastal ridge, six and one-half miles wide, wedged between the Ev-
erglades and the Atlantic Ocean. Stretching west to east across this
ridge from the Glades to the Atlantic was a river known as the Miami
River. The source of this clear freshwater river was in the Glades and
it emptied into the Atlantic at Biscayne Bay. The nucleus of the
pioneer community of Miami was here where the river met the bay,
its isolation making it a virtual island.
Despite the presence of freshwater, the land was unsuited for
conventional agriculture. Shallow soil covered a dense shelf of oolitic
limestone and the highest spots were covered by pine woodlands and
palmetto shrubs with mangrove hammocks close to the shore. Huge
swarms of mosquitoes, from which smoke pots and nets offered only
partial relief, infested the area. Overall it was a harsh and challenging
environment.
Lack of transportation compounded the geographic isolation of
early Miami. No railroads, roads or trails connected South Florida
with the remainder of the state. Most travelers arrived by boat from
Key West, Miami's outlet to the world. About 140 nautical miles
from Miami, Key West was a fair sized port city in 1860 and the
second largest town in Florida. It was culturally a southern city with
a population of 2,862 people, including 451 slaves and 160 free
blacks.3 Before the war a schooner, the Joshua Skinner, made one
round-trip a month from Key West. The vessel left Key West on the
eighth of the month and sailed from Miami on the 25th. It carried
mail, freight, and an infrequent passenger.4
The only way to get to Miami by land was to walk the beach
along the wild and unsettled east coast. The only inhabitants between
Miami and Jupiter Lighthouse, about 80 miles north, lived at Fort
Lauderdale.5 Travelers from Miami had to walk the beach for another
25 miles north of the Jupiter Lighthouse to reach a small cluster of
homes at St. Lucie Inlet on Indian River. The closest community was
another 35 miles north.6 It took "barefoot mailmen" three days to
cover the route between Miami and Jupiter. Among the most unique
mail carriers in American history, these intrepid pioneers went bare-
foot to keep their shoes dry while walking on the hardest part of the
beach where the water washed and the footing was best. They carried
mail from St. Augustine 315 miles to Miami and back. A blazing sun
as well as panthers, alligators, bears, and sharks in the inlets made
this a dangerous and sometimes fatal trek.7 Because of its inacces-
sibility, few people visited Miami, and the loneliness was oppressive.
Miami During the Civil War 33
The Indians
Indian troubles during the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s helped keep
the visitors away. A symbol of Miami's vulnerability to hostile Semi-
noles was also the dominant structure in the area: the Cape Florida
Lighthouse at the tip of Key Biscayne. In a well-publicized incident
in 1836, the Indians attacked this white, 95 foot brick tower killing
the assistant and leaving the keeper for dead. Twenty years later, in
1856, the Seminoles ambushed and killed two settlers in what is now
Coconut Grove. The whites were not entirely innocent, having sold
adulterated gunpowder to the Indians. These shocking events discour-
aged many settlers and dashed the hopes of those who had plans to
establish a major settlement on the site.9
When the danger was greatest, the settlers found refuge with the
U.S. Army at Fort Dallas located at the mouth of the Miami River.
The Army used the fort during the last two Indian wars as a base of
operations against the Seminoles. During the final period of occupa-
tion, 1855-58, known as the Third Seminole War, the soldiers made
many improvements to the area. Lieutenant Abner Doubleday, later
falsely known as the inventor of baseball, led construction of a 16-
foot wide road from Miami to Fort Lauderdale. The Army recon-
structed two stone buildings originally built by William English. English
had a plantation on the Miami River and planned to build the "Vil-
lage of Miami." The Army incorporated these stone buildings into
Fort Dallas. They were both two story and measured 95 by 17 feet
I- 7
A view of Fort Dallas, published March 1871 in Harper's New Monthly
Magazine in J.B. Holder's article, "Along the Florida Reef." (Historical
Association of Southern Florida, 75-50-1)
34 TEQUESTA
and 42 by 20 feet. Using local wood and imported lumber, the sol-
diers added five new officers' quarters, a hospital, guardhouse, maga-
zine, stables, and other smaller buildings. During this period the
complex consisted of approximately 13 buildings with no walls.0 It
greatly impressed a visitor in March of 1858 who wrote, it was "a
beautiful sight; the stars and stripes floating from a tall flagstaff
erected on the parade ground, all clean and covered with Bermuda
grass . planted with flowers, shrubbery and vegetables of all
kinds." "
The Army left Fort Dallas in the hands of caretakers and the
locals put the buildings to good use as a residence, trading post, and
temporary quarters for newly arrived settlers. It remained the center
of the pioneer community throughout most of the second half the 19th
century.12 After the third and final Seminole Indian War ended in
1858, a small number of undefeated Seminoles slipped deeper into the
vastness of the Everglades, but the continual warfare had damaged
Miami's reputation.
The Pioneers
The pioneers who stayed to make a home in this wilderness
depended on the ocean as a link to the world and as a source of
income. A busy sea lane was directly offshore and parallel to the
coast. During the first half the 19th century, one of the leading ac-
tivities was "wrecking," or the legal and illegal salvaging of ships
stranded or destroyed on the treacherous Florida Reef. In the 1850
and 1860 Censuses some reported their occupation as "mariner," a
euphemism for wrecker. By 1861 improved maps, steam powered
ships, and the Cape Florida Lighthouse reduced the number of wrecks
along the coast.
Right: The sketchmap of Miami, circa April 1861, was created with
information from a number of sources: Richards, "Reminiscences;"
Sketch, Headquarters Map File L-89-24, 1855-1857, Records of the Office
of the Chief of Engineers, Record Group 77, Cartographics Division,
National Archives, Washington, D.C.; Lieutenant Robinson's map, in
Parks, Miami The Magic City, p. 35; maps drawn by Surveyor F. H.
Gerdes, 1849, "Miami: The Way We Were, The Miami News, February
16, 1985, p. 4C; and in addition, many sources cited in footnotes contain
information about locations of natural features and structures.
Miami During the Civil War 35
!wflhmt U
orns .$ir
Tom ston 0
Dma cr&
5traW
KHammocks
- owy pcks.
jones Miff
* Adams
Wisscff
t
Lewis'
MAro, Miff
, Staor
oc 'Barow
ncti Sowlt
ast(su
Shoals
Biscayne Bay
36 TEQUESTA
The production of starch from the native comptie plant became
more important to the economy, and on the eve of the Civil War it
was the leading occupation. The comptie plant, which grows wild in
the pinelands, is a small cycad with foot-long green fronds like a
miniature palm. Comptie starch, produced by the grinding of the root
into a white powder, could be used for laundry or as a flour substi-
tute. To grind the roots the settlers used large mills with water wheels
powered by the Miami River, as well as horses and small, hand-
operated machines. They consumed the starch and sold it at Key West
for $12 a barrel. Arrowroot Starch was the product's commercial name.
Along with wrecking and making starch, the settlers tended their
gardens, grew fruit trees, and lived off the local fish and game. Most
settlers engaged in all these activities."3
This harsh and isolated environment discouraged settlement, and
at the start of the Civil War there were probably fewer than 150
settlers in the entire southeast portion of the state, an area of 6,000
square miles. In the future Greater Miami area, the 1860 Census
reported only 28 settlers, but 40 is a more realistic estimate. These
pioneers, like most modern Miami area residents, were immigrants
from another area, state, or country. Of the 28 settlers listed in the
1860 Census, 14 were foreign born and some were former soldiers or
civilian employees of the Army.'4
We know a great deal about William Wagner and his family
because in 1903 his daughter Rose provided an invaluable chronicle
of the war years in a series of articles for The Miami News. She was
nine years old when the Civil War began and recorded her remi-
niscences 38 years after the war. Although much of her account must
be attributed to what she learned from others during her long life in
Miami, her story is vivid and informative. Her father, William Wagner,
had been wounded in the Mexican War and brought his family to
Miami between 1855 and 1857. He was a sutler with the U.S. Army
during the last military occupation of Fort Dallas and later probably
worked for a Capt. Sinclair operating a comptie mill on a tributary
of the Miami River. Steam powered this large mill. Sinclair also
owned two schooners that made trips between Miami and Key West.
Wagner's homestead was on the same tributary as the mill. It became
known as Wagner's Creek.'5
Wagner's family consisted of his daughter Rose, a wife of Creole
extraction from Charleston, South Carolina, and two sons. He met his
wife in Charleston while recuperating from a leg wound received in
Miami During the Civil War
THE 1860 CENSUS OF DADE COUNTY FLORIDA
THE SETTLEMENT OF FORT DALLAS
George Lev ij,
Theodore Bissell
William A Johnson
Nicholas Adams
John Adams
Frank Smith
John Jackson
William H Bennett
Henry Cold
John Braman
Trcille Howell
Stephen Ramnsden
Thomas Payne
William Wagner
Michael Axer
Francis L. Hammond
Michael Chairs
George Chairs
Thomas Addison
George Marshall
Robert R. Fletcher
MNar)
Amanda
Rosalia
Antonio Gomez
Merced
Manuel
Antonio Montesmoca
40 Mt
56 M
21 MN
39 NM
37 MN
36 MI
5r M
40 M
53 NM
45 NM
29 M1
6 NM
46 MN
35 M
35 MN
30 M
50 Mi
18 NM
35 MN
60 MN
59 MN
50 F
20 F
17 F
34 NM
17 F
5/12 M
12 MN
mfr. of Arrowroot
mir. of Arrowroot
infr. of Arrowroot
carpenter
mariner
mariner
mariner
mariner
mariner
mariner
day laborer
farmer
printer
mfr. of Arrowro'tl
mrfr. of Arro'root
mfr. of Arrowroot
mrfr. of Arrow root
mir. of Arrow rooi
brickmason
farmer
physician
houekccper
seamstress
searstIre-s
mariner
huuckeepcr
Florida
Conneclicut
Flonda
Pru i-ia
Prussia
Hano'er
Norway
Lile of Jersev
Norway
Denmark
Virginia
New York
Mlassjchueits
Baden
Darmscadt
Ireland
France
France
Florida
Englland
Virginia
Florida
Florida
Flonda
Portugal
Canary Island-,
Florida
Florida
the battle of Cerro Gordo, Mexico. Mrs. Wagner, the former Eveline
Aimar, was of mixed racial ancestry and the Wagners may have
chosen to make a home in the wilderness to escape the prejudice of
the time.16 The 1860 Census reported Wagner's occupation as "manu-
facturer of Arrowroot," and his age as 35.
Across the river and toward the beach was the home of Dr.
Robert R. Fletcher who was 59 years old in 1860. He lived with his
wife and two daughters, Maude and Roselyn, on two acres of land
38 TEQUESTA
next to the river. Fletcher, who moved to Miami from Indian Key in
the 1840s, reported his profession as physician, but he also ran a
trading post on the river's south side, and like many of his neighbors,
also made starch. Originally from Virginia, Fletcher was a southern
sympathizer."
Also on the south side of the river was the home of George
Lewis. He was a member of a prominent pioneer family that had
received an early land grant in the vicinity. Lewis returned to Miami
in 1858 from Houston, Texas, where his family had moved in 1837
to escape the Second Seminole War. Accompanying him to Miami
were two nephews, two nieces, and a slave named Ben Tiner. Lewis
brought money to invest. One of his first enterprises in 1858 was a
starch mill on the Arch Creek Natural Bridge, built with the help of
a business partner, Dr. Fletcher. Lewis also did business with George
Ferguson, who was the postmaster and acknowledged leader of the
community. Ferguson's home was on the river at "Ferguson's Land-
ing," (today's 800 N.W. 13th Street). He owned a store and the
largest starch mill in the region on a 40-acre tract. It was Ferguson's
second mill, located at the spot where today's N.W. 12th Avenue
reaches the river."8 His first mill had been located on the north fork
of the river about five and one-half miles east of the bay and at the
very edge of the Everglades where the water ran very fast and was
known by the inhabitants as "the rapids," a highly exaggerated de-
scription. 9 This mill had earlier employed as many as 25 workers and
exported starch to Key West by the ton.
Lewis purchased Ferguson's property in 1858 and began operat-
ing the businesses in 1860, but made starch on a smaller scale. He
was 40 years old in 1860. Lewis's nephew and Ben Tiner helped him
manage the businesses he purchased from George Ferguson, who
moved to Key West and became a prosperous merchant there.20 Find-
ing life too lonely, Lewis' nieces left.
On the south fork of the river about a mile from its source was
the home built by the Adams brothers, John and Nicholas. It had two
stories and a large rock chimney. Aged 37 and 39 respectively in
1860, both men were recent immigrants from Prussia and ardent
southern sympathizers. Nicholas was a skilled carpenter who worked
as caretaker of the Fort Dallas buildings after the troops left. For a
time he also worked as a wrecker and beachcomber while maintaining
his garden and fruit grove. Like most settlers, he made starch occa-
sionally. During the last Seminole war he served as the barefoot
Miami During the Civil War 39
mailman for Miami, and had many narrow escapes from the Indi-
ans.21
The home of Theodore Bissell was farther west on the south
fork of the Miami River. He served in Tallahassee as a state representa-
tive from Dade County in 1858, '59, and '60. His fellow pioneers
looked forward to his return to Miami because he brought news of the
outside world and stories of the impending war.22
Michael Axer, or Oxar, lived across the river, east of the Bissell
home. Aged 35 in 1860 and nicknamed "Dutch Mike," he was from
Darmstadt, Germany. His homesite was on a spring at Wagner Creek.,
On the bay about three miles north of the river lived Michael Sears,
or "French Mike," who was 50 years old in 1860. From Alsace-
Lorraine, his name is "Chairs" in the 1860 Census and sometimes
appears in the records as "Zairs." Arriving in 1858 with his son
George, 15, and his daughter Caroline, 5, Sears cleared bayfront
land, built a house with a loft, and constructed a dock. Later he also
built a starch mill, raised a few hogs that ran wild, and planted fruit
trees. These included coconut trees that made his home a distinctive
landmark for mariners. A trader when he could get anything to sell,
Sears cruised the coast in his sloop searching for wrecks or cargo
washed up on the beach. At times the entire family went on scavenger
hunts along the beach, but usually Sears left his daughter alone when
he and his son went wrecking or sailed on frequent trading trips to
Key West. When the Civil War threatened, Sears arranged for a
family in Key West to take care of his lonely little girl, and his son
went north to a small community on Indian River.
French Mike had a close neighbor, Dan Clarke, who was single
and without a family. A former sailor, Clarke raised pigs and horses.
In 1877 his housekeeper was a black woman, Lizzie Holland. She
may have been his slave before the war. No one else lived on upper
Biscayne Bay."
The other settlers living in the vicinity when the Civil War
began included Isaiah Hall and Simeon Frow. Hall, who had several
residences, arrived in 1858 with a wife and six children. His home-
stead was on the coast just south of what is now Matheson Hammock
Park, Frow, head lighthouse keeper at the Cape Florida Light since
the year of his arrival, lived on Key Biscayne next to the lighthouse.
He was born on the Spanish Island of Minorca of an English father
and a Minorcan mother.
40 TEQUESTA
Among other people mentioned by Rose Wagner are Mr. Barn-
hart, who may have lived at what became Buena Vista or Lemon
City; Mr. Farrell, who lived north of the river; Captain W. H. Benest,
who lived somewhere in the area, and John Braman who lived on
what is now Miami Beach at a point directly across from the mouth
of the Miami River. There was also George Marshall, a 60-year-old
farmer and longtime resident from England.
In addition, Rose Wagner wrote about the former lighthouse
keeper, Dr. C. S. "Doc" Barron, whose home was at the "Punch
Bowl"-the site of a natural spring located on the coastal ridge about
two miles south of Fort Dallas. Passing mariners frequently used the
spring.
A Tom Paine also appears in her newspaper story. Relating
Paine's earlier location to 1903 Miami, Rose Wagner reported that he
resided "between the River and a rock quarry on 7th Street." John
Addison, a scout during one of the Seminole Indian Wars, lived in
Cutler. "Long John" Holman, another former Army scout and bare-
foot mailman, may have been a resident during the Civil War.5 Reason
Duke and family lived directly across from Fort Dallas where the
river meets the bay and may have been a resident in 1861.
A 1942 view of the "Punch Bowl," also known as the "Devil's Punch Bowl"
and "Harney's Punch Bowl"-the site of a natural spring located near
today's Rickenbacher Causeway. (Historical Association of Southern
Florida)
Miami During the Civil War 41
Ned Beasley owned and made improvements on land which is
now the bayfront south of today's Peacock Park at Coconut Grove.
His name was listed on the 1830 Census and appears in several
surveys and maps of the coastline. He continued to own and perhaps
live on the site during the Civil War. In 1868 he formally applied for
the first homestead south of the Miami River.26
To date the author has been unable to identify other persons
living in the Miami area at the outbreak of the Civil War, except for
the names of a few individuals listed in the 1860 Census. Yet, it is
clear from the sources that other unnamed individuals lived in the
vicinity on the eve of the Civil War. For example, William Wagner's
grandson mentioned squatters who lived on Snapper Creek and raised
vegetables before the war.27
In 1860, Miami's pioneers were experiencing a mini-depression
caused by the U.S. Army's abandonment of Fort Dallas.28 Despite
their distance from other cities and towns, the Miami settlers heard
about the impending war. Some residents predicted that the coming
conflict would bring more scarcity and were afraid to live in such an
unprotected site. Captain Sinclair sold his share in the mill on Wagner's
Creek and moved to South Carolina to look out for his interests there.
Wagner's oldest son was murdered by George Marshall in front of
Lewis' store while Marshall was in a drunken rage. It was a harbin-
ger of the tragedies to come. At the time, Dade County lacked a peace
officer and Marshall escaped before the sheriff from Key West ar-
rived. Before his hasty departure, Marshall sold 160 acres of land to
Dr. Fletcher. The sale took place on February 23, 1861, a little more
than a month before the war began.29
The War Years
Florida, a state culturally and economically tied to the lower
south, seceded from the Union on January 10, 1861. On April 12,
1861, the forces of South Carolina fired on Fort Sumpter and the war
was on. With the smallest population in the Confederacy, Florida was
never an important theater of war. Within Florida, Miami was too
small and too far away from population centers to interest either side.
According to a Union Navy Board in 1861, the southern Atlantic
coast of Florida was "hardly inhabited and of no great consequence
except as a convenient resort for pirates."30 On the east coast of
42 TEQUESTA
Florida the rebel state government concerned itself only with forti-
fying Jacksonville and St. Augustine, 315 miles north of Miami."
The federal authorities had not totally abandoned the area; they
continued to operate the lighthouses along the coast. The rebels be-
lieved them to be detrimental to their cause and of great benefit to the
"enemy fleet." By April 1861, this string of lights from Jupiter Inlet
to the Dry Tortugas were the only ones left along the entire Confed-
erate coast. The lighthouse keepers had divided political loyalties but
honored their important responsibility to mariners and wanted to keep
their jobs.
A small group of rebel sympathizers, organized by a customs-
house officer at St. Augustine named Paul Arnau, set out to put the
lighthouses out of commission. The partisan group dismantled the
light at St. Augustine before moving south. At Cape Canaveral, they
ran off the lighthouse keepers before removing the equipment. The
lighthouse at Jupiter Inlet was next put out of commission by August
Oswald Lang, who had been the assistant keeper at Jupiter and may
have also lived with the Adams brothers on the Miami River for a
time; by Francis A. Ivy, who had also been an assistant at Jupiter;
and by James Paine who lived near Indian River Inlet. They were
encouraged, and maybe accompanied, by Paul Arnau, The group
turned away the Jupiter lighthouse keeper, Joseph F. Papy, and hid
important parts of the mechanism. The keeper and one assistant, who
were unharmed by the rebels, passed through Miami on their way to
Key West.32
The partisans Lang, Ivy, and two other men (one may have been
Arnau) then began the long journey south to Key Biscayne to put out
the Cape Florida Lighthouse. Paine stayed behind. They arrived at
Biscayne Bay, obtained a small sailboat, and set sail for the light-
house on Key Biscayne. At midnight on August 21, 1861, the keeper
Simeon Frow and Raynor, his assistant, were in the tower with the
sturdy iron door bolted on the inside. Both Frow and Raynor had
weapons and instructions to guard the light with their lives. They had
boasted that they would defend themselves if attacked. The keepers
had also said that their station was so close to the Key West shipping
lanes that their plight would be detected long before they would be
compelled to surrender. One of the partisans, (probably Lang) who
knew Frow and was aware that Frow expected supplies from Key
West, called up to him that he had news from Key West. As soon as
the unsuspecting keepers unbolted the door, the four armed partisans
Miami During the Civil War 43
took them prisoner. According to Paine, both men then professed to
strongly favor the south. Lang, Ivy, and the others seriously damaged
the glass lens and carried away other important parts of the mecha-
nism and several weapons. The partisans then released both keepers
stranding them on Key Biscayne since they lacked room for them in
their small boat. The assistant keeper promptly deserted and went
over to the rebels. Frow set out for Key West as soon as possible. On
his arrival Frow claimed that four raiders had identified themselves
as "The Coast Guard led by Captain Arnon [Arnau] from St. Augus-
tine."33
In a letter to the governor of Florida, Paine, Lang, and Ivy
explained that they were motivated by a "desire to serve their coun-
try." They "performed a journey of about 140 miles, 90 of it on foot,
being exposed to a burning sun and drenching rains, and with a very
scant allowance of food.""34 The assistant secretary of the Navy in
Washington, G. V. Fox, described the men responsible as a "gang of
pirates from 'San Augustine'.""35 Surprisingly, the darkening of the
Cape Florida Lighthouse caused the Miami settlers no problems.
What caused a major dilemma was the federal seizure of control
at Key West and the naval blockade of the entire southern coastline
ordered by President Lincoln. A few residents, including Doc Barron,
left when the war broke out. For most, whose only homes and live-
lihood were in Miami, there was no way out.36 Since Miami was on
the southern mainland, it was Confederate territory in the eyes of the
Yankee military forces and the pioneers found themselves confronted
by a hostile army and navy.37 Union officers could control Biscayne
Bay at will and dominate any shore site whenever they chose to send
sailors ashore because there was no Confederate military unit or
civilian authority within hundreds of miles to oppose them. Other
than scattered local guerrillas in the interior and on the west coast, the
only Confederate force in southern Florida was a small garrison in
Tampa, a force of fewer than 100 men. On the east coast the only
official southern force was at St. Augustine, and the Confederates
evacuated the city on March 10, 1862, early in the war.38
Yet Yankee control of southern Florida was sporadic and the
Union Navy made only random visits to the Miami area. South Florida
was the responsibility of the East Gulf Blockading Squadron, which
made its headquarters at Key West. This small Squadron had a mis-
sion to blockade the entire Gulf Coast of Florida, the Atlantic Coast
south of Cape Canaveral, and the upper Caribbean.39 The squadron's
44 TEQUESTA
leaders were more concerned with patrolling Indian River which was
deeper and closer to population centers than Biscayne Bay.
But the settlers who took an "unauthorized" trip risked prison
or confiscation of their boats. Because of the blockade, the tiny com-
munity was more isolated than it had been for years, and about this
time several settlers also left. Isaiah Hall became a pilot for the Union
blockading squadron. The Southerners in the area made life difficult
for him and his family so he moved to the Fort Lauderdale vicinity.
His reported antislavery views could not have helped his popularity.'
On the rebel side, Dr. Fletcher's son, Robert, served in Company K,
4th Florida Infantry Regiment, a unit of the Confederate Army.4
According to one account, "Dutch Mike" was conscripted into the
Confederate Army.42
"Now came the critical time. .," Rose Wagner recalled. The
mail boat stopped its monthly visits and Captain Sinclair's boats were
seized for debt, Before the blockade, the pioneers had grown accus-
tomed to supplies from Key West, including salt to preserve food.
Now they had to live on what they could provide for themselves.
They took up raising poultry and livestock, hunting, and planting
their gardens. Wagner had success planting in a hammock, having
learned from the Seminoles that this was the richest type of soil. Self-
sufficiency was the best choice for the pioneers. Even when the set-
tlers could get supplies from Key West, they were very expensive.
For example, flour cost $17 a barrel, an outrageous price in those
days. Also, what extra food could be produced could be sold to the
military or to other civilians.43
Despite the pioneers' resourcefulness, provisions got scarce.
According to Rose Wagner, often her family was . .compelled to
sit down to a dish of comptie starch scalded in clear water with
nothing else to fill up." It seems unlikely, however, that starvation
was ever a reality, considering the abundance of fish and other re-
sources. The usual wartime diet was fish, potatoes, and pumpkins,
but shortages were a real problem for the community and something
had to be done.
The pioneers believed "blockade running" was worth the risk.
French Mike took a chance first and sailed his small sloop to Key
West for provisions. He succeeded in avoiding the blockaders and his
return with a load of provisions restored the optimism of the pioneers.
It was a daring venture, but the small amount he brought back was
soon gone and the community resolved that another trip was needed.44
Miami During the Civil War
Blockade runners. (Historical Association of Southern Florida, 81-93-6)
Wagner and Nicholas Adams next set out for Key West in the
boat Adams built in Miami. They were cautious and first secured
permission for the trip from Lieutenant Commander Earl English of
the U.S. Gunboat Sagamore. This blockade ship patrolled the coast
from Key West to Indian River. At Key West, Wagner and Adams
also obtained authorization to take back provisions to Miami from the
commanding officer and from a "Captain Malloy." This considerate
naval officer was W.D. Malloy, acting masters mate, commanding
the U.S. Schooner Ariel, another blockade vessel. His ship would
capture a blockade runner in Biscayne Bay later in the war.45 The
Union forces only granted approval to load what they thought neces-
sary to sustain a single family for a short time. This policy gave the
settlers incentive to make unauthorized trips.
Some chose to make regular runs between Nassau and Florida.
Their ports in Florida ranged from Indian River on the east coast to
Tampa Bay on the west coast, and the Yankees captured more than
one runner sailing from Jupiter to Nassau. The absence of large ports
and sizable population centers in southern Florida, as well as the size
of their vessels, suggests that they were small-scale smugglers at best.
Besides, there was no practical land route to or from Miami and
blockade runners could only sell their cargos locally. Nevertheless,
46 TEQUESTA
any trip without permission of the Union Navy was "running the
blockade."
Avoiding Union gunboats was easier with the Cape Florida and
Jupiter lighthouses dark. These towers were no longer centers of
Union control and observation. Also without their beacons, some
federal ships were destroyed by the reef. Soon the commander of the
U.S. Army's District of Key West and the Tortugas, Brigadier Gen-
eral John M. Brannon, took action. In April 1862, he sent a detach-
ment of the 47th Pennsylvania Infantry from Key West with civilian
carpenters to repair the Cape Florida Light. The detachment found
the damage too extensive and the mission was aborted.46
John Adams was an active blockade runner, who took advan-
tage of the darkness. Yankee spies closely watched him, but he had
friends in the community who kept him informed about Union activi-
ties. Once the Union Navy thought they had him trapped in the Miami
River, but Adams sailed right past them in the river without being
seen.47 He had another narrow escape at Hillsborough Inlet near Tampa.
The federal found his provisions, tools, and papers compelling him
to return to Miami. Adams was captured soon afterward by Union
forces and taken to Key West. Brigadier General Daniel B. Woodbury,
new Army commander at Key West, sent him north to be exchanged."
"After the capture of Adams," Rose Wagner said, "it was now
up to Dr. Fletcher and Mr. Lewis."49 Both men were ardent South-
erners. Milling at the Arch Creek mill they owned together came to
a stop at about the same time that the war began.50 Rose Wagner
thought it was abandoned because it was unproductive, but it could
have been the war and the lack of transport for the starch. Fletcher
stayed on his property but Lewis was an entrepreneur and shifted his
attention to other pursuits such as running the blockade. He sailed
between Miami and Nassau and between Miami and Peace Creek on
the west coast of Florida carrying cargo to exchange for provisions
and other necessities. Lewis' success in evading the Navy soon made
him notorious and he had many enemies, according to Rose Wagner.
The Union forces resolved to stop George Lewis and the other
blockade runners. They began to tighten their grip on the coast and
seize more vessels. One capture, reported by Capt. Malloy of the U.S.
schooner Ariel, occurred on January 6, 1863. He spotted "a suspi-
cious craft in Miami (Key Biscayne) Bay, close under the land."
After a three-hour chase, the Ariel captured the vessel, which turned
out to be the sloop Good Luck from New Smyrna, bound for Nassau.
Miami During the Civil War 47
A typical small South Florida blockade-running vessel, it had a crew
of two men, a cargo of nine barrels of turpentine, and one bale of
cotton. The U.S. District Court in Key West sold the sloop for
$1,401.83.51
The Union Army and Navy also began to come ashore all along
both sides of the lower peninsula of Florida. By 1863, coastal raids
to attack the homes of rebels, salt works, and other facilities had
become a weekly occurrence.52 The Navy visited Miami primarily to
conduct reconnaissance, foraging, or trading missions. In one recorded
trip to the area, the Sagamore left a captured prize vessel at Cape
Florida while the sailors went ashore and obtained about 100 coconuts.
Another visit took place on February 18, 1863. Lieutenant Com-
mander English led an expedition in three boats six miles up the
Miami River and saw "three men and two women living in the wilder-
ness." The sailors brought back sugar cane, coconuts, limes, pota-
toes, and fish. On March 8, 1863, a doctor on duty aboard the
Sagamore wrote from Biscayne Bay, "Dutchman came out after old
newspapers having seen none in a long time. Mr. Wood, Mr. Babson
went inside to see the young damsels--brought off coconuts and pigs."53
This "Dutchman" could have been Dutch Mike or someone with a
German accent.
On July 18, 1863, two small boatloads of sailors from the
Sagamore returned to Miami. They first stopped at the home of Dr.
Fletcher on the river and asked him to take the oath of allegiance to
the United States. He refused to do so. The sailors told him they had
business to attend to up river and would return. They passed silently
up river. The Yankee sailors had never done this before. Soon after-
ward a big cloud of black smoke was seen to rise from the vicinity
of George Lewis' mill. "Fear was pictured on our faces," Rose Wagner
wrote, "we thinking the time had come when we would be left home-
less." The party from the Sagamore burned no more buildings, but
when they returned to Fletcher's home the raiding party led by Cap-
tain English found him willing to take the oath. The sailors carried
a cartload of coconuts, squashes, a barrel of starch, a saddle, crock-
ery, books, and a lead pipe back to their gunboats. These items were
most likely confiscated from Lewis' property. He personally escaped
capture during the raid. The Union Navy doctor who recorded the
event also observed a ship ashore on the reef with wreckers at work
on her. He closed his diary entry with a comment about the pleasant
weather.Y
48 TEQUESTA
The Sagamore continued to visit the area. Her log book shows
that she sailed for Cape Florida with five captured vessels in tow on
August 9, 1863, and arrived at the entrance to the Miami River the
next morning. Despite their action against the "rebel Lewis," the
officers and crew continued to trade with other local settlers. Captain
English and another member of the crew bought one barrel and 12
dozen boxes of comptie at six cents a pound. It brought a price of 15
cents a pound at Key West."5
The sailors may have purchased the starch from the Wagners.
Rose Wagner recalled a group of Union blockaders who came to her
house to buy chickens and vegetables. A Yankee officer gave the
Wagners the first greenbacks they had ever seen. The same officer
came to the Wagner house again, but they refused his money because
they had been unable to use the greenbacks at a store on the bay. The
officer told the Wagners to try again. Before they had a chance, the
merchant who had refused to take the currency the first time told
them he would take all the greenbacks they had to spare.56 Either the
Union forces intimidated the merchant on the bay or he learned quickly
the value of this new currency. The Wagners remained on friendly
terms with rebels also.
George Lewis returned to Miami late in 1863. He visited Wagner
and picked up personal effects and valuable articles, such as deeds,
that he had left with Wagner for safekeeping. Rose Wagner believed
that Lewis left the country to find a home in Cozumel, Mexico, right
after collecting these items. Ben Tiner stayed with the Wagners."
Lewis and others could still come and go undisturbed because there
was no permanent occupation force and the blockading squadron did
not permanently station a vessel in the bay. On one occasion, four
young Key West citizens, who wanted to fight for the South, escaped
from Key West by stowing away on a schooner bound for Nassau.
From Nassau they took a ship to Cape Florida. Once across the bay
they walked to the Jupiter Lighthouse on their way north to join the
Confederate Army.58
Not only was Miami open territory, it was also safe enough for
the Cape Florida Lighthouse to be put back into operation, according
to Theodore Bissell. The former Miami resident and Dade County
representative to the Florida Legislature wrote to General Woodbury
from Key West on December 30, 1863, to persuade the General to
reestablish the lighthouse. Bissell wrote that he had frequently visited
the lighthouse as deputy inspector of Customs for the District of Key
Miami During the Civil War 49
West. He considered the lighthouse generally in a good state of pres-
ervation and stated that all materials necessary to repair and relight
the apparatuses were on hand at Key West. Bissell also wrote that he
was well acquainted with all the settlers in Miami. There were only
15 people living there, and they would pose no danger to the new
lighthouse keepers, he said. In addition, Bissell argued, "The nearest
settlement. .is at least 150 miles away and the country between
almost impenetrable."59 Bissell's position was clear; his ties with Miami
were still strong and the relighting would help promote the area.
Bissell was correct; by this time replacement lamps, lenses, and
reflectors necessary to put the light back in operation had been pur-
chased by the Federal Lighthouse Board and were in storage at Key
West. The reefs bordering Biscayne Bay remained deadly and had
claimed two large Union troopships, the Lucinda and the Sparkling
Sea during one week in early January 1863. But General Woodbury
had already decided against it. In a letter to the Lighthouse Board in
Washington dated May 4, 1863, the Army commander reported that
he opposed reestablishment of the lighthouse because "the existence
of the light might tempt evil-disposed persons to come from a distance
to break it up." He thought a small garrison would be needed to
protect it. Another problem was that mechanics or day laborers would
be difficult to find. "A light vessel anchored inside the reef about one
mile north west of Fowey Rocks would be more useful," wrote the
General, anticipating the establishment of Fowey Rock Lighthouse
that replaced the Cape Florida Light in 1878. He also wrote that he
was familiar with the area and was unconcerned about "the four or
five families living on the mainland who were well disposed."
The U.S. Army took no further action to restore the lighthouse
despite the interest of the Lighthouse Board in Washington and the
recommendation of Lieutenant Commander English of the Sagamore.
After receiving General Woodbury's letter of May 4th, the Light-
house Board deferred the issue."D
In contrast to Theodore Bissell who worked for the Yankee
government, George Lewis engaged in activities that made the federal
authorities strongly suspect him of aiding the rebellion. The Army
finally captured him on the night of January 7, 1864, at Fort Myers,
an abandoned Seminole War fort on the west coast of the state. Lewis
and two other men were accused by the Union forces of making
preparations to destroy the fort to prevent it from falling into Union
hands. One of his companions, a Mr. Griffin, was also a known
blockade runner.61
50 TEQUESTA
The U.S. Army believed that Lewis and Griffin were Confeder-
ate Indian agents who traded cloth, rifle caps, and other items for
livestock. Hogs and cattle from west Florida were an important food
source for the Confederates at this period in the war. The Army held
Lewis and Griffin at Fort Myers until January 16th. From there the
Navy transported them to Key West and put them into confinement
at Fort Taylor, the Union fortress that dominated the harbor.62
Federal authorities charged Lewis with running the blockade,
being an agent of the Confederate government, and serving as Indian
agent or interpreter for the South. They charged Griffin with spying
on the blockading fleet.63 George Lewis was in serious trouble and
faced possible confinement at Fort Taylor for the duration of the war.
Deportation to a northern prison, where the death rate was high due
to disease and overcrowding, was also a possibility.
Fortunately for Lewis, his confinement was brief. On February
3, 1864, Captain Richard A. Graeffe of the Florida Rangers, an
irregular unit composed of pro-Union volunteers and deserters from
Confederate units, sent General Woodbury documents "establishing
Griffin's and Lewis' veracity."'6 George Lewis also had an important
friend in Key West: George W. Ferguson. Ferguson, who had sold his
mill and other property to Lewis in 1858, was a successful Key West
merchant by 1864. He was also a member of the Union Volunteer
Corps of Key West.65 In a letter, he told General Woodbury that the
prisoner Lewis had assured him that he had never taken arms against
the U.S. Government and had never served the Confederate states.
According to Ferguson, Lewis personally assured him that he had
evaded the rebel conscription agents and wanted to remove himself
entirely beyond their influence. These statements are believable con-
sidering that there was no Confederate or state authority in the Miami
area. Lewis was a rebel sympathizer but was also a businessman.
Ferguson assured the general that he had known Lewis for many
years and that he was an honorable man who had unfortunately joined
the southern movement. This was probably a reference to his block-
ade-running activities. Ferguson ended his written appeal by asking
for Lewis' release. He dated his letter February 15, 1864.66
The very next day General Woodbury ordered his Provost
Marshall to discharge Lewis from confinement at Fort Taylor when
Lewis took the oath of allegiance.67 According to Rose Wagner, Lewis
sent his boat from Key West to transport Miamians anywhere they
wished to go. She did not say if anyone accepted the offer. While
Miami During the Civil War 51
i0A~ 01 4_
Fort Taylor, as published in Harper's New Monthly Magazine, April 1871,
in the article, "Along the Florida Reef, by J.B. Holder. (Historical
Association of Southern Florida, 76-58-1)
Lewis was still a prisoner at Key West, Theodore Bissell was making
arrangements to cut pine trees in the Miami area for the Army. Wood
was a scarce commodity in Key West, and the Florida mainland was
the closest source. During December 1863 and January 1864, the
general assigned 20 men with weapons and equipment to the expedi-
tion. The plan called for Bissell to take, if required, "horses now
ranging in that neighborhood belonging to persons in the service of
the C.S.A."68
Rose Wagner recalled a ship from New York anchored off Key
Biscayne to load a cargo of railroad cross-ties. It was a civilian vessel
with a detachment of soldiers as an escort and may have been Biss-
ell's expedition. Mr. Barnhart, from Miami, had the contract. Two of
the young men hired were wearing Confederate uniforms. Someone
reported them to the commander of the blockading fleet who had them
arrested. The same commander later released the men when he learned
about their employment.69
As the war progressed, Union activity raised the number of
military and civilians in and around Miami and provided jobs. Miami
also attracted other pro-Union individuals, such as refugees from
Confederate Florida. When the war began, no one was using Fort
Dallas. During the war, the U.S. Government sent three families of
52 TEQUESTA
refugees to live in the old officer's quarters: the Dotreys, Yomens,
and Halls.70 It was not an easy journey to Miami with or without
official permission. Deserters and evaders from the Confederate forces
had reason enough to make the trip, since it would put the Everglades
between them and the Confederate authorities. Their presence re-
flected severe economic hardship, dissatisfaction with forced con-
scription, war weariness, and cruel retribution taken by the Confed-
erates. Some refugees probably came from the triangular area bor-
dered by Tampa Bay, Charlotte Harbor, and Lake Okeechobee, where
there were many deserters from the Confederate Army.7'
An unlikely mix of people inhabited Miami during the later
period of the war. Some were hiding out from the Yankees. These
refugees lived mainly in shacks and lean-tos back in the pine woods.
Some manufactured pine tar that they sold to the blockade runners for
their vessels. There were people of both political persuasions and
those who only wanted to survive. By 1864, it was not uncommon for
the settlers to see Yankees, rebels, neutralist, or Seminoles. The resi-
dents lived in fear of these strangers. There was great mistrust, and
the pioneers believed some new arrivals to be spies of one side or
another.72
Yet Miami escaped the violence between rebels and evaders
from Confederate forces that plagued the rest of mainland Florida.
Stories of brutalities in other parts of Florida reached Miami, Rose
Wagner remembered Dr. Fletcher telling her and her father about an
atrocity reported in a newspaper article. According to the article, the
Confederates murdered an old man and his two sons because they
refused to turn over a supply of salt. There were rumors of other
cruelties such as conscription agents forcing parents to reveal the
hiding places of their military-aged sons. Miami had no such atroci-
ties. Even the most ardent rebels such as Dr. Fletcher were opposed
to extreme acts. The settlers had a "live and let live" attitude.
William Wagner personified this spirit of tolerance. He did
business with Union men and played host to blockaders while offering
refuge to those on the run from the Yankee Army. One day a Union
soldier, who was Wagner's friend from his Mexican War days, vis-
ited the Wagner home. To show his old friend how fast the new rifles
worked, the Union soldier fired several quick shots behind the house.
When the shots rang out, a man who had been hiding behind a pal-
metto bush took off running. The man thought the soldier was shoot-
ing at him. He had been staying with the Wagners and was hiding to
Miami During the Civil War 53
avoid being seen by the Yankee soldier. After this incident, the indi-
vidual continued to stay with the Wagners but kept in the house when
Union men dropped by, thinking it was safer indoors. This was not
an uncommon event. Every few days the word would come that
Yankees were around and people would suddenly remember that they
had business somewhere else. Rose Wagner said, "You could see
them going past apparently in a great hurry, and as if time were
passing." Wagner did his best to help everyone. With his benevolent
neutrality he avoided confrontation and protected his family.73
Yet it was a somewhat dangerous existence. One day when
Wagner was away in Key West, a drunk sergeant stopped by his
home and almost caused a tragedy. The sergeant's commanding of-
ficer took his stripes for the incident. On two separate days, two men
who were either deserters or soldiers in trouble, came to the Wagner
home. Other soldiers later took both of them away, but no one was
harmed.
A refugee named Green brought in a drove of cattle. To the
Union forces, such enterprises were illegal because cattle from main-
land Florida were products of a rebel state. On this occasion, the
commanding officer of the cross-tie ship was on shore when Green's
cattle were driven in. He gave orders to the soldiers with him to shoot
all the cattle and give the meat to anyone who wanted it. The inhabit-
ants ensured that none was wasted.74
The war was ending up north. Lee surrendered to Grant on
April 9, 1865. One day there were Yankee soldiers everywhere. The
rumor was that the war was over and the troops were looking for
Jefferson Davis.75 The Navy guarded every entrance to the bay. Three
Union steamers and several smaller craft patrolled in all directions
day and night. The Confederate president never arrived, but John C.
Breckinridge, Confederate secretary of war, did stop at Miami on his
way to Cuba, The date was June 6, 1865. Confederate naval officer
and blockade runner, John Taylor Wood, a member of the refugee
party, recorded his impression of the area:
As we neared the small wharf we found waiting some twenty
or thirty men, of all colors, from the pale yankee to the ebony
Congo, all armed; a more motley and villainous-looking crew
never trod the deck of Captain Kidd's ships. We saw at once
with whom we had to deal-deserters from the army and navy
of both sides, with a mixture of Spaniards and Cubans, out-
54 TEQUESTA
laws and renegades. A burly villain, towering head and shoul-
ders above his companions, and whose shaggy head scorned
any covering, hailed us in broken English, and asked who we
were.76
John Taylor Wood pretended to be a wrecker seeking water and
provisions. The large man on the wharf wanted him to come ashore
so he could check his papers but Wood refused. When the refugees
set sail and moved slowly down the river, some 15 or 20 men crowded
into four or five canoes and started rowing out to the sailboat. The
escaping Confederates exchanged shots with the men in the canoes,
hitting two of their pursuers and almost overturning two canoes. Soon
a single canoe approached flying a white flag. Both parties then
agreed that the Breckinridge party could come ashore to buy their
provisions and return in two hours. Time was important to the escap-
ing rebels because they noticed a black column of smoke ascending
from near Fort Dallas. They took the smoke to be a signal to a vessel
in the vicinity to return. A sergeant volunteered to go ashore. On
shore he was taken to the quarters of a Major Valdez, who claimed
to be a federal officer. The major thoroughly interrogated him, being
suspicious of his story, and accused him of being connected with the
defeated Confederates. Valdez was unable to get any information
from the sergeant. During the interrogation the Major told the ser-
geant that he was deliberately delaying the "wreckers" hoping that a
schooner would return. The major had heard about the breakup of the
South but not the capture of Jefferson Davis on May 10th. Valdez
released the sergeant after two hours when the refugees set sail and
it looked as if they were leaving their companion. The Breckinridge
party saw the sergeant rowing out in a canoe and pulled him aboard.
He brought bread, two hams, salt pork, fruit, two beakers of water,
rum, and sweet potatoes. Sailing down Biscayne Bay a "launch"
chased them for three or four hours but they managed to escape.77
The launch may have been part of an expedition that Admiral
Stribling had sent from Key West more than a month before to guard
Key Biscayne and the entrance to the Gulf Stream. Rose Wagner
reported the incident but thought that the visitor was Judah P. Ben-
jamin, Confederate secretary of state. According to her account, the
leader of the party was elegantly dressed and had on a pair of shinny
high top boots, the envy of all who saw them. She reported that the
party stopped at Mr. Barnhart's for water and provisions.78
Miami During the Civil War 55
At Miami, the Union raised the blockade and the motley group
of renegades and deserters moved on. The area was quiet again.
Miami, now almost deserted, was open to both fast talking carpet-
baggers and new settlers.
Conclusion
Miami's fortunes, like the lighthouse on Key Biscayne, stayed
dark for the duration of the conflict.79 The Civil War had an effect
similar to the Indian wars: it thwarted and delayed development. During
the war Miami changed as dramatically as any community in the
south. It went from a small, friendly, ante-bellum collection of fron-
tier homesteads to an island of refuge for deserters, evaders, and
people of all ideologies seeking to escape the war. It was also a no-
man's-land occasionally dominated by the Yankees and an important
source of timber for the Union. The tight Union blockade was unduly
harsh considering Miami's isolation and lack of contact with the
Confederacy. The situation in Miami during the Civil War was unique.
There were undercurrents of mistrust and outspoken political differ-
ences. At the end of the war the many shady characters gave the
impression that it was indeed a "resort for pirates." Yet there was no
internal warfare among the residents or armed opposition to the Union
forces, except the lighthouse raid at the beginning of the war. The
worst violence was the burning of Lewis' home. The absence of any
official Confederate authority was a major cause for the relatively
peaceful situation. Despite Miami's isolation, the experiences of the
residents were not unlike those of their fellow Southerners in northern
Florida, Georgia, and the other Confederate states.
At the war's end, the Wagners were the only family left "up
river." They remained in Miami, and like everyone, were permanently
affected by their wartime experiences. Rose Wagner married, raised
children, and lived in Miami until her death on October 27, 1933, at
age 81. The Wagner home has been preserved by the community and
was moved to downtown Miami's Lummus Park next to the remains
of the old Fort Dallas barracks which had been moved to the site in
1925.
The lives of other pioneers were affected even more drastically.
August Oswald Lang, one of the partisans who darkened the Jupiter
and Cape Florida Lighthouses, reportedly joined the rebel Army and
then deserted. He was the first white man to live in what is now Palm
56 TEQUESTA
The Wagner home, circa 1950s, before it was restored and moved to its
present site in Lummus Park. (Historical Association of Southern Florida,
x-157-x)
Beach County. After the war, he settled on a farm near Fort Pierce.80
James Paine, a partisan who darkened the Jupiter light, was probably
the James Paine who represented Brevard County in the House of
Representatives in 1871 and 1872 and was postmaster at St. Lucie in
1887.1 Soon after the Union Navy captured John Adams, the Yan-
kees sent him to Governor's Island Prison in New York. After the
war, he immediately returned to Miami to claim his belongings. Among
these was a tin full of gold coins that he had hidden in a corner of
the long stone building that was part of Fort Dallas. After a visit to
his old home in Germany, he returned to Miami in 1873. Adams
served for a time as county judge and died in Miami. According to
one account, the rebel army conscripted Michael Oxar.8 If he did
fight in the war, he survived and lived on the river for several years.
He later homesteaded land north of Miami, married and died in Miami.
Tragically, Robert F. Fletcher, the son of Doctor Fletcher, died in a
Union prisoner of war camp at age 28. Captured at Murfreesboro,
Tennessee, on January 5, 1863, the Yankees first confined him in a
military prison at Louisville, Kentucky, before sending him to Camp
Miami During the Civil War 57
Butler where he died. He had served as a hospital stewart3, George
Lewis, who Rose Wagner revered, never returned to Miami. Those
who knew him believed he had been shipwrecked. Benjamin Tiner,
Lewis' former slave, lived with the Wagners until his death in 1869.
Lewis' nephew left home during the war and moved to the west coast
of Florida. The Frow family returned to Key Biscayne after the war.
Simeon's son Joe, his brother, John, and their families operated the
lighthouse during its final dozen years as an active beacon. They
settled permanently in Coconut Grove.84
At least those who chose to stay in the Miami area escaped the
deadly outbreaks of yellow fever that frequently devastated the Key
West population. A major epidemic struck Key West in July 1864.
General Woodbury was one of many who contracted the disease. He
died on Aug. 16, 1864.85
A common struggle for survival brought both the old timers and
the new refugees together. William Wagner epitomized the neutrality
that characterized Miami. The dangers and tragedies brought out the
best in some pioneers. Michael Sears, John Adams, William Wagner,
George Lewis, and others showed courage and risked everything for
their families, friends, and their country.
Endnotes
1. The name "Miami" was in use during 1861-65. The U.S.
Navy used the name "Little Miami." See the naval records cited
below. Mrs. Adam C. Richards, maiden name Rose Wagner, whose
personal account is the primary source for the period, uses the name
for the area near the mouth of the Miami River. She also reported
that the Post Office was called Miami. See Mrs. Adam C. Richards,
"Reminiscences of the Early Days of Miami," The Miami News, Oct
1903, newspaper clipping collection, vol. 3, Agnew Welsh Notebook
36, Florida Room, Miami Public Library, Miami, Florida (hereafter
Richards, "Reminiscences"). Page numbers, which are difficult to
identify due to their illegibility and the disorganization of the clipping
file, are not included in the footnotes.
2. Jeanne Bellamy, "The Everglades National Park Unlike Any-
thing Else in the World," The Florida Handbook 5th ed. (Tallahas-
see: The Peninsular Publishing Co., 1955), 43.
3. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fif-
teenth Census of the United States (Washington: Government Print-
58 TEQUESTA
ing Office, 1931).
4. Richards, "Reminiscences."
5. Marjory Stoneman Douglas, The Everglades: River of Grass,
rev. ed. (St. Simons Island: Mockingbird Books, 1979), 211-12.
6. Rodney E. Dillon, Jr., "South Florida in 1860," Florida His-
torical Quarterly LX (April 1982), 447 (hereafter FHQ); Bissell to
Woodbury, December 30, 1863, Letters Received, 1861-65, Depart-
ment and District of Key West, 1861-68, Pt 1, Records of the U.S.
Army Continental Commands 1821-1920, Pt 1, Record Group 393,
(hereafter RG 393), National Archives, Washington, D.C.
7. Ibid; Theodore Pratt, The Barefoot Mailman (New York:
Duell, Sloan and Pierce, 1943), v-vi.
8. Douglas, The Everglades, 211.
9. Arva Moore Parks, Miami, The Magic City, (Tulsa, OK:
Continental Heritage Press, 1981), 36.
10. Idem., "Where the River Met the Bay: Historical Study of
the Granada Site, Miami, Florida" (Tallahassee: Florida Division of
Archives, 1980), 103-107.
11. Richards, "Reminiscences."
12. Sarah Eaton, "Report of the City of Miami Planning De-
partment to the Heritage Conservation Board on the Potential Des-
ignation of Fort Dallas (William English Plantation) Lummus Park,"
(1983), 6.
13. Thelma Peters, "Settlers Uncover Their Roots," The Miami
Herald, June 3, 1985, lB, 3B.
14. U.S. Census; Parks, Miami, The Magic City, 36.
15. Margot Ammidown, "The Wagner Family: Homesteading in
Miami's Pioneer Era," Manuscript in Research Center, Historical
Museum of Southern Florida, Miami Florida (hereafter HMSF), 35-
36 (hereafter cited as Ammidown, Manuscript); Margot Ammidown,
"The Wagner Family: Pioneer Life on the Miami River," Tequesta
XLII (1982) 9-10 (hereafter cited as Ammidown, "Wagner Family").
16. Ammidown, "Wagner Family," 9-10; Howard Kleinberg,
Miami: The Way We Were (Miami: The Miami News, 1985), 16.
17. A Coast Survey Map from 1849 shows the notation,
"Fletcher's Mill," next to a building on the river's south side. Parks,
Miami, The Magic City, 34.
18. Ibid., 36; Wright Langley and Arva Moore Parks eds., "Diary
of an Unidentified Land Official, 1855, Key West to Miami," Te-
questa XLIII (1983).
Miami During the Civil War 59
19. Letter by Lt. Anson Cooke in 1849 written at Ferguson's
Mill on the Miami River, University of Miami Library, Special
Collections. See Howard Kleinberg, "Soldier guards 'Fort Desola-
tion,'" Series, "Miami: The Way We Were," no. 196, The Miami
News, February 16, 1985, 4C; Peters, "Settlers Uncover Their Roots,"
lB.
20. Langley and Parks eds., "Diary of an Unidentified Land
Official, 1855, Key West to Miami;" Jefferson B. Browne, Key West
The Old And The New (St. Augustine: The Record Co., 1912; fac-
simile reproduction, Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1973),
175, 221.
21. Henry J. Wagner, Manuscript in the Research Center, HMSF,
[1942], Wagner File, 4. He was William F. Wagner's grandson. See
also Henry J. Wagner, "Early Pioneers of South Florida," Tequesta,
IX (1949).
22. Richards, "Reminiscences."
23. Oby J. Bonawit, Miami, Florida, Families and Records,
(Oby J. Bonawit, 1980), 45.
24. Wagner, Manuscript, 5; Thelma Peters, Lemon City, Pio-
neering On Biscayne Bay 1850-1925, (Miami: Banyan Books, 1976),
8-11.
25. Ralph M. Munroe, The Commodore's Story, reprint ed.,
(Miami: Historical Association of South Florida, 1966), 95; Douglas,
The Everglades, 211; Richards, "Reminiscences."
26. Arva Moore Parks, "Ned Beasley and Coconut Grove,"
Update, vol 4 no. 5 (June 1977), 7-8.
27. Wagner, Manuscript, 2.
28. Ammidown, "Wagner Family," 16.
29. Richards, "Reminiscences."
30. Official Records Of The Union And Confederate Navies In
The War Of The Rebellion (hereafter ORN), 30 vols. (Washington,
D.C., 1894-1927), series I, XII, 201-206.
31. William Watson Davis, The Civil War And Reconstruction
In Florida (New York: Columbia University, 1913), 145; Soldiers of
Florida In The Seminole Indian-Civil And Spanish-American Wars
(Board of State Institutions, 1903; reprint ed., Macclenny, Florida:
Richard J. Ferry, 1983), 37.
32. George E. Buker, "St. Augustine and the Union Blockade,"
El Escribano, The St. Augustine Journal of History XXIII (1986), 2-
3; Dorothy Dodd ed., "'Volunteers' Report Destruction of Light-
60 TEQUESTA
houses," Tequesta XIV (1954), 67-69.
33. Rodney E. Dillon Jr., "'A Gang of Pirates': Confederate
Lighthouse Raids in Southeast Florida, 1861," FHQ LXVII (April
1989), 446-450; Buker, "St. Augustine and the Union Blockade," 3;
Dodd, "'Volunteers' Report Destruction of Lighthouses," 67-69.
34. Ibid.
35. G. V. Fox to the Lighthouse Board, September 9, 1861, and
Slip Indexes, Cape Florida Lighthouse, Lighthouse Board Correspon-
dence, vol 126, 140, Records of the U.S. Coast Guard, Record Group
26, (hereafter RG 26), National Archives, Washington, D.C.
36. Richards, "Reminiscences."
37. Conference Report, September 3, 1861, ORN, series I, XVI,
651-652.
38. Buker, "St. Augustine and the Union Blockade,"3; Rodney
E. Dillon, Jr., "'The Little Affair': The Southwest Florida Campaign,
1863-1864," FHQ LXII (January 1984), 315; John E. Johns, Florida
During The Civil War (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1963),
56-57.
39. Ibid.
40. Jean Taylor, Villages of South Dade (St. Petersburg: Byron
Kennedy & Co., 1987); Munroe, The Commodore's Story, 94.
41. "Confederate Service Records of Soldiers Serving in Orga-
nizations From Florida," roll 3, National Archives Microfilm Publi-
cation M225, National Archives, Washington D.C.
42. Bonawit, Miami, Florida, Families and Records, 45.
43. Richards, "Reminiscences."
44. Richards, "Reminiscences."
45. Ibid.;, W.C. Malloy to Gideon Wells, January 8, 1863, ORN,
East Gulf Blockading Squadron, 346-347.
46. Lewis G. Schmidt, A Civil War History of the 47th Regi-
ment of Veteran Volunteers (Allentown: L.G. Schmidt, 1986), 127,
cited by Dillon, "A Gang of Pirates," 455-456.
47. Richards, "Reminiscences."
48. Woodbury to Shubrick, June 3, 1863, Letters Sent, vol. 1,
15, entry 2266, RG 393.
49. Richards, "Reminiscences."
50. Peters, "Settlers Uncover Their Roots," lB.
51. Malloy to Wells, ORN; Case of the Good Luck, "Admiralty
Final Record Books, U.S. District Court, Southern District of Florida,
Key West, 1829-1911," National Archives Microfilm Publication,
Miami During the Civil War 61
M1360, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
52. Barnard E. Church Jr., "The Federal Blockade of Florida
During the Civil War" (Masters Thesis, University of Miami, 1966).
53. Walter Keeler Scofield, "On Blockade Duty in Florida Water,
Excerpts From a Union Naval Officer's Diary," ed. William J.
Schellings, Tequesta XV (1955), 55-72; Log Book of the U.S. Gun-
boat Sagamore, February 18, March 8, and July 8, 1863, Records of
Bureau of Naval Personnel, Record Group 24, National Archives,
Washington, D.C.
54. Ibid.; Richards, "Reminiscences."
55. Ibid.
56. Richards, "Reminiscences."
57. Richards, "Reminiscences."
58. Browne, Key West, 97.
59. Bissell to Woodbury, December 30, 1863, Letters Received,
1861-65, Department and District of Key West, 1861-68, RG 393.
60. Woodbury to Shubrick, May 4, 1863, 15, Letters Sent,
Entry 2266, RG 393; Lighthouse Board Journal, 1862-67 and Slip
Indexes, Cape Florida Lighthouse, 1861-65, RG 26; Dillon, "A Gang
of Pirates," 456.
61. Woodbury to Stone, January 22, 1864, Pt. 1, War Of The
Rebellion: A Compilation Of The Official Records Of The Union
And Confederate Armies, 128 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1880-1901),
series I, vol. XXXV, 461.
62. Ibid.; Woodbury to Gausler, January 16, 1864, Department
and District of Key West, 1861-68, RG 393, cited in Dillon, "The
Little Affair," 324.
63. Letters Sent, 211, Entry 2266, RG 393; Denning to
Woodbury, January 7, 1864, Letters Received, Department and Dis-
trict of Key West, 1861-68, RG 393.
64. Graeffe to Woodbury, February 3, 1864, Letters Received,
Department and District of Key West, 1861-68, RG 393.
65. Browne, Key West, 174, 221.
66. Ferguson to Woodbury, February 15, 1864, Union Provost
Marshall One Name File- George Lewis, Records of the Adjutant
General, Record Group 109, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
67. Woodbury to Provost Marshall, February 16, 1864, Letters
Sent, 231, Entry 2266, RG 393.
68. Woodbury to Quartermaster, December 29, 1863, Letters
Sent, 192; Woodbury to Col. Good, January 22, 1864, Letters Sent,
62 TEQUESTA
Entry 2266, RG 393.
69. Richards, "Reminiscences."
70. Henry J. Wagner, Manuscript, 5.
71. John F. Reiger, "Deprivation, Disaffection, and Desertion in
Confederate Florida," FHQ XLVIII (January 1970), 293-294.
72. Richards, "Reminiscences."
73. Ibid.
74. Ibid.
75. Ibid.
76. Alfred J. Hanna, Flight Into Oblivion, (Richmond: Johnson,
1938), 175.
77. Ibid, 175-181; See Richards, "Reminiscences."
78. Richards, "Reminiscences."
79. The Cape Florida Lighthouse was put back into service on
April 15, 1866. Lighthouse Board Correspondence, Lighthouse Ser-
vice, vol. 126, RG 26.
80. Review of James R. Knott, "Palm Beach Revisited: Histori-
cal Vignettes of Palm Beach County," FHQ LXVII (April 1989),
520,
81. Dodd., "Volunteers Report Destruction of Lighthouses," 68.
82. Bonawit, Miami, Florida, Families and Records, 45.
83. "Confederate Service Records of Soldiers Serving in Orga-
nizations From Florida," Roll 3, National Archives Microfilm Publi-
cation, M225, National Archives, Washington, D.C.; Fletcher's grave
is not at the Camp Butler National Cemetery, on the site of the
original Civil War internment camp, near Springfield, Illinois.
84. Jim Woodman, Key Biscayne the Romance of Cape Florida
(Miami: Miami Post Pub. Co., 1961), 46; information supplied by
Arva Moore Parks.
85. Letters Sent, Entry 2266, vol.1, RG 393.
A Problematical Law: The Armed
Occupation Act of 1842 and Its Impact
on Southeast Florida
by Joe Knetsch and Paul S. George
How do you defend a vast frontier wilderness against an enemy that
had only recently engaged the United States government in the cost-
liest of all Indian Wars? How do you exploit and develop enormous
new lands and resources quickly and inexpensively? How do you
pressure recalcitrant Seminoles into moving west without provoking
another long, costly war? For many, the answer to these questions lay
with the Armed Occupation Act of 1842.
A native of Michigan, Joe Knetsch moved to South Florida in 1969, living
for four years in Fort Myers, and 12 in Broward before moving to Tal-
lahassee. As historian with the Bureau of Survey and Mapping, Division
of State Lands, Florida Department of Natural Resources, Knetsch has
conducted extensive research in the history of state-owned lands. He
holds a doctorate in history from Florida State University and a master's
from Florida Atlantic University. He is a frequent contributor to South
Florida History Magazine as well as Broward Legacy, Florida Historical
Quarterly, the Sunland Tribune and the Gulf Coast History and Humani-
ties Review.
Paul George has been a teacher, author and student of his hometown's
history for two decades. He obtained his doctorate in history from Florida
State University and is currently assistant professor in Social Sciences at
the Wolfson Campus of Miami-Dade Community College. He also serves
as historian to the Historical Association of Southern Florida. George is
past president of the Florida Historical Society and past director of the
Broward Historic Board. One of Miami's most popular historians, hun-
dreds know Dr. George from his historic neighborhood walking tours and
boat tours conducted throughout the year. He lives in Miami with his
wife, Laura, and son, Paul Jr.
64 TEQUESTA
As envisioned by the Act's creator, Senator Thomas Hart Benton
of Missouri, a force of daring settlers capable of bearing arms would
be attracted to the Florida frontier in return for an offer of free land.
The conditions for settlement appeared simple and generous: Each
settler would receive a quarter section of land (160 acres) provided
he lived on it for five consecutive years and built upon it a "fit
habitation." Homesteaders were required to be single men 18 years of
age or the head of a family and they were responsible for clearing and
enclosing five acres of previously undeveloped land. The actual settle-
ment had to take place within one year of the passage of the Act.
Most of the land earmarked for settlement by the law lay south
of modern-day Gainesville. This acreage was not surveyed. Once the
official government survey was completed, settlers had one year to
appear before a tribunal and prove that they had complied with the
law.'
The land tribunal consisted of the register and receiver of the
land office, who was located in St. Augustine, a great distance away
for settlers in southeast Florida (defined here as the area from the
Indian River settlement south to the northern Keys), who sought to
take advantage of the terms of the Act. The law also held that a land
recipient could not settle in Indian territory, on lands previously granted
to others, within two miles of an active military post, or on lands
reserved for military purposes. School lands, which comprised the
16th section of each township, were also excluded from settlement
under the Act. Recognizing the realities of frontier life, the Act al-
lowed the heirs of a settler who died prior to the end of the five-year
period to inherit his patent to the land.2 Although the language of the
law appeared to have been clear, complications arose, affecting many
of its recipients in southeast Florida.
One hundred and forty-four permits were granted in the area of
southeast Florida, of which 66 were annulled for failure to comply
with the specifications of the law. From the Indian River settlements
south through the northern Keys, therefore, 78 patents (deeds) were
verified. Within the confines of the current boundary of Dade County,
29 people received patents and 12 more had their permits annulled.
Assuming that the average family size for each recipient was five (not
counting slaves), 390 people settled the area under the terms of the
Armed Occupation Act.
Almost all of the settlers were farmers or traders attempting to
raise a variety of crops, including sugar, tobacco, coconuts, plan-
tains, bananas, pumpkins and citrus trees.3 Some of the more enter-
prising settlers dug ditches and built mills for the production of ar-
rowroot starch (called variously coontie, or comptie).
Following passage of the Armed Occupation Act, U.S. Deputy
Surveyors instituted surveys of the area. Upon completion of a sur-
vey, the surveyor was responsible for informing the homesteader that
the survey had been completed and that he had one year to appear
before the register and receiver. The surveyor also informed a settler
that his tract of land must conform to a surveyed quarter section of
land. The instructions to Deputy Surveyor George McKay stated:
All Permits under the Armed Occupation law must conform
to the section lines. In all cases in which settlements have been
made under the provisions of that Act upon lands not surveyed
before, the issue of the Permits the settler can take continuous
or contiguous half quarter sections so as to include his improve-
ments and as much of the land desired by him not exceeding
One hundred and sixty acres. And the settlers must designate
to you in writing the 1/2 quarter sections for which he wishes
a Permit.... if he should fail to designate them as directed,
you will locate his Permit in connexion with his main improve-
ments.4
Once the surveys were completed and the report of the improvements
accepted, the patent would be issued to the settler and clear title to
the land was assured.
One of the first complications arose with the permits granted to
several settlers at Key Largo and Boca Chica in the northern Keys.5
Since the Florida Keys had been reserved for military purposes by
presidential order, those settling this region were technically in vio-
lation of the law. This situation led to a protracted correspondence
between William Simmons, the St. Augustine Register of Lands,
Surveyor General Robert Butler, U.S. Land Commissioner Thomas
Blake and Secretary of War James Porter. Two years elapsed before
anxious settlers on the Keys learned the fate of their permits. As the
"Department (War) has exercised no control over them, and that they
are not now required for military purposes .. ," the commissioner
considered the permits valid provided the settlers complied with the
law in all other respects.6 By 1849, just one settler, William H.
Bethel, had lost his permit for non-compliance.7
66 TEQUESTA
A more serious problem for Armed Occupation Act settlers was
the proviso that they appear in front of the tribunal and prove their
compliance with the Act within one year of the official survey. For
many settlers, life on the frontier was difficult enough without having
to incur the expense, time away from work, and risk of traveling
through sometimes hostile territory to provide evidence of their settle-
ment. Through the assistance of Florida Senator David Levy, the
General Land Office eased its requirements for personal appearances.
As Commissioner Blake stated: "There is nothing in the law and
instructions quoted incompatible with allowing settlers, to whose claims
there is no op-
position, to ,o S -a A
make their U ... pn.-.. i .e Aftae p ... pp ..., .. day., a, Aogu.t. A D 3.
ow n deposi- ,tl -"*Aba l"eporid..., r itil...ll. l..fllail i..i.i..> .... ,,r .
tions and have o J a1 tuIom it m.- ronicrvr:
their w witnesses I. soT p I ..s ine ..a m 1 ki.i ...r ...... r ,....-.. ... ii.....
examined be- E,,AfRr. rd.. proerUnJOmcora ,MIT 0-ii
fore a local ...r n u...mBuc ,n,.ud utl i l l o,,n l.l^ ,,iin ...
Wpi-mm -i i an s Wd> les, s.*.dNwhw hoeline, Aditeld a elicnmdeAc rilnl.
magistrate ` .,w m.. a &~Z O.--/ t af-, .asQ_
duly autho- AX-a- 00
rized."8 This 1., .Y.,A;
interpretation i'" L"i .i'"Ir df."." .i"'.",I... ,"" ,i.
Iyr put otrib UniJ, B(i a abl drd aln garrilMw" n tli m o e t'slu i I .tlK i an d
also meant that- ... I n .... Ir. ..
a local official W*th .a S .r- ..iC awl a *r 'c-
would have to .- .
examine the . / ,c*..y"" li.eo "a -
witnesses and .u ,l / .
forward all
evidence under .
his official ..
seal.
At least
one settler ran
afoul of the
provision 1
against home-
steading upon
lands already ..i-...-.-... .....-.
granted to .... .i........
Thomas Marshall permit. (Courtesy of Arva Moore Parks)
someone else, a distinct possibility because of earlier Spanish land
grants. On May 27, 1843, Commissioner Blake wrote to St. Augus-
tine, informing land officials that Walter D. Everston had been grant-
ed a permit to settle on the lands of a private grant. Blake instructed
the register to ascertain the facts surrounding the grant and make a
determination. If it was found that Everston's land was within the
grant, his permit was a nullity; if not, and if he still was within the
purview of the act, he was to be granted another permit to settle on
public land.9 By January 1844, after Blake had filed his listings with
Congress, Everston's name appeared, as a valid permit."0
The most
r. a *r, '... 4 r ^y,.,..- ..--' common rea-
ui. ,,..r'in .'d lAc o.,8..n.ms o-rt,,ih," id" ..I.......... I. is. son for the an-
r, .. "... .nulment of a
C.0 all itorm it mn11v r O r- *: permit was the
.ionk -hyis n tr, u-n". cl* prori" i' """ i failure to actu-
lrenIlyTotllo iRA6is rort "ropr rLn odOi ,"l]..ir :';": ."- ally live on
a -... ,I ,,.,,,, ...;.. ,.. I and cultivate
l.-wt 1I W o7'--- '..y the land. Sev-
a.- y A n-a' -f eral settlers
and tht It ht D e rca t-si lo d lr ia flue l nonlll n -h o "
.,.,., ~~. ._ ,. lost their land
I., a ba dt mttlmant bhin int,an d is am wit.'in. m in this manner.
y pL lh Unilted -&-m atIllislwiI an grril.nu.t, :t .e:::: :.
ti.. s i. k-n..I. i iind i. ai' :- This pattern
i. .was true for
the entire pen-
*I .. t... ..... r ..rl Rminsula as well
as southeast
,- Florida,
One of
the most vex-
-_ ing problems
for settlers
/ ,. / ... stemmed from
/-. .. .i. .... the absence of
-, a,-*^-m =.-. -f -,...aa~t4A'C~4-~. a public sur-
. o .... "-, .. .. , 4, vey to define
d-,,Z ,/ /6Uel-'ia land holdings
.' in southeast
Florida. Be-
John R. Mitchell permit. (Courtesy of Arva Moore Parks)
68 TEQUESTA
tween 1843, when most of the permits were issued, and 1845, when
George McKay conducted the first survey of the area, settlers had
"staked" their claim to the land they desired. Many made substantial
improvements to the land and expected to keep it. However, this
would not prove to be the case.
The basic problem here was not the survey itself, but he lan-
guage of the Act. As noted above, the Act entitled each settler to a
quarter section, or 160 acres. This tract was also a quarter section of
a larger unit, 640 acres, which appears and is measured in the form
of a square. Thus, if a settler's property fell into an officially desig-
nated quarter
section, all was ,,,.., ,,,,,,,. .-, -' .
w ell. If, how 5,aA.. .. I,.,,, f .. ; uAc^' .rr- ... "l. A.. ,
ever, a settler's .\.a..a . . .
crude measure- .-s \o a tljames t ~aoutra' on', A,
m ents fell into N1T1 i d.. p r.I of a r4,., I," .tM.. .
two or more ,,, .r. pra.c .,1dL l ltl u,ti.i
section ns, he Z.. r. v ., h-. a..ta-a lo-a, I"-"i -"ss iW "hlic n"i
could expect ,,.e,,,h .r, '.r,.o Ia n i:oea)'.
problems. On ., ..
this point, the ,,, ,-
Land Office ,,, .. in i .aao ii r',. a a'' -
a y p.a1 lrC i Unoti e dS.t. .tablislnd mg. W. omd ulie" tat il'mATnurh atllecna ool
was uncompro- a I,..... i. ,a. ....ao,. I ,a ,a- u.r .n,,i.,, .;n.o,
missing If a .
settler had in- --\ _
advertently .. l ,.
homesteaded
on two or more
partial sec- '
tions, he would '"- f -*t.t /- Z ^^.-A ':
be allowed to .. .,t 67
choose other ,k.
public lands
which would
give him, as a -a-Zer... t 7 i- '
close as pos-, r
sible, 160 acres
in a complete
quarter section. -..a4-a
Gilbert L. Herbert permit. (Courtesy of Arva Moore Parks)
Here, frontier expediency met bureaucratic intransigence.
Two such settlers caught in this bureaucratic nightmare were
John L. Knapp and A. F. Woods, neighbors on the Little River, seven
miles north of the Miami River. On May 6, 1845, John Knapp wrote
to Deputy Surveyor George McKay, attempting to convince the offi-
cial to intervene on his behalf. Knapp noted that, according to the
survey, his land would no longer be bounded by Little River but by
nearly eight or nine chains across it."2 This would deprive his neigh-
bor, Woods, of his house and all of his improvements. Here the
illogical nature of the law could ruin his friend. "We have about 20
acres each of
.. ,: ..... a, ,,, ,o hummock land
cor. .,..;. . i..... t.... .... . the residue is a
.,' o.., ,, .,,,,,. .. poor barren
Ere InI I K s 'u &0 troiV n( -. soil not worth
O It: I.iy ,ii ti, I.I.. ,, ,* ,,.r, ,I.,, tw o cents the
Jhli ery pply to he lIegislerl'ii'iro ir I .d 0t,(H;:T ;i itUi MI r t l T..,l 1,,,, acre," he
.Ai .lri ,.fnid.w. r ......of. *.lini .... l...ii . l. laiBd I [| .ul..1l. li d i. j I i. W rote. A gain I
,n .i,,,,,, a ._--. pray govern-
^aid. ,rhi-. / /w *ment not to
aitd that 1 .J --= 1 r i 'lljrn ill la | l'i~l .--
..'., deprive us of
I"ha, t 0i%.o i, ... i ..... . i i,,.,. that little boon
.. ... ..... , -. ... w which she has
fir,,, ... so graciously
I tendered and
"2--1=-,._,, er. "- ... -- which we are
^ t ^ 3Z^ ^7, ES occupying.""
e 4^ &. / ct` '.i Woods
-,t ,,J/' ,,........ ,o also wrote
'McKay. His
t /.7f 4i-d- / .., &^ g letter of May
n ^ /30, 1845, not
only contains a
plea for his
,a Ile land, but it also
i provides a re-
markable de-
scription of life
in southeastern
John E. Garey permit. (Courtesy of Arva Moore Parks)
70 TEQUESTA
Florida at that time. The letter began on a note of defiance and anger.
Woods declared that he would not alter the lines of his own settlement
or abide by McKay's survey. If he were to agree to the government
survey he would lose almost everything. Should he move one way he
would lose his house, part of the mill, and other improvements. Should
he relocate in another direction he would lose most of the arable land.
A move in a different direction would put him onto his neighbor's
improved claim. Clearly these moves to satisfy the exact letter of the
law, as interpreted by the General Land Office, would not do."4
What was at stake here can been seen from the fact that, accord-
ing to Woods, he had erected a mill for processing arrowroot (coon-
tie), constructed a framed and boarded house, was cultivating to-
bacco, citrus crops, plantains, sugar cane, figs and cocoa nuts and
had dug a mill race six feet wide, between two and four feet deep, and
five hundred yards long. All of this, along with a vegetable garden,
would be lost if he agreed to the survey.15
If the problem of bureaucratic resistance did not frustrate the
settlers, the harsh frontier environment sometimes did. This milieu
included the omnipresent fear of an Indian uprising. In July 1849, a
"mild Indian scare" took place when two men on the Indian River
were attacked; one settler lost his life. Two others lost their lives at
Payne's Creek near Charlotte Harbor.16 The loss of human life was
tragic enough, but much else was lost, too. The entire frontier from
New Smyrna to Fort Dallas on the Miami River was virtually aban-
doned. The thriving settlements on the Indian River, from Fort Pierce
to the St. Lucie River, disappeared.17 The scattered settlers on the
New River fled for Key West.1 A generation would elapse before the
regions around the Indian and New Rivers would again host settle-
ments.
The War Department received information on the Indian scare
in a letter dated July 17, 1849, from Brevet Colonel C. F. Smith,
commanding the 2d Artillery at Fort Marion.19 Included with the
letter to the Adjutant General, Brevet-Major R. Jones, was correspon-
dence, from General Joseph M. Hernandez, then mayor of St. Augus-
tine, and from Colonel John J. Marshall. Marshall's note recounted
the Indian River killing while requesting aid. Smith's reply to Marshall
is fairly typical of the expectations some held toward the settlers who
came to Florida under the Armed Occupation Act:
But I do not regard the burning of a few houses at Indian River,
as indicative of a determination on the part of the Indians for
war, but rather as an act of retaliation for some injury fancied
or real-with which they will remain satisfied... If it becomes
necessary, I can furnish muskets and cartridge. I need scarcely
add that the best reliance of the inhabitants ought to be upon
their own efforts.2
Smith did not send immediate aid.
Two days later, on July 19, 1849, Florida's U.S. Senator David
L. Yulee contacted Secretary of War George W. Crawford and re-
quested that Col. Smith be ordered to establish "a post at Indian
River, and one at New Smyrna, which would enable the population
to hold their ground, and guard against a similar distress to that
which now excites the community."21 Yet, even with Yulee's plea,
little was done and the settlers decided to leave for St. Augustine.
Most did not return to the Indian River and none, as far as is known,
took up arms during the Third Seminole War.22
By July 22, 1849, the alarm had spread to the Miami River. On
that day, William F. English, a "settler at the mouth of the Miami
River," had contacted Lieutenant D. N. Conch (Couch), the army
commander at Key West, requesting protection against a possible
Indian attack. Lt. Couch was reluctant to send assistance, but after
receiving a second note from the Miamian reporting Indian camp fires
five miles from New River, the officer took 20 men with him and
proceeded to the Miami and New Rivers. 23
On the same day, George W. Ferguson, another settler on the
Miami River, addressed a letter to Secretary Crawford. Ferguson also
requested the scattered settlements in the region. Ferguson wrote:
Upon the express reaching New River and Miami the settlers
at once united at their respective places and made such prepa-
ration for defense as circumstances permitted. I shall leave this
place [Key West] in the morning for Miami where I have re-
sided for the past five years and am now somewhat extensively
engaged in the manufacture of arrowroot by water power; but
the terror created by this report will, I fear, prevent all possi-
bility of pursuing our business without the presence of an
armed force sufficient to secure to us the safety which we must
otherwise preserve to ourselves to the sacrifice of our usual
employment. You will see the necessity of the case; I there-
fore appeal to you for such assistance and protection as our
exposed situation demands and the authority and discretion
of your department permits.4
72 TEQUESTA
Again, on July 22, Secretary of the Treasury W. M. Meredith,
forwarded a letter to Crawford from Stephen E. Mallory, collector of
customs at Key West, describing the state of affairs in southeast
Florida. According to Mallory, "The people along the coast have all
received the news, and have abandoned their fields and banded them-
selves together at Jupiter, New River, and Cape Florida, for defense
... In view of the condition of matters here, there being no transpor-
tation for the military stationed here, to reach Indian river, all plant-
ing operations in the settlements must be suspended until the dispo-
sition of the Indians can be ascertained."25
From Mallory and Couch's letters, it appears that the army,
after the passage of the Armed Occupation Act, had made no provi-
sions to assist the settlers in southern Florida. Instead, it assumed that
the new inhabitants could and would defend themselves.
By July 31, 1849, Lt. Couch had completed his reconnaissance
of the situation along the Miami and New Rivers. His report is revealing:
Sir: I have the honor to report that I sailed from Key West with
20 men of my command on the 23rd instant for Cape Florida,
where I arrived the morning of the 25th. At the extremity of
the Cape were found all the settlers, from the Miami river, and
part of those from New river, with their families, Negroes, etc.,
etc. From these people I learned nothing tangible, yet suffi-
cient to convince me that their fears of an outbreak among the
Indians were far more imaginary than real 'Indian signs' be-
ing reported at New river, I took the 'settlers' on board, and
proceeded to that place. I here found three men who had been
'stampeded' like others, but since had scoured the country for
twenty miles up the coast and back to the Everglades. No 'In-
dian signs' were seen, and (I) deemed it useless to go farther;
leaving the settlers that were take up, and returned the same
day to the Miami.
After making some slight reconnaissances, and remain-
ing sufficient time to see the settlers reestablished at their
homes, assured as to their safety, I left, safely reaching my post
last evening.
The cause of undertaking this expedition was set forth in
a letter to your office, from me, dated July 22.
I am sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
D. N. Couch
Lieut. Art. Commanding at Key West.26
73
ofi Sou rF X-sa49- 1Mv Mifwn *Vir
S ; fettrnte m t. t we Ay. .t e a
unelie hi sup ,- f a-
*. -. 1 ... ;- !'-
....' Te.-
of S u e ; ...[Ag --
were only temporary and quite likely speculators. It may have also
OnThis February 1849 Coast Sur, Brevey t-Major R. S. Ripley, who was sentown
to assist the Indian River settlement, wrote to C. (Historical Associthation the
pioneers in the area letter indicated thatving their homes with no intenxpect addiof return-al
addition Indian activities and that south of his position. In his judgment, there by
mwas nothing to justify the fear quotation the parkst of the settlers of an immi-
apparently Indian undeprising-thed his suspicionfear that had prompted minhabitanyts of them toarea
leave their homesteadsry and awaquite likely speculators. It may had been also
cleared of Ind organs before returning. Ripley recognized that "it isa.
On August 9, 1849, Brevet-Major R. S. Ripley, who was sent
to assisure the Indian River settle suffently t i to Col. Smithem to remain
in. the ormes, w ithout inthe p ermane nt stformation onsiderable force
additional Indian activity south of his position. In his judgment, there
was nothing to justify the fear on the part of the settlers of an immi-
nent Indian uprising-the fear that had prompted many of them to
leave their homesteads and await for a time when Florida had been
cleared of Indians before returning. Ripley recognized that "it is
impossible to assure the people sufficiently to induce them to remain
in their homes, without the permanent station of a considerable force
74 TEQUESTA
Recipients of Armed Occupation Act Permits
Dade County
Thomas Weightman
Isaac Russell
S.B. Hill
James Kennedy
George Marshall
Thomas Marshall
Joseph B. Boyd, Jr.
John R. Mitchell
John Knapp
John E. Garey
Joseph Sanchez
Santiago Sanchez
Gilbert Herbert
Diogenes Makay
John Lauderdale
Anionio Giraldo
Walter Eterston
Vento Aquair
Frances Mabrit)
Robert Fletcher
James Johnson
Salisbury Haley
Francis Holden
Ezra Harris
James D. Mason
A.F. Wood s
Robert Roberts
Samual Williams
John Walter
Northern Keys
Thomas Thompson
John Pucker
William BeLhelU
John Curry
George Curry
Samuel Kemp
Phillip Barker
John Lowe
William Lowe
Henr) Geigtor
Year of Arrival
1842
1842
1843
1843
1828
1828
1839
1839
1840
native
native
1841
1840
1837
native
1839
native
nill\e
1830
1841
1841
1837
1832
1843
1843
1843
native
1840
lead of Family
single
single
single
yes
single
single
yes
single
single
single
single
single
single
single
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
single
yes
yes
no data
1839
1825
1837
1843
1837
1832
1834
1839
no data
Annulled Permit Holders
Isadore Banow 1843 single
Anthony Barlow 1843 ees
C.A.M. MilcheU 1839 single
David Edwards no daia single
JoIeph Delespine naiiLe ,ingle
Jamei Higginhoaham 1843 yes
John Etersiun 1838 yes
Obediah Sioddard 1802 single
Raphael De la Tone 1829 single
Charlek Sulliian 1838 yes
Theodore Flotard native single
Adele FloLard 1825 yes
Symore Hlalliday 184] single
in the neighborhood . most of the people who have conversed with
me, appear fixed in their determination not to continue their efforts
until every Indian is removed from Florida."27
Farther south, Lt. Couch sensed similar sentiments on the part
of the settlers. In a letter dated September 3, 1849, Couch noted: "A
few days subsequent to my leaving the Cape, the settlers at New
River, and those in the vicinity of Cape Florida, left their homes and
came to Key West, leaving at the Cape only the lighthouse keeper. I
have offered to establish a post at the mouth of Miami River, if the
settlers wish to return. But I believe that they all expect to be indem-
nified by the government for loss of time, etc."28 From this letter, it
appeared as if all of southeast Florida had been left to the Seminoles.
The position taken by the federal government on the issue can
be divined in a letter to Florida Governor W. D. Moseley, dated
August 10, 1849. According to the missive, two Floridians, L. A.
Thompson and Benjamin F. Whitner, spoke with Secretary Crawford.
They reported that the government would only rely on regular troops
and would not accept Florida volunteers. Eight additional companies
had been ordered to the state and placed under the command of
Brevet-Major-General Daniel E. Twiggs, a seasoned veteran of the
Second Seminole War. Moreover, the army would confine its opera-
tions to a line of posts around the Indian territory with the intention
of keeping whites and Indians apart while attempting to facilitate a
negotiated removal of the Indians under the auspices of a contracting
76 TEQUESTA
agent. Thompson and Whitner also stated Secretary Crawford's dis-
approval of the actions of Governor Moseley who mustered in six
companies of Florida volunteers. According to Crawford, Florida
officials were partially responsible for the murders by extending the
laws of the state over "neutral" territory, and because of their failure
to keep white settlers out of Indian territory. The federal government
favored negotiations and gradual pressure, regardless of the wishes of
the white citizens of Florida.29
This view was not shared by most Floridians. One disgruntled
correspondent wrote to the Wetumpka (Alabama) Daily State Guard:
"Upwards of two months have now elapsed since the first murders
were committed by the Indians, and yet nothing has been done to-
wards bringing them to account, excepting the emigration turning
away from our fertile soil and genial climate, while a band of Indians
keep undisturbed possession of a fair portion of our state . .30
State and federal authorities apparently agreed that those who
settled on the frontier under the Armed Occupation Act did not have
the resources to resist an Indian onslaught. Florida Governor Thomas
Brown's oft quoted remark appears to have accurately summarized
the situation when he said that if as few as 10 Indians remained on
the frontier, "they would suffice to break up and scatter the entire line
of new settlements although tenfold their number, which, although,
composed of occupants under the armed occupancy bill, have neither
weapons, nor the disposition to use them, not one in ten appearing
with arms of any description ..."3 If the Indian scare of 1849 was any
indication of the effectiveness of the Armed Occupation Act at dis-
couraging Indian attacks while stabilizing the frontier, the law fell far
short of expectations.
Who were these settlers? Where did they come from? Seven of
the 29 new migrants to Dade County listed themselves as "natives"
on their permit applications. Eleven of the new Dade residents came
to Florida during the second Seminole War while an equal number
were in the territory prior to the outbreak of hostilities. Thus, of the
29 "new" residents, only seven came to Florida after the end of the
war, when news of the Act had been disseminated throughout the
country. It is highly probable that these migrants hailed from Geor-
gia. James D. Mason, who came to Dade County from Chatham
County, Georgia, and James Higginbotham, who came from Rich-
mond County in the same state (and who did not receive a patent),
were examples of this trend.32
The arrival of settlers under the terms of the Armed Occupation
Act promoted stories on this topic from the St. Augustine News and
the Florida Herald and Southern Democrat. According to the News,
General William Washington brought 52 settlers to Florida from
Savannah in December 1843. This figure included "a goodly number
of the fair sex." Most of these newcomers hailed from the area around
Augusta, Georgia.33 In its edition for April 10, 1843, the Florida
Herald and Southern Democrat reported on another large party of
Armed Occupation settlers who brought "twenty Negroes" with them.'
Another edition of the News noted that St. Augustine "has presented
quite a lively appearance within the last week. Almost every day
witnesses the arrival of the hardly pioneer, wending his way South,
in quest of land." The excitement of new settlement and the prospect
of renewal for war weary Florida was a continual theme of major east
Florida newspapers.35
Clearly, the number of settlers who came to Dade County and
the northern Florida Keys was significantly greater than the figures
given, since 16 of the 29 Armed Occupation applicants for Dade were
married heads of families, while all of the applicants for the area
below Dade were members of this category.
Adding further to this total were, of course, the number of slave
families who were brought to southeast Florida. Unfortunately, no
information is available on their numbers.36
Questions remain regarding the settlers of southeast Florida under
the Armed Occupation Act. How many Armed Occupation settlers
remained in the aftermath of the Indian scare of 1849? Earlier re-
search has indicated that the Indian River and New River settlements
disappeared for a time.37 What was the fate of the settlements at
Miami and Key Largo? According to the 1850 census, Dade County,
though losing nearly 300 inhabitants since the previous census, still
claimed 159 residents.38 By 1855, however, this number had declined
to 96.39
As mentioned earlier, one of the goals of the Act was to create
an armed cordon of settlers to hold the Indians in check. How many,
then, of the permit recipients later served in the Third Seminole War
as members of Florida's volunteers? Of the 39 permits that were valid
in today's Dade County and Key Largo, none of the names of the
holders of these permits appear on the rolls of the volunteers as
recorded in the Soldiers of Florida in the Seminole Indian, Civil and
Spanish American Wars.40
78 TEQUESTA
The Armed Occupation Act provided an opportunity for many
persons to acquire homesteads in a frontier area. The production of
arrowroot starch by some of these homesteaders proved profitable.
However, the Act's impact on southeast Florida was short term, since
its failure to extend protection to those who settled under its terms
caused many to depart, thus preventing the formation of a permanent
population. Moreover, the Act failed to contribute a fighting force to
expel the Seminoles from Florida. Though an interesting chapter in
the history of southeast Florida, the Armed Occupation Act played
only a minor role in advancing the state's development.
Endnotes
1. U.S. Congress, Senate Executive Document No. 39, 30th
Congress, 1st Session. 7-9. For a concise understanding of the Act,
see James W. Covington's, "The Armed Occupation Act of 1842,"
Florida Historical Quarterly 40 (July 1960), 41-53. Michael J. Welsh,
"Legislating a Homestead Bill: Thomas Hart Benton and the Second
Seminole War," Florida Historical Quarterly 57 (Oct. 1978), 157-
172, provides a good discussion of Benton's attempts to enact the
Armed Occupation Act.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid. See also Paul George and Joe Knetsch, "Staking a
Claim in Early Miami," South Florida History Magazine (Winter
1990), 18-19.
4. File: "George McKay-Contracts and Bonds." Drawer: U.S.
Surveyors H-N Land Records and Title Section, Department of Natu-
ral Resources, Marjorie Stoneman Douglas Building, Tallahassee.
(Hereafter, DNR).
5. Ibid. 24-25: These settlers were Henry Geigor, Philip P. Barker,
William Lowe, John Lowe, William H. Bethel, Samuel Kemp, George
Curry, John Curry and John Puke. A list of these people is found in
Senate Executive Document No. 39, 30th Congress, 1st Session. The
actual permits for most of these men are on file at DNR.
6. Ibid: Letters from Registers and Receivers; Vol. 1: 1827-
1856, 71-72. DNR.
7. Senate Executive Doc. No. 39. 167.
8. File Box USLO: 1826-1882. Letter of May 27, 1846, Tho-
mas Black to Register and Receiver, Newnansville and St. Augustine
(DNR).
9. Commissioners Letters-St. Augustine 1835-49. (Available
at P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University of Florida,
Gainesville, Florida. Hereafter P. K. Yonge.)
10. U.S. Congress, House of Representatives Document No. 70,
28th Congress, 1st Session, 48.
11. P. K. Yonge, Commissioners Letters. Letter of June 26,
1844.
12. Standard Surveyor's measure, one chain equals 66 feet.
13. File: "Land Office Notices, Refusals, Acceptances and Sun-
dry Letters Regarding Land Claims and Permits, Surveys." Drawer:
Armed Occupation: Land Permits M-Z. (DNR).
14. Ibid. (File documents are unnumbered)
15. Ibid.
16. James W. Covington, "The Indian Scare of 1849," Tequesta
XXI (1961), 53-63.
17. Joseph D. Cushman, Jr., "The Indian River Settlement, 1842-
1849," Florida Historical Quarterly 43 (1964), 21-35.
18. Joe Knetsch, "A Second Ending: Broward in the Indian
Scare of 1849," Broward Legacy 11 (Fall 1988), 22-24.
19. U.S. Congress, Senate Executive Document No. 49, 31st
Congress, 1st Session. 25.
20. Ibid. 27.
21. Ibid. 28-29.
22. A comparison of permits of these settlers is at Indian River
and the Muster Rolls of Florida Volunteers is found in F. L. Robertson,
compiler, Soldiers of Florida in the Seminole Indian, Civil and Spanish
American Wars (Tallahassee: Board of State Institutions, 1903), 9-
31.
23. Sen. Exec. Doc. No. 49. 31-33.
24. Ibid. 34.
25. Ibid. 38.
26. Ibid. 41.
27. Ibid. 57-58.
28. Ibid. 61.
29. Papers of Richard Keith Call, No. 172-1849, Florida His-
torical Society Library. University of South Florida. Tampa, Florida.
30. Wetumpka (Alabama) Daily State Guard. October 19, 1849.
80 TEQUESTA
31. Sen. Exec. Doc. No. 49. 72.
32. This information is derived from the actual copies of the
individual permits. In the cases cited, James D. Mason held permit
No. 176 and James Higginbotham held No. 358, both from St. Au-
gustine Land Office. Copies are on file at The Florida State Archives,
550 South Bronough St., Tallahassee, FL. or the Florida Department
of Natural Resources, Land Records and Title Section, 3900 Com-
monwealth Blvd., Tallahassee, FL. 32399.
33. "Southern Settlers," St. Augustine News, December 12, 1843.
34. "Southern Settlers," Florida Herald and Southern Demo-
crat, April 10, 1843, 2.
35. "Emigrants Southward Bound," St. Augustine News, July
15, 1843.
36. U.S. Congress, Senate Executive Document No. 39 30th
Congress 1st Session. 7-9. For a concise understanding of the Act,
see James W. Covington, "The Armed Occupation Act of 1842,"
Florida Historical Quarterly 40 (July 1960), 41-53. Michael J. Welsh,
"Legislating a Homestead Bill: Thomas Hart Benton and the Second
Seminole War," Florida Historical Quarterly 57 (Oct. 1978), 157-
172, provides a good discussion of Benton's attempts to enact the
Armed Occupation Act.
37. Cushman, "Indian River Settlement," 21-35; Knetsch, "A
Second Ending," 22-24.
38. Statistical View of the United States-Compendium of the
Seventh Census (Washington, D.C.: J. D. B. DeBow, 1854), 206.
39. Journal of the Proceedings of the House of Representatives
of the General Assembly of the State of Florida at an Adjourned
Session (Tallahassee: 1855), 24.
40. Soldiers of Florida in the Seminole Indian, Civil and Span-
ish American Wars (Tallahassee: State Library Board, 1903), 11-33.
Historical Association of Southern Florida
Membership List
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List of Members 83
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84 TEQUESTA
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86 TEQUESTA
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Dr. and Mrs. Alan Bisno
Mr and Mrs. Stephen Bittel
Mr. and Mrs. Marvin Lee Biver
Mr. William Bjorkman and Ms. Pam
Winter
Mr. and Mrs. David M. Blackard
Mr. and Mrs. Ace J. Blackburn, Sr.
Mr. and Mrs. Jose Blanco
Dr. and Mrs. Harvey Blank
Mr. Timothy Bliss
Mr. and Mrs. Herbert Block
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald E. Biock
Mr. and Mrs. Ted R. Blue, Jr.
Dr. and Mrs. John Bolton
Mr. Steve Boone and Ms. Susan
Peterson
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Born
Mr. and Mrs. Orfilio Borrego
Mr. and Mrs. William H. Bourne
Mrs. A. Rush Bowles
Dr. and Mrs. Russell Boyd
Mr. Leonard Boymer and Mr. Frankie
Supple
Ms. Clara Boza and Mr. Phillip
Carver
Mr. and Mrs. Robert F. Brack
Mr, and Mrs. Daniel T. Brady
Mr. and Mrs. Robert M. Brake
Mr. and Mrs. Kenneth E.
Brandenburg
Dr. and Mrs. Cesar Brea
Mr. and Mrs. Charles E. Breit
Mr. and Mrs, J, Andrew Brian
Mr. and Mrs. John L. Brition
Mr. and Mrs G. Brian Brodeur
Mr. and Mr. Douglas C Brocker
Ms. Melanie 1. Brocker
Mr. and Mrs. Lester L Brookner
Mr. and Mrs. Les Brooks
Mr. and Mrs. Bradford E. Brown
Mr. and Mrs. Dennis W. Brown
Mr. and Mrs. Jack N. Brown
Mr. and Mrs. James K. Brown
Mr. and Mrs. John Brown
Mr. and Mrs, E.R. Brownell
Mr. and Mrs. John M. Brumbaugh
Mr. and Mrs, Mark Buchbinder
Mr. and Mrs. Jim Buddi
Mr. and Mrs. Jean E. Buhler
Mr. John T. Butter
Mr. William L. Buxton
Mr. and Mrs. Laurence W. Cahill
Mr. Roland Camps and Mr. Rafael
Camps
Mr. and Mrs. Philip Capman
Mr. and Mrs. Art Carlson
Mr. and Mrs. Vance Carr
Ms. Loly Carrillo
Dr. and Mrs. Laurence T. Carroll
Mr, and Mrs. William Cassidy
Mr. and Mrs. Robert B. Cast
Mr, and Mrs. Carlos Castro
Mrs. Graciela C. Catasus
Mr. and Mrs. Antonio V. Cavaco
Dr. and Mrs. J.R. Chandler
Dr. and Mrs. Arthur E. Chapman
Mr. and Mrs. David Charles
Mr. Frank Chase
Mr. Robert Chiiny and Dr. Karen
Chitty
Mr. and Mrs. John S. Chowning
Mr. and Mrs. David Church
Mr. and Mrs. James K. Clark
Mr. and Mrs. C.G. Clayton
Mr. and Mrs. Charles L. Clements
Mr. and Mrs. George Cohen
Mr. and Mrs Ronald F. Cold
Mr. and Mrs. Philip Cole
Mr, Joseph J. Colligan
Dr. and Mrs. James Conley
Mr. and Mrs. Alexander Conte
Mr. and Mrs. Leo B. Cook
Mr. and Mrs. Robert F. Cook
Mr. and Mrs, Thomas 0. Cooney
Mrs. Leona Cooper and Ms. Clarice
Cooper
Mr. and Mrs. Marc Cooper
Mr. Hal Corson and Ms. Gerri
Campbell
Rep. John Cosgrove
Mr. and Mrs. Hyman Coverman
Mr. and Mrs. John W. Cowling
Dr. and Mrs. Donald R. Crampton
Mr. and Mrs, Segundo Cuesta
Mrs. John E. Culmer
Mr. Robert Curry and Mrs. Vidialis
Padilla Mojica
Mr. and Mrs. DeVere H. Curtis
Mr. and Mrs. Guillermo Cutie
Mr. and Mrs. John Dacy
Mr. and Mrs. Dan Danforth
Mr, and Mrs. Edward Daniel
Dr. Dewitt C. Daughtry
Mr. and Mrs. Dale Davis
Dr. and Mrs. H. Clinton Davis
Mr. and Mrs. Richard A. De Aguero
Mr. J. Allison De Foor, II
Mr. and Mrs. Nick De Martino
Mr, Joseph De Nucci
Mr. and Mrs. Robert W. Decker
Mr. John Deinhardi and Mrs. Jan
Davenport
Mr. and Mrs. Don Deresz
Mr. and Mrs. Bruno M. Diaz
Mr. and Mrs. Odilio Diaz
Mrs. Robert F. Dickey
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald F. Diehl
Mr. and Mrs. James Dillon
Ms. Lizabeth Doebler
Mr. and Mrs. Dennis Donnell
Mr. Roger Doucha
Mrs. Dorothy M. Downs
Mr. Robert R, Drake
Mr. and Mrs. Michael Dreaden
Mr, and Mrs. Stan Drillick
Mr. and Mrs. Daniel S. Dubbin
Mr. and Mrs. Murray Dubbin
Mr. Ernest M. Dumas
Dr. and Mrs. Charles A. Dunn
Ms. Debra Durant-Schoendorf
Mr. and Mrs. Willam Duryea
Mr. and Mrs. David J. Dutcher
Dr. and Mrs. William H. Eaglsltein
Mr. and Mrs. Vernon C. Eason
Ms. Noily Ebert and Mr. Moshe
Goren
Mr. and Mrs. James M. Eckhart
Mr. and Mrs. Lester Edelman
Mr. F.H. Edwards
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald G. Edwards
Mr. and Mrs. Norman Einsprach
Mr, and Mrs. E. Otho Ellison
Dr. and Mrs. Richard P. Emerson
Mr. and Mrs. Robert L. Esteves
Mr. and Mrs. Cecil H. Evans
Mr. and Mrs. James D. Evans
Mr. and Mrs. Dan Eydt
Mr. and Mrs. Ralph J. Fairbairn
Mr. and Mrs. Charles E. Fancher, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Dante B. Fascell
Mrs. Robin Fay
Hon. and Mrs. Harold Featherstone
Mr. Alan Fein and Ms. Susan
Westfall
Dr. and Mrs. Alfred Feingold
Mr. and Mrs. Larry Feldman
Dr. and Mrs. Elio Fernandez
Ms. Harriet Feuerman and Ms. Carole
Feurerman
Mr. and Mrs. Alfred Finkelstein
Mr. and Mrs. James N. Finlay
Mr. and Mrs. W.J. Fitzgerald
Mr. and Mrs. Bob Fitzsimmons
Mr. and Mrs. Michael Flattery, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Harry D. Fleming
Dr. Luis H. Fonseca
Mr. Thomas H. Ford, Jr.
Dr. and Mrs. Hugh J. Forthman
Mrs. Paul F. Foster
Mr. and Mrs. Kerry Fraser
Mr. and Mrs. Dwight E. Frazier
Mrs. Lois Fredrick
Mr. and Mrs. Stephen Freeman
Mr. and Mrs. Philip Freidion
Mr. and Mrs. Richard E. Friberg
Ms. Laurie Gach and Mr. Tony
Prohias
Mr. and Mrs. Jorge Gallo
Mr. and Mrs. Tomas F. Gamba
Mr. and Mrs, Joseph H. Ganguzza
Mr, and Mrs. Donald Gardner, Jr.
Mr and Mrs. Robert W. Gardner
Dr. and Mrs. Bruce Garrison
Mr. and Mrs. Peter B. Garvett
Mr. and Mrs. Gerald Geffen
Mr. Harold Gelber and Ms. Pat
Mackin
Mr. Robert Gelberg
Mr. and Mrs. Michael George
Dr. and Mrs. Paul S. George
Mr. and Mrs. John Gillan
Mr. and Mrs. Robert A. Ginsburg
Mr. and Mrs. John Gladstone
Mr. and Mrs. Hugh Gladwin
Dr. Peggy Jill Glander and Mr.
Thorne Glander
Ms. Susan Glass and Ms. Lisa Smith
Dr. and Mrs. Marshall Glasser
Mr. and Mrs. Sig M. Glukslad
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Goeser
Mr. and Mrs. Harold Goldberg
Mr. and Mrs, Seymour Goldweber
Mr. and Mrs. Jose A. Gonzalez
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Gonzalez
Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin F. Gooden, Jr.
Dr. and Mrs. Richard Gottlieb
Mr. and Mrs. Edward Grad
Mr. and Mrs. Henry A. Grady
Mrs. Edward G. Grafton
Ms Dorothy W. Graham
Mr. and Mrs. Leslie L. Grant
Mr. and Mrs. Bruce E. Grayson
Mr. and Mrs. Henry Green
Mr. and Mrs. Robert W. Green
Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Greenblatt
Mr. and Mrs. Burton D. Greenfield
Mr. and Mrs. Nathan Greenhouse
Mr. and Mrs. Michael L. Gregory
The Rev. and Mrs. Robb Grimm
Mr. and Mrs. George Grunwell
Mr. and Mrs. Carlos Gutierrez
Mr. and Mrs. Richard M. Guttman
Dr. and Mrs. Thomas B, Guyton
Mr. and Mrs. John Hall
Mr. Thomas L. Hambright
Dr. and Mrs. Curtis Hamburg
Mr. and Mrs. Rex Hamilton
Mr. and Mrs, Charles Hammond
Dr. and Mrs. Gregory Han
Mr. and Ms. Bradley K. Hanafourde
Mr. and Mrs. E.L. Hance
Mr. and Mrs. Christian Hansen
Mr. and Mrs. Maurice R. Harrison, Jr.
Mrs. Robin W. Hartman
Mr. and Mrs. Milton H. Hatfield
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph J. Hatton
Mr. and Mrs. Fred Havenick
Mr. and Mrs. Maurice B. Hawa
Mr and Mrs. W. Hamilton Hayes
Mr. and Mrs. Charles R. Helweick
Mr. and Mrs. Edward J. Hencinski
Mr. and Mrs. Bruce Hendricks
Dr. and Mrs. Jeffrey Henkin
Mr. and Mrs. John E. Hennessy
Mr. and Mrs. William Henry
Mr. and Mrs. James H. Herald
Mr. and Mrs. Jorge Hernandez
Ms. Marina Hernandez and Ms.
Virginia Herandez
Mr. and Mrs. Bernard P. Herskowitz
Mr. and Mrs. Herman Herst, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Gerald Hester
Mr. and Mrs. Louis Hester
Mr. and Mrs. W. Warfield Hester
Mr. and Mrs. Gregg R. Hinckley
Mrs. T.F. Hipps
Mr. and Mrs. Sol Hirsch
Dr. and Mrs. Andy Hirschl
Mr. and Mrs. Robert A. Hittel
Mr. and Mrs. Jack Hodus
Dr. and Mrs. William Hoffman
Mr. and Mrs. Lyle D. Holcomb, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Roy Hollenbeck
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Horwitz
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph B. Hourihan
Mr. and Mrs. Dan Howard
Mr. Jack Hrad and Ms. Kathleen
Dolan Morfit
Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Huls
Mr. and Mrs. Kenneth Hynes
Dr. and Mrs. George L. Irvin, III
Mr. and Mrs. Charles Iseiin
Mr. and Mrs. Robert M. Jackson
Mr. and Mrs, Richard Jacobs
Mr. and Mrs. T.M. Jacobsen
Dr. and Mrs. Jed Jacobson
Mr. and Mrs. Harold Jaffer
Mr. Remko Jansonius and Mr. Jerry
Deckelbaumr
Mr. and Mrs. James L. Jeffers
Mr. and Mrs. John Jensen
Mr. and Mrs. David W. Johnson
Mr. and Mrs. Eric W. Johnson
Ms. Jean Johnson and Ms. Betty
Priscak
Mr. and Mrs. Lyle Johnson
Dr. and Mrs. Stanley Jonas
Mr. and Mrs. Curtis L. Jones, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Daniel C. Jones
Mr. and Mrs. Frank E. Jones
Mr. and Mrs. Richard A, Jones
Dr. and Mrs. Walter C. Jones, III
Mr. and Mrs. John E. Junkin, IIl
Dr. and Mrs. Federica Justiniani
Mrs. Betsy H- Kaplan
Mr. Konstantine Karras
Mr. and Mrs. Neisen Kasdin
The Rev. J.C. Katon and Mr. Robert
Katon
Mr. and Mrs. Hy Katz
Mr. and Mrs. Howard Katzman
Mr. and Mrs. Michael Kearin
Dr. and Mrs. Paul H. Keefe
Mrs. Barbara Keller and Mrs. Fannie
Reid
Mr. Harold E Kendall
Mr. and Mrs. Charles L. Kennon, Jr.
List of Members 87
Mr. and Mrs. Edward C. Kenny
Mrs. Gertrude Kent and Mr. Frederick
Kent
Dr. and Mrs. Norman M. Kenyon
Mr. and Mrs. C.M. Keppie
Dr. and Mrs. Wayne 1. Kerness
Dr. and Mrs. Kenneth Keusch
Mr. and Mrs. Norman Kevers, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Bill Kilpatrick
Ms. Erika King and Mr. Dennis Coyle
Mr. and Mrs. James L. King
Mr. and Mrs. Randy King
Mayor and Mrs, Mitchel Kinzer
Dr. and Morris Kipper
Mr. and Mrs. N. Riley Kirby
Mr. and Mrs. Harold Klein
Mr. and Mrs. Tom Knotts
Mr. and Mrs. Homer W. Knowles
Mr. and Mrs. Abe Koss
Mr. and Mrs. John Koziol
Mr. and Mrs. John Kozyak
Mr. and Mrs. Bill Kramer
Mr. and Mrs. Donald J. Kremer
Mr. and Mrs. David A. Kroner
Mr. and Mrs. Warren Krug
Mr. and Mrs. Gene Kubicki
Mr. and Mrs. Paul Kuschinsky
Mr. Robert Lacey
Mr. and Mrs, David E. Lair
Mr. and Mrs. Peter Laird
Mr. John Lake
Mr. and Mrs. Daniel Lampert. Esq.
Ms. Donna A. Lancaster
Mr. Stephen G. Lane
Mr. and Mrs. Wright Langley
Mr. and Mrs. Martin J. Lann
Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence LaRusse
Ms. Linda Lasch and Mr. L. Whildin
Dr. Abraham D. Lavender
Mr. and Mrs. Rnswell E. Lee, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs, Terry R. Lee
Mr. Douglas K. Lehman
Mr. Richard L. Lehman
Mr. and Mrs. Dennis Lerer
Mr. and Mrs. Paul Lester
Dr. and Mrs. Richard Levitt
Mr. and Mrs. Marvin Lewis
Mr. and Mrs. Peter D. Lindblom
Mr. and Mrs. Norman H. Lipoff
Mr. Kemp Lippert and Mr. Winston
Lippert
Mr. and Mrs. Leigh Livesay
Mr. and Mrs. Carlos J. Lopez
Dr. and Mrs. Edward Lores
Mr. and Mrs, Rafael T. Lorie
Mr. and Mrs. John Losak
Mrs. Nereida Lowery
Mr. and Mrs. Philip F. Ludovici
Dr. and Mrs. William Ludwig
Mr. Jack Loft and Ms. Peria Aguayo
Mr. and Mrs. R. Hugh Lumpkin
Mr, and Mrs. Phillip Luney
88 TEQUESTA
Mrs. Betty Lunnon and Mr. Darrell
Fleeger
Mr, Joseph M. Lynch
Mr. and Mrs. Richard W. Lyons
Mr. and Mrs. Robert MacDonald
Mr. and Mrs. Dave Machleid, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs, Mark Machleid, Sr.
Mr. and Mrs. Norman L. Madan
Mr, and Mrs. Edward Magill
Dr. and Mrs. Bruce Mahaffey
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph A. Mahoney
Mr. and Mrs. Roy R. Mahoney
Mr. and Mrs. Anthony P. Maingot
Mrs. Claire A. Malone
Mr. and Mrs. Richard H. Maloy
Dr. and Mrs. Eugene Man
Mr. Alan Mandelbloom and Ms.
Beatriz Portela
Mr. and Mrs. Philip J. Mank, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Dimitrios Martons
Mr. and Mrs. Nick Mardino
Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Mariani
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Mark
Dr. and Mrs. Clifford Marks
Dr. and Mrs. Michael E. Marmesh
Mr. and Mrs. Frank C. Martin
Mr. and Mrs. Alberto Martinez-Ramnos
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas J. Matkov
Mr. and Mrs. Frederick J. Maxted, Jr.
Mr, Thomas C. Maxwell
Mr. Thomas F. McAuliffe, mI
Mr. and Mrs. Lloyd McAvoy
Mr. and Mrs. C. Deering McCormick
Dr. and Mrs. Donald McCorquodale, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Richard McCroskey
Mr. John E, McCulloch
Mr. and Mrs. Scott McDaniel
Mr. and Mrs. Richard M. McGarry
Mr. and Mrs. Michael F. McGlannan
Mr. and Mrs, Stuart B. Melver
Mr. and Mrs. Robert McKay
Mr, and Mrs. Robert McKinney
Dr. and Mrs. Robert A. McNaughtan
Mr. and Mrs, Jack McQuale
Dr. and Mrs. William J. McShane
Mr. and Mrs. R.H. McTague
Mr. and Ms. Manuel Meland
Drs. George and Elizabeth Metcalf
Mr. and Mrs. Addison J. Meyers
Mr. and Mrs. Roger Miel
Dr. and Mrs. Max Millard
Mr. and Mrs. Aristides 3. Millas
Dr. and Mrs. Douglas Miller
Mr. and Mrs. Edward Miller
Mr. and Mrs. H. Dale Miller, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. William J. Miller
Mr. and Mrs. Sanford B. Mint
Mr. and Mrs. Jose L. Mirabal
Mr. Larry Mizrach
Mr. and Mrs. Lloyd L. Moeller
Mr. and Mrs. Fawdrey A. Molt
Judge and Mrs, Joseph Monsanto
Mr. and Mrs. Charles B. Monson
Ms. Karen Montano
Mr. and Mrs. Mario E. Monteagudo
Mr. and Mrs. Donald R. Moore
Mr. and Mrs. Herb Moore
Mr. William Moore
Mr. and Mrs. Santiago D. Morales
Mr. and Mrs. George L. Morat
Mr. and Mrs. Barbaro R. Moreiras
Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Moritz
Mr. and Mrs. David M. Morris
Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Morrison
Mr. and Mrs. John H. Moynahan, Sr.
Mr, Muller and Mrs. Siskind Muller
Mr. and Mrs. Charles P. Munroe, Sr.
Mr. and Mrs Roger J. Murphy
Mr. and Mrs. O.C. Murray
Mr. and Mrs, Jay Mussman
Misses Margaret & Alice Mustard
Mr. and Mrs. Burnham S. Neill
Mr. and Mrs. Denis Nerney
Mr. and Mrs. Gary Nevins
Ms. Nancy Newton
Mr. and Mrs. Frank 0. Nichols
Mr. and Mrs. Gaillard Nolan
Mr. and Mrs. Nils Nordh
Mr. and Mrs. Colgan Norman, Jr.
Mrs. Luz Norwood
Mr. and Mrs. George A. Nuche
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald Nuehring
Mr. and Mrs, Juan C. Nunez
Mr. and Mrs, William O'Toole
Mr. and Mrs. Cesar Odio
Mr. and Mrs. Dennis J. Olle
Prof. and Mrs. George Onoprienko
Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Oroshnik
Mr. and Mrs. W. James Orovitz
Mr. and Mrs. Michael Osborn
Mr. and Mrs. Francis J. Owens
Mr. and Mrs. John W. Owens
Dr. and Mrs. Emanuel M. Papper
Mr. Austin S. Parker
Mr. and Mrs. Garth R. Parker
Ms. Janet Parker and Mr. David
Mycko
Mr. and Mrs. Robin Parker
Dr. and Mrs. Edmund 1. Parnes
Mr. and Mrs. Harry F. Patterson
Mr. and Mrs. Terry Paul
Ms. Marcia Pawley and Ms. Anita
Pawley
Dr. and Mrs. G.B. Paxton, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Larry Peacock
Mr. and Mrs. William Peacon
Dr. and Mrs. Donald Pearlman
Mr. and Mrs. Grant L. Peddle
Mr. and Mrs. Marvin S. Pehr
Mr. and Mrs. John D. Pennekamp, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Jorge J. Perez
Mr. and Mrs. Tony Perez
Mr. and Mrs. Paul Pergakis
Mr. and Mrs. David Perlman
Mrs. Jean Perwin
Mr. and Mrs. Roderick N. Petrey
Ms. Martha J. Pierson
Ms. Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and Mr.
Andres Duany
Mr. and Mrs. Paul Plotkin
Suzette and Norelle Pope
Mr. and Mrs. Budd Post
Ms. Miriam Prado and Ms. Miriam
Olazabal
Ms. Judith Price and Mr. Charles
Corn
Dr. and Mrs. Eugene F. Provenzo
Mr. Peter T. Pruitt
Mr. and Mrs. L. Scott Quackenbush
Mr. and Mrs. Herbert S. Quartin
Mr. and Mrs. William F. Quesenberry,
Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Henry Raattama
Mr. and Mrs. Sam Rahin
Mr. and Mrs. Constantine Railey
Dr. Jerome Raim and Ms. lanna Jacks
Dr, and Mrs. Salvador M Ramirez
Mr. Edward Ramos
Mr. and Mrs. John J. Randall
Mr. and Mrs. William W, Randolph
Mr. and Mrs. Stuart M. Rapee
Mr. Ratliff and Mr. Guilfoy
Mr. and Mrs. Peter C, Ray
Mr. and Mrs. John A. Reams
Mr, and Mrs. Barrie T. Reed
The Honorable Janet Reno
Mr. and Mrs. Lewis M. Ress
Mr. and Mrs. Patrick Reyna
Dr. and Mrs. Milton Rhodes
Dr. and Mrs. Maurice Rich
Mrs. D.E. Richards
Ms. Joann W. Richardson
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Rieder
Mrs. William D. Rieder
Mr. and Mrs. Richard Riegler
Mr. and Mrs. Karsten A. Risi
Mr. and Mrs. Robert E. Roache
Dr. and Mrs. James A. Robb
Mr. and Mrs. Fred Roberts
Dr. and Mrs. E.G. Robertson
Mr. and Mrs. Neil P. Robertson
The Honorable Steven D. Robinson
Mr. and Mrs. Pedro L. Roca
Mr. and Mrs. Abelardo E. Rodriguez
Mr. and Mrs. Victor Rodriguez
Mrs. Dorothy Rodwell
Mr. and Mrs. Neil J. Rohan
Mr. and Mrs. Keith Root
Mr. and Mrs. B.H. Ropeik
Mr. Paul Rosen
Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Rosenblatt
Mr. and Mrs. Stanley Rosenblatt
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald Rosengarten
Mr. and Mrs. Jeffrey Rosinek
Dr. and Mrs. Martin Rothberg
Mr. and Mrs. Donald Roolh
Dr. and Mrs. Richard Rubin
Dr. and Mrs. Howard A. Rubinson
Mr. and Mrs. Read S. Ruggles, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. William Ryder
Mr. and Mrs. Charles P. Sacher
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph A. Sackett
Mr. and Mrs, Herbert Saffir
Mr. and Mrs. Bert Sager
Mr. and Mrs, Louis Sager
Ms. Dosha Sain and Ms. Allyne Orr
Mr. and Mrs A.A. Sakhnovsky
Mr. and Mrs, Arturo M. Salow
Mr. and Mrs, Mike Samberg
Ms. Elizabeth Santander
Mr. and Mrs. Neil C. Sapp
Mr. and Mrs. Stephen Sapp
Dr. Sylvan Sarasohn
Mr. and Mrs. Barth Satuloff
Mr. and Mrs. Stanley H. Saulson
Mr. and Mrs. Bill Sawyer
Mr. and Mrs. Michael Sawzak
Mr. and Mrs. Leo Scherker
Dr. and Mrs. William M. Schiff
Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Schmagel
Mr. and Mrs. Roy E. Schoen
Mr. and Mrs. Sol Schreiber
Mr. and Mrs. Mark E. Schultz
Mr. and Mrs. Allan Schwartz
Mrs, Jay R. Schwartz
Mr. and Mrs. Warren S, Schwartz
Mr. and Mrs. James H. Scott
Ms. Kathy Scott and Mr. Bill Swank
Mr. and Mrs. Aldo Serafini
Ms. Tamara Sheffmnan
Mr. and Mrs. Robert J, Shelley, Ill
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Shevin
Mr. and Mrs. Vergil A. Shipley
Dr. and Mrs. Robert W. Shippee
Mr. and Mrs. David Shoaf
Mr. and Mrs. Don Shoemaker
Mr. and Mrs. Blair Sibley
Mr. and Mrs, Mark A. Siegel
Ms. Vickie Siegel
Dr. J. Siegmeister
Mr. L. Frances Siferd
Mr. and Mrs. Louis Sigaca
Mr. and Mrs. Eli Silverman
Mr. and Mrs. Gerald Silverman
Mr. and Mrs. Saul H. Silverman
Mr. and Mrs. Glen Simimons
Judge Jose Simonet and Ms. Rema
Comras
Mr. and Mrs. Howard W. Sims
Dr. and Mrs. Joseph A. Singer
Mr, and Mrs. William G. State
Mr. and Mrs. Michael Slawson
Mr. and Mrs. Donald Slesnick, 11
Mr, and Mrs. Mike Sloan
Mr. and Mrs. Michael C. Sloinick
Mr. and Mrs. Kevin Smith
Mr. and Mrs. McGregor Smith, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas W. Smith
Mr. and Mrs. William H. Smith, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. James M. Snedigar
Dr. and Mrs. Selig D. Snow
Mr. and Mrs. Larry R, Snyder
Mr. and Mrs. Alfred J. Solomon
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph M. Solomon
Mr. and Mrs. Robert P. Soper
Mr. Jorge Sosa
Mr. and Mrs. Edward Soto
Mr. and Mrs. Jose Sotolongo
Mr. and Mrs. James Sottile
Mr. and Mrs. Carl A. Spatz
Mr. and Mrs. Louis Spector
Mr. and Mrs. Martin Spector
Mr. and Mrs. James P. Spillis
Mr. and Mrs. George R. Splane, Jr.
Dr. and Mrs. L.M. Stanfill
Mrs. Mary Stanley and Mr. Donald
Stanley
Mrs. Jacquelyn Steinberg-Rogow
Mr. and Mrs. Adolph Steinhauer
Mr. and Mrs, Harris B. Stewart
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald Y. Stillman
Dr. and Mrs. G.J. Stocks, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. John L. Stokesberry
Ms. Lynda Stone and Mr. Ned Berndt
Mr. and Mrs. Saul Strachman
Dr. and Mrs. Thomas B. Strozier. M.D.
Dr. and Mrs. Theodore Struhl
Mr. and Mrs. Morton D. Stubins
Dr. and Mrs. James N. Sussex
Mr. and Mrs. Mark D. Swanson
Mr. and Mrs. David Teems
Mr. and Mrs, Ray Temeyer
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald E,. Temkin
Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence Terry
Mr. and Mrs. Mark R. Thaw
Mrs. Anne Thompson and Mr.
Richard Hamlin
Mr. and Mrs. Cyrus Thompson
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas V. Thompson
Mr. and Mrs. Richard J. Thornton
Dr. and Mrs. Richard J. Thurer
Mr. and Mrs. Tom Thurlow, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Craig E. Tigerman
Mr. and Mrs, Bill Timmeny
Mr. and Mrs. Robert C. Tipton
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Touchlon
Mr. and Mrs. Sydney S. Traumr
Mr. and Mrs. Ronald S. Treshan
Mr. and Mrs. Bill Troha
Mr. and Mrs. Alan Troop
Dr. Gail S. Tucker
Mr. Stephen Turner and Ms. Elizabeth
Debs
Judge and Mrs. William C. Turnoff
Dr. and Mrs. Stephen Unger
Mr, and Mrs. Roger Van Hoff
Mr. and Mrs. Clifford D. Van Orsdel
Mr. and Mrs. Richard T. Vasquez
Mr. and Mrs. Gene Vaughn
Mr. Carlos Vazquez
Mr. and Mrs. Tom IH. Veenstra
Mr. and Mrs. Dana Vihlen
List of Members 89
Mr. and Mrs. Gustavo D. Villagelia
Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Vladimir
Mr. and Mrs. Maxwell Wans
Mr. and Mrs. Earl D. Waldin, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas B. Walker, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. Bernard B. Wall
Mr. and Mrs. Robert G. Wallace
Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Ward
Mr. and Mrs. Martin W. Wasserman
Mr. and Mrs. Marvin Webb
Mr. and Mrs. William A. Webb
Dr. and Mrs. Daniel N, Weingrad
Mr. and Mrs. Henry Weinreb
Mr. and Mrs. Maxwell L. Weisberg
Mr. and Mrs. R. Earl Welbaum
Mr. and Mrs. A. Rodney Wellens
Ms. Hat Wells
Mr. and Mrs. James H. Wenck
Mr. and Mrs, Stuart A, Werner
Mr. and Mrs. Everett G. West
Mr. and Mrs. Richard M. While
Mr. and Mrs. Eric Whiteside
Judge and Mrs. Lew B. Whitworth
Mr. Joe Wilkins
Mr. and Ms. Harvey Willensky
Lt. Col, Freeman and Nancy Williams
Mr. and Mrs. Richard H. Williams
Mr. and Mrs. Norman Willis
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Wills
Ms. Barbara W. Wilson
Mr- and Mrs. Fred Wilson
Mr. and Mrs. Howard L. Wimmers
Dr. Oliver P. Winslow, Jr.
Dr. and Mrs. Philip M. Winslow
Mr. and Mrs. Leonard V. Wirkus
Mr. and Mrs. Frederick Wittenstein
Mr, and Mrs. John C. Witty, Jr.
Dr. and Mrs. Benjamin Wolf
Mr. and Mrs. Leonard H. Wolf
Mr. and Mrs. Bob Wolfarth
Mr. and Mrs. William Fred Wolff
Mr. and Mrs. Bernard Wolfson
Mr. and Mrs. Richard F. Wolfson
Mr. and Mrs, William L, Wood
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas C. Woods
Mr. and Mrs. James S. Wooten
Mr. and Mrs. James G. Worth
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Wright
Dr. Ronald Wright and Ms. Judith
Hunt
Dr. and Mrs. Lloyd L. Wruble
Ms, Marilyn M. Yaeger
Mr, and Mrs. Mitchell A. Yelen
Mr. and Mrs. L. Douglas Yoder
Ms. Barbara Young and Mr. Robert
Huff
Mr. and Mrs. John F Young
Mr. Robert Young
Mr. and Mrs. Stefan H. Zachar, Jr.
Mr. and Mrs. John L. Zavertnik
Mr. and Mrs. Jin W. Zeder
Dr. and Mrs. Peter Zies
Mr. and Mrs. Craig A. Zimmett
90 TEQUESTA
Dr. Rafael B. Abislaiman
Mrs. Betty R. Adams
Mrs. E.C. Adams
Mrs. Faith Y. Adams
Mrs. Lamar M. Adams
Mrs. Marlene E. Adams
Ms. Helen W, Adelman
Mr. Manuel Albalate
Mr. Robert C. Alexander, 11
Mrs. Eugenia Allen
Mr. Linosa Alvarez
Mr. Carl D. Amsterdam
Mrs. John Ancona
Mrs. Betty M Anderson
Dr. Raymond T. Anderson
Ms. Reba L. Anderson
Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Andros
Ms. Betty Anholl
Mr. Bill Aullo
Ms. Hope A. Apollony
Ms. Ana Maria M. Arias
Ms. Ann Armbruster
Mrs. Fay Aronson
Mr. Anthony D, Atwood
Mrs. Blanche T. August
Mrs. Sandy Baer
Mrs. John L. Bagg, Jr.
Ms. Joan L. Bailey
Mr. and Mrs. C. Jackson Baldwin
Mrs. E. Hutchins Balfe
Mr. Charles L. Balli
Mrs. Tom Barkdull
Ms. Yvonne Barkman
Ms. Ava R. Barnes
Ms. Betty Barnerte
Mr. JT. Barrett
Ms. Jacqueline Beatty
Ms. Mary G. Beazel
Mr. John M. Beck, Sr.
Ms. Kay D. Beck
Msa Virginia Benen
Ms. Priscilla Benford
Mr. Nathan Benn
Ms. Barbara K. Bennett
Ms. Louise F. Bennett
Ms. Sarah L. Bennett
Mr. Larry P. Benovitz
Mr. Edwin Benson
Mrs. Marcia L. Benton
Ms. Annie Beiancourt
Ms. Jacquelyn Biggane
Ms. Diane E. Bill
Mrs. John T. Bills
Mrs. and John Birch
Mrs. Thomas H. Birchmire
Mr. Warren R. Bittner
Miss Zola Mac Blakeslee
Mrs. Sylvia S. Blount
Mrs. Margaret S. Blue
Ms. Mary S. Blyth
Dr. Fran Bohnsack
Individuals
Mr. Samuel J. Boldrick
Mr. John W. Borsa, Jr.
Ms. Aida Bracero-Jones
Ms. Jean Bradfisch
Mrs. William B. Bradley
Ms. Rosemary A. Brady
Mrs. K W Breeze
Ms. Charlotte Brewer
Ms. Karen Q. Broder
Mr A.L. Brown, Jr.
Ms. Dee Dee Brown
Ms. Lynn W. Brown
Mr William E. Brown, Jr.
MrT Michael Brnmer
Mrs. A. H. Bryant
Mr. Thomas M. Bryant
Mr. Emil Buhler, II
Mrs. Paul H. Buhler
Mr. Phillip A. Butler
Mrs. T.C. Buhler
Ms. Sandy Burnett
Dr. Madeline Burnside
Dr. EB Carter Burros, Jr.
Mrs. Robert A. Burton, Jr.
Ms. Ann Bussel
Mr. Donald H. Butler
Ms. Virginia Campbell
Mr. Felix Canabal
Mr. Antonio Carbajo
Ms. Marilyn Carlisle
Ms. Barbara J. Can
Ms. Migdalia L. Carrillo
Mr. Richard C. Carter
Ms. Janet C. Cassady
Mrs. George B. Caster
Mr. Angel Chacon
Mrs. Dixie H. Chastain
Ms. Carolyn M. Chavan-Potts
Ms. Josephine C. Chesley
Mrs. Ann Chesney
Mr, Robert A. Chester
Mrs. Anita Christ
Ms. Nancy Christensen
Ms. Margot Chrystie
Mrs. Walter J. Chwalik
Ms. Kathy Cibula
Ms. Dana L. Clay
Ms. Madeline M. Clay
Mr. Timothy Cleary
Mr. Armando F. Cobelo
Mr. Louis Coburn
Ms. Lynnia Cohen
Mrs. Nancy Cohen
Ms. Michele Colado
Mr. Robert B. Cole
Ms. Theresa Collins
Dr. Irene Colsky
Ms. Maria Teresa F. Concheso
Ms. Mabel Conde
Ms. Catherine J. Conduitte
Mr. Larry B. Cone
Ms. Lillian Conesa
Ms. Barbara E. Connellan
Ms. Rose Conneit-Richards
Ms. Mirtha Contreras-Noa
Mr. Steven R, Cook
Mr. James Costello
Ms. Carol Coverdale
Ms. Norma J. Craig
Mr. David S. Cross
Ms. Sylvia C. Crowell
Ms. Judith Cuevas
Mr. Andrew T. Cullison
Ms. K. M. Culpepper
Mr. George Cummings, Ill
Mr. Charles Cunningham
Mr. Donald W. Curl
Ms. Jacquie Ann Curry
Ms. Joyce Curtis
Ms. Ursula M. Davidson
Mr Ronald Davies
Mr. Jim F. Davis
Ms. Marion P. Davis
Judge Maltie B. Davis
Mr Carleton J. Davison
Ms. Lisa Ann Davison
Mrs. Walter R. Davison
Ms. Jane S. Day
Mr. and Mrs. Joel B. Day
Ms, Sandy Dayhoff
Mrs. Kenneth De Garmo
Ms. Betty Ruth Dewitt
Ms. Lucille Di Crescenzo
Ms. Jane E. Dickerson
Mrs. Margie DiDomenico
Mr. John Dirda
Mr. Marion E. Dinsmore
Dr. Stephen Dobrow
Mrs. Rosemary Doemer
Mr. J.F. Donnelly
Mrs. Leslie Dorn
Ms. Thelma Doss
Mr. Richard P. Douthit
Mrs. H,E. Drew
Ms. liana Drucker
Mrs. Marnie L. Drulard
Mrs. John R. DuBois
Mrs, Faye Dugas
Ms. Grace Y. Durbin
Ms. Audree DuVal
Mr. and Mrs. John E. Duvall
Ms. Sarah Eaton
Ms. Norma Ederer
Mr. Jim Edward
Mrs. Harriett Ehrhard
Mr. John D. Ellis
Ms. Ruth B. Elsasser
Mr. Bob Ernst
Ms. Patricia G. Ernst
Ms. Jacquelyn Esco
Mr. Russell Etling
Mr. Walter Etling
Mr. John Eubanks
Brother Eugene
Mr. Don Evans
Mr. Irving R. Eyster
Mrs. Mary A. Faber
Ms. Tonia Falconer Barringer
Mr. J. W. Fell
Ms. Lourdes A. Fernandez
Ms. Mary L. Feurtado
Ms. Margaria Fichtner
Mrs. Nell Finenco
Mr. Ray Fisher
Mr. Joseph Fishwick
Mr. Frank S. Fitzgerald-Bush
Dr. J.M Fitzgibbon
Ms, Nan Fleck
Ms. Gloria Fleischmann
Mr. Thomas F. Fleischmann
Ms. Marcia S. Fleming
Mr. Leopoldo Florez
Ms. Dorothy Flowers
Mr. Robert L. Floyd
Mrs. Edward T. Foote
Miss Elizabeth Foote
Mr. Richard E. Ford
Mr. Paul Fraynd
Miss Arlene Freier
Miss Renee Z. Fritsch
Ms. Jo V. Funk
Ms. Marjorie L. Galatis
Mr. Tom Gallaher
Mrs. Martha Gannon
Ms. Janet P. Gardiner
Ms, Caron Gargano
Ms. Pamela Garrison
Dr. Margaret L. Gaub
Ms. Marcia Gauger
Mrs. Terence Gerace
Dr. Paul U. Gerber, Jr.
Mr. Miguel Germain
Mr. Edgar Oil-de-Lamadrid
Ms. Vera Gilford
Mr. Robert N. Ginsburg
Mr. William H. Gleason
Mrs. Anna C. Goldenberg
Mr. R.L. Gonzalez
Mr. William Gonzalez
Ms. Betty Ann Good
Mr. Ed Goodman
Ms. Beth Goproan
Mr. Harold H. Gordon
Dr. Mark W. Gordon
Ms. Betsye B. Gormani
Mrs. Carol-Jane Gottfried
Mr. David Green
Dr. Henry Green
Ms. Lloma G. Green
Mr. Gordon Gregory
Ms. Lynn Grentner
Mr. Glenn Griffith
Dr. Zade B. Gross
Ms. Nancy Grout
Ms. Marlene Grover
Mr. and Mrs, Richard Grudzinski
Mrs. Margaret R. Grutzbach
Dr. Ruth Gubler
Mr. Roger Guilarte
Mr. Stephen F. Hackley
Ms. Nancy F. Haddock
Ms. Kay K. Hale
Ms. Erika Hamburg
Ms. Judi Hamelburg
Mrs. John K. Hanafourde
Mrs. Ruby S. Hancock
Ms. Barbara Hanley
Ms. Nancy K. Harrington
Mrs. Henriette Harris
Dr. Robert J Harrison
Mrs. Mary A. Hart
Miss Wanda Harwell
Mrs. Muriel Hathorn
Mr. Leland M. Hawes, Jr.
Mrs. Dorothy B. Hawkins
Mrs, Isadore Hecht
Mrs. Ruth Heckerling
Ms. Agneta C. Heldt
Ms. Anne E. Helliwell
Mr. Vann Helms
Mrs. Gayle Henderson
Ms. Julia Hernandez
Mrs. Virginia Herring
Ms. Linda C. Hertz
Ms. Marilyn P. Rett
Mr. Richard Hoberman
Ms. Nedra A. Hodge
Mrs. Doris S. Hodges
Ms. Susan Hofstein
Mrs. Ronald Hofstester
Ms. Ritta K. Hogan
Mr. Charles W. Holland, Jr,
Msn Patricia Hooper
Ms. Teresa Horta
Mrs. Eddie Hoskins
Mr. George B. Howell
Mr. Roland M. Howell
Ms. Valerie Howell
Mrs, Anna L, Huber
Mrs. Helen B. Hudnall
Mr. Russell V. Hughes
Mr. Kenneth Hughs
Mr. Joseph Hunkey
Mr. William A. Hunter
Mrs. Fran Hutchings Thrope
Mr. Tom Hutton
Mr. Oswaldo Imia
Mr. William A. Ingraham, Jr.
Mrs. Ruth Jacobs
Mr. T. Sinclair Jacobs
Dr. and Mrs. George Jacobson
Dr. Helen Jacobstein
Ms. Mary C. James
Ms. Theodora Jensen
Dr. William T. Jerome, IIl
Ms. Dorothy B. Johnson
List of Members
Mr. Frederick L. Johnson
Ms. Rose Anne Johnson
Mrs. Wallen A. Johnson
Mr. Clyde Jones
Mrs. Henrietta Jones
Ms. Sharon Jones
Ms. Roberta Kaiser
Ms, Barbara M. Kanzer
Ms. Barbara Kaplan
Ms. Ann R. Kashmer
Mr. Guy Kathe
Mrs. Barbara Katten
Ms. Susan Kawaierski
Ms. Susanne Kayyali
Mr. Scott G. Keith
Ms. Pat Kelly
Ms. Carolyn M. Kern
Ms. Judith Kernoff
Mrs. A.J. Kilberg
Ms. Betty Jean Kimmelman
Mr, Arthur King, Sr.
Mr. Dennis G. King
Mrs. Rose Kirschner
Mr. Eliot Kleinberg
Mr. Charles Klingensmith
Mr. John Kneski
Dr. Joe Knetsch
Ms. Frances G. Keestline
Mrs. Patricia M. Kolski
Ms. Camilla B. Komorowski
Mr. Theodore E. Koper, Jr.
Ms. Antoinette M. Koski
Mr. Jay Kreutzer
Mr. Robert V. Kriebs
Mr. Stanley L Krieger
Mr. Donald M. Kuhn
Mr. Bob Kulpa
Mr. Dexter La Belle
Ms. Leah La Plante
Ms. Caroline LaBanve
Mr. Paul W. Larsen
Ms. Linda Lawrence
Dr. H.L. Lawson
Mr. Dan D, Laxson, Sr.
Mrs. Theodora Lazarus
Mrs. Lewis Leary
Ms. Jo Lee
Ms, Linda Lee
Mr. Roswell E. Lee
Miss Sara Leesha
Mrs. David M Lehman
Mr. Salvador Leon, Jr.
Mr. Joseph S. Leonard
Ms. Nancy L. Leslie
Mr. Marc Levin
Mr. Robert L. Levis
Mr. Scott Lewis
Ms, Theresa L. Lianzi
Mrs. Harriet S, Liles
Ms. Virginia F. Lilly
Ms. Janet A. Lineback
Mrs, John Linehan
92 TEQUESTA
Mrs. EA, Link
Mr. Grant Livingston
Mr. Robert E. Livingston
Mr. James S. Lord
Ms. Mildred A. Love
Mr. Howard Lubel
Mrs. Jaywood Lukens
Ms. Joyce M. Lund
Mr. Geoffrey Lynfield
Ms, Kathryn R. Lynn
Mr. James K. MacAvoy
Mr. Don MacCullough
Ms. Marion E. Mackarvich
Ms. Milbrey W. Mackle
Ms. Valerie MacLaren
The Rev. Richard D. Maholm
Mrs. Dorothy Matinini
Ms. Pal Manfredi
Dr. Celia C. Mangels
Ms. Linda K. Mansperger
Mrs. Bessie Marcus
Mr. Wayne Mark
Mrs. Edna P. Martin
Ms. Kimberly A. Martin
Mrs. Jeanmarie M. Massa
Mrs. Nancy S. Masterson
Mr. James F. Matheson
Ms. June Maura
Ms, Janet R. McAliley
Mr. Jim McAllister
Mr. Chuck McCartney
Ms. Judy McGraw
Mr. Brian McGuinness
Mrs. Alice M. McKenna
Mr. John F. McLean
Ms. Leonore McLean
Mrs William I. McLeod
Mr, John Fred McMath
Mrs. Virginia D. McNaughtnn
Ms. Betty S. McSweeney
Mr. Oscar Mederos
Mrs. Charlotte M. Meggs Biedron
Ms. Toni Meltzer
Mr. Jesus Mendez
Mrs. Isabel Merritt
Mr. J. Walter Metz, Jr.
Mrs. Bert Meyers
Ms. Joan Mickelson Lukach
Mr. Samuel Mickler
Mr. William R. Middelthon, Jr.
Mr. Timothy R,. Mielke
Ms. Anna Mihlik
Ms. Mary Millard
Ms. Evalyn Milledge
Ms. Gertrude R. Miller
Mr. Charles W. Milner, IT]
Matthew Mirow, Ph.D
Ms. Katherine Mitchell
Mr. Thomas A. Mitchell
Mr. Raymond A. Mohl, Jr.
Ms. Diana R Molinari
Mr. J. Floyd Monk
Mr. Patrick F. Moore
Mrs. Edwin S. Morris
Mrs. Jean L. Morrison
Ms. Pamela Moss
Mr. Steven R. Mountain
Mrs. Almalee C. More
Mrs. E.B. Moylan, Jr.
Mrs. Helen Muir
Mr. Manuel 1. Muniz
Mrs. Daniel E. Murray
Miss Mary R. Murray
Ms. Lillian G. Myers
Ms. Bettye B. Nagel
Mrs. Shirley L. Nagy
Ms. Suzanne Nasca
Mr. Theodore R. Nelson
Ms. Gay M. Nemeti
Mr. Harold Newell
Mr. Stuart G. Newman
Ms. Victoria Nicholls
Ms. Gloria Nichols
Mr. William R. Nielsen
Mr. James P. Niles
Mrs. Helen Nimnicht
Mrs. Mary Jo Nimnicht
Dr. Nancy L. Noble
Ms. Anita Nodarse
Mr. Herbert Nonthrup
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Nott IV
Mr, B.P, Nuckols, Jr.
Ms. Karen O'Connell
Ms. Dorothy O'Rawe
Ms. Susan Olsen
Mr. Fred R. Olsson
Ms. Maita L. Oppenheimer
Ms. Roberta C. Orlen
Ms. Judy Orr
Ms. Marie Oscar
Mr. Peter Osman
Ms. Dana Otterson
Ms. Estelle C, Overstreet
Mr. James D. Overstreet, Jr.
Ms. Anna Pacheco
Mrs. Denise Paparella
Mr. Paul W. Parcell
Mr. Robert Parente
Mr. Dabney G. Park, Jr.
Ms. Barbara J. Parker
Mr. Crawford H. Parker
Ms. Jeanne M. Parks
Mrs. Merle F. Parks
Mrs. Edward G. Parsons
Ms, Denise Pasternak
Mr. Charles Patrick
Ms. Jean L. Paul
Miss Judith Paul
Mr. Edward L. Peabody
Ms. Madeline S. Pearson
Mr. Dario Pedrajo
Mr, Vernon Peeples
Ms. Gloria Pell
Dr. Margaret M. Pelton
Mr. Steven Peretz
Ms. Mary Perkins
Mrs. Henry J. Perner
Ms. Emily A. Perry
Ms. Julie Perry
Dr. Thelma Peters
Mrs. Carmen Petsoules
Mrs. Joan Peven-Smith
Mrs. Margie K. Pierce
Mrs, Virginia R. Pietro
Mrs. Audrey Pilafian
Mr. Gordon Pimm
Mr. David M. Plane
Ms. Sharon Pomerantz
Ms, Ana Celia Portela
Ms. Nina Postlethwaite
Ms. Eva-Lynn M. Powell
Ms, Lucy S. Puello-Capone
Mrs. Hugh F. Purvis
Mrs. Helen Quinton
Mr. Alan B. Raff
Ms, Patti Ragan
Mrs. Virginia S. Rahm
Mr. Michael E. Raiden
Ms, Pauline EK Ramos
Mrs. Manuela M. Ramsey
Dr. Edward Rappaport
Mrs, Ray S. Rasmussen
Ms. Elizabeth R. Read
Mr. A. James Reagan, Jr.
Ms. Susan P. Redding
Ms, Donna V. Reed
Ms. Eve Reed
Ms. Martha L. Reiner
Mrs. Gail Reisman
Sister Eileen F. Rice
Mr. R.H. Rice, Jr.
Mrs Ralph E. Rice
Ms. R. Richheimer
Ms. Eneida R. Rivero
Ms. Ruth Roberts
Mr. John A, Rodgers, III
Mr. Domingo Rodriguez
Mrs. Rachel Roller
Ms. Annie L. Rollins
Mr. Luis L. Rosas-Guyon
Mrs. Dorothy B. Rosenthal
Mr. H.J. Ross
Dr. Robert L. Roy
Mrs. Eliza P. Ruden
Mr, Brian Ruderman
Mr. Denis A. Russ
Ms. Darlene Russell
Mrs. Shirley Russell-Hinnant
Judge Kenneth L. Ryskamp
Ms. Carin Sala
Mrs. Sadie S. Salley
Mr. Carlos M. Salomon
Ms. Phyllis S. Salzman
Mr. Alvin M. Samel
Mrs. Zannie W. Sanders
Mrs. E. Philip Sanford, Jr.
Mr. Arnold Santos
Ms. Robbye Santos
Ms. Claire Savitt
Ms. Connie A. Sax
Mrs. Chaffee Scarborough
Ms. Helen L. Scarr
Ms. Becky Sue Schaffer
Mr. Fritz E. Scharenberg
Ms. Dahna Schaublin
Ms. Katherine Schauers
Ms. Eleanor Schockett
Ms. Mary L. Scholtz
Mr, Niles Schuh
Mr. Thomas J. Schulte
Mrs. Geraldine Schwartz
Mr. Kurt Schweizer
Mr. William Sculthorpe
Mrs. Natalie J. Segal
Dr. Herman Selinsky
Mr. Kenneth Sellati
Ms. Margaret Sellers Kern
Mr. Robert L. Semes
Mr. Robert Seonane
Mr. Manuel Serkin
Ms. Ellen G. Sessions
Ms. Kathryn E. Shafer
Mr. Cyrus J. Sharer
Ms, Sandy Sharp
Mrs. Charlotte Sheffield
Ms. Christina G. Shoffner
Mr. William F. Shortinghouse
Miss Marilyn Shrater
Dr. Francis Sicius
Mr. Merwin Sigale
Mrs. Doris S. Silver
Mrs. Sam I. Silver
Mrs. Eleanor Simpson
Ms. Holly Simpson
Dr. Arthur Sitrin
Ms. Marjorie L. Skipp
Mrs. Evelyn Smiley
Mr. Daniel E. Smith
Mr. Emanuel J. Smith
Mr. Harrison H. Smith
Ms. June C. Smith
Ms. Rebecca A. Smith
Mrs. Richard H. Smith
Mrs. Wahl Snyder
Ms. Graciela Solares
Mrs. Lillian B. Soldinger
Ms. Gail Solorana
Ms. Martha Sonderegger
Ms. Linda L. Spangrud
Mr. Brent Spector
Ms. Darlene M. Spencer
Ms. Mary J. Spore
Mr. William J. Spratt, Jr.
Mr. George L. Stacey
Ms. Virginia Stanley
Miss Judi Stark
Mr. James C. Staubach
Ms. Laura P. Stearns
Mrs. William C. Steel
Mrs. Estelle Stent
Dr. Elizabeth Stevens
Mrs. Cynthia Stewart
Mr. Wade Stiles
Ms. Joan A, Stoddard
Mrs. A.J. Stone
Mrs. Muriel E. Stone
Ms. Miriam L. Stoodt
Ms. Larue Storm
Mrs. Patricia Strait
Mr. Dewey A. Stubblefield
Ms. Patricia A. Suiter
Ms. Kay Sullivan
Ms. Carmen Sutton
Ms. Donna C, Swartz
Mrs. Donna B. Sweeny
Mr. George H. Sweet
Ms. Pamela D. Swischer
Ms. Blanche Szita
Mrs. Barbara W, Tansey
Mr. Thomas L. Tatham
Ms. Jane 1. Taylor
Mrs. Jean C. Taylor
Mr. T. H. Teasley
Ms. Peggy L Test
Ms. Laura Thayer
Ms. Margaret ]. Thayer
Mrs. Pierce Theakston
Mrs. Elizabeth D. Theobald
Mr. Phillip A, Thomas
Mrs. Jeanne Thompson
Mr. Michael A. Thompson
Ms. Polly Thompson
Ms. Cecilia Farrey Tierney
Ms. Russica P. Tighe
Mrs. Lillian Tingler
Mrs. Helen C. Towle
Mr. Michael A. Tranchida
Ms. Maria A. Trejo
Mr. Joe Trudeau
Mrs. Jane Turnbull
Ms. Molly Turner
Mrs. William Tuttle
Thomas A. Tweed, Ph.D
Mr. Giovannie Ulloa
Mrs. Jean B. Underwood
Mr. Nicholas Patrick Valeriani
Mrs. Eileen Vaila
Mr. Pablo Valladares
Ms. Eleanor Van Eaton
Mr. Charles M. Vanderlaan
Mr. Robert E. Venditti
Mrs. Jody Verrengia
Ms. Audrey Vickers
Mr. John W. Viele
Mr. Juan M. Villamil
Mrs, Nancy Voss
Mr. Steve Wachholder
Mr. Jerry Wade
List of Members 93
Ms. Jane Walaitis
Mr. Michael Wallace
Mr. David Walters
Mrs. Nancy Washburn
Miss Elva J. Waters
Mrs. Elizabeth Watson
Ms. Hattie E. Watson
Ms. Nancy K. Webster
Ms. Judy Weiner
Mr. Mickey Weiner
Mr. Daniel A. Weiss
Ms. Susan Weiss
Ms. Flora H. Wellington
Ms. Barbara F. Wenzel
Mrs. Jean E. Wenzel
Mrs. Marcella U. Werblow
Mrs. A.J. Westbrook
Ms. Bette Westfall
Ms. Dita White
Ms. Marlene White
Ms. Brenda L. Whitney
Dr. Richard A. Whittington
Mr. Don Wiener
Mr. Larry Wiggins
Mr. William Wilbanks
Mr. Lucius L Wilcox, Jr.
Mre Clair D. Wilcoxon
Ms. Jo Wilder
Mrs. Dorothy Williams
Mr. Fred Williams
Mr. G.L. Williams
Mrs. George Williams, Jr.
Ms. Geraldine H. Williams
Mr. Wayne Williams
Mr. David L. Willing
Mrs. Hillard W. Willis
Mr. Daniel F. Wilson
Mrs. Gaines R. Wilson
Dr. Peggy Wilson
Mr. Gary Wirzbach
Ms. Marcileane K. Wittmer
Ms Edna Wolkowsky
Ms. Marion L. Wood
Mr. Rick Wood
Ms. Ellen F. Wooten
Mr. James Wright
Mr. Horace Wunderle
Mrs. Sharon L. Wynne
Ms. Joan Yarborough
Ms. Dorothy Yates
Ms. Jean T. Yehle
Mr. Roger L Yost
Mr. Montgomery L. Young
Mr. Harold J. Zabsky
Mr. John S. Zapf
Ms. Christina Zawisza
Ms. Carol L. Zeiner
Ms. Christine A. Zephirin
Mrs. Marcia Kerstein Zerivitz
Mrs. Carl Zwerner
94 TEQUESTA
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas L. Abrams
Mr. and Mrs. Rod C. Ball
Mr. and Mrs. Patrick Battle
Mr. and Mrs. John Bolton
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Brockway
Mr. and Mrs. Jon Brody
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Brown, III
Mr. and Mrs. David Bruce
Mr. and Mrs. Alvin Cassel
Mr. and Mrs. Carl Colbert
Ms. Kathleen E. Compton
Mr. and Mrs. Fritz Cronheim
Mr. and Mrs. Patrick Deen
Dr. and Mrs. Alfred Freeman
Mr. and Mrs. Brett Gonshak
Ms. Natalie Green
Ms. Petey Adams
Ms. Dina Allende
Ms. Amy L. Anderson
Ms. Ana Arguello
Mr. Stephen Arrick
Mr. Geoffrey Bach
Mr. Bill Bailey
Ms. Maria Barbeilo
Mr. Cesar Becerra
Mr. Alex Bichel
Mr. Scott Breitkopf
Ms. Pilar Alexia Bretos
Mr. Robert M. Brownlee, Jr.
Mr. John P. Brumbaugh
Ms. Judy Bucher
Mr. Stephen Buckley
Ms. Sherri Buckner
Ms. Jennifer Butler
Mr. Albert Carballusa
Ms. Diane Carlisle
Ms. Gail Cason
Mr. Nigel Cheetham
Ms. Susan E. Chwalik
Ms. Lauren C. Coll
Mr. Elvis W. Cruz
Ms. Barbara Cusumano
Ms. Johanna Daubanton
Ms. Isabel del Calvo
Miss Stephanie Demos
Ms. Linda A. Derleth
Mr. Al Diaz
Mr. Marvin Ellis
Mr. Emerson Fales
Mr. George A. Fernandez
Ms. Agnes R. Fortin
Ms. Sheila Frazier
Mr. Frank Fuentes
Mr. Craig T. Galle
Ms. Susie Garcia
Ms. Meg Garner
Ms. Joyce Geiger
Ms. Maria Giangrasso
Mr, Arthur Gomez
Tropical Pioneers Famillk
Mr. Alfonso Guerra
Mr. and Mrs. Paul James
Ms. Ellen Kanner and Mr. Benjamin
Bohimann
Mr. and Mrs. Robert B. Battle
Mr. and Mrs. Robbie Landon
Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Lane
Mr. and Mrs. Steven Lee
Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Levin
Mr. and Mrs. Richard LeVine
Mr. Sam Liang & Dr. Kelly Liang
Mr. and Mrs. Scott McClendon
Mr. and Mrs. David McDonald
Mr. and Mrs. Eric McKenna
Mr. and Mrs. Robert McNaughton
Mr. and Mrs. Frank J. Menendez
Mr. and Mrs. Michael Messer
Tropical Pioneers Individu
Ms. Alicia Victoria Gonzalez
Ms. Milly Gonzalez
Ms. Polly K. Grable
Mr. David Greenman
Mr. Ivan Gutierrez
Ms. Mariina Hahn
Ms. Debbie Harris
Mr. David S. Harrison
Ms. Chris Hayden
Mr. John Holly
Mr. William Holly
Mr. Paul C. Huck, Jr.
Mr. Murray G. Hudson
Mr. Andrew Hutchinson
Ms. Francine Johnson
Ms. Ashton Lacey C. Jones
Mr. Michael Kaminer, Esq.
Ms. Sherry Kennedy
Ms. Susan Kirschner
Mr. Chris Knight
Mr. David A. Koretzky, Esq.
Mr. Tyler P. Kurau
Ms. Lauren Lancaster
Mr. David Lewellyn
Mr. Raul Lopez
Mr. Luis Lubian
Mr. William Luebke
Ms, Debra Magid
Dr. Mike Mahaffey
Mr. Marc Manfredi
Ms. Yery Marrero
Mr. Carlos J. Martinez
Ms. Martha Martinez-Malo
Miss Hilda C. Masip
Ms. Meg McCabe
Ms. Janeau C. McKee
Ms. Gian Melin
Mr. Alex Miller
Mr. Braden K. Moll
Ms. Rhonda Montoya, Esq.
Mr. Thomas Mooney
Ms. Lisa Moran
Ms. Ana M. Moreyra
Ms. Chris Moreno and Ms. Grace
Moreno
Mr. Manny Nogueira and Ms. Cuqui
Beguiristain
Mr. and Mrs. Lindsey D,. Pankey, III
Mr. Jule F. Paulk
Mr. Johnathan Perlman & Ms. Laura
Sterling
Ms. Will Sekoff & Ms. Laura Pincus
Mr. and Mrs. Greg Powell
Mr. Michael Finuccio & Ms. Patricia
Rosello
Dr. and Mrs. Eugenio M. Rothe
Mr. and Mrs. Scott Sherrod
Mr. and Mrs. Juan Werner
Mr. and Mrs. Stefan Hi Zachar, [II
al
Mr. Charles P. Munroe, Jr.
Dr. Joanne E. Nottingham
Ms. Genevieve Orr
Mr. John D. Portal
Mr. Scott A. Poulin
Mr. Pedro Rivero
Mr. Robert Rosenberg
Mr. Raul Javier Sanchez
Ms. Janet Segal
Ms, Norrie Seligman
Mr. James E. Sessions
Mr. Manny Soto
Mr. Scott Stewart
Ms. Evona Strzelewicz
Ms. Julie G. Taiol, Esq.
Ms. Alina M. Tejeda
Ms. Fran Thompson
Ms. Barbara J. Throne
Mr. Michael Trebilcock
Mr. Tony 1 Tremols
Ms. Wendy Tuttle
Dr. Alberto E. Vadillo
Ms. Sara N. Valle
Mr. Kurt VonGonten
Mr. Tim D. Warmath
Ms. Christine Welslead
Mr. Craig Wheeling
Ms. Karin D. Wherry
Mr. Jon Wilson
Membership
Fellows.................. $500 (and up)
Corporations/Foundations........ $500
Benefactor ................ .... $250
Sponsor ...................... ...... .. $100
Donor ................ $75
Fam ily .............................. ..... $45
Individual/Institutions ................ $35
Tropical Pioneers ................... $35
Tropical Pioneers Families ........ $50
Please notify the Historical Associa-
tion of any changes to the member-
ship listing, (305) 375-1492.
This Page Blank in Original
Source Document
Tequesta Advisory Board
Miguel Bretos, Ph.D.
Gregory Bush, Ph.D.
Robert Carr
Donald Curl, Ph.D.
Dorothy Fields
Paul George, Ph.D.
Howard Kleinberg
Raymond A. Mohl, Ph.D.