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June 2002
The George McGhee Amphora Collection
at the Alanya Museum, Turkey
Patricia Sibella
Photographs by Don Frey
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The INA Quarterly
Volume 29 Supplement 1
3 The George McGhee Amphora Collection
at the Alanya Museum, Turkey
Patricia Sibella
18 Endnotes
19 Suggested Readings
June 2002 by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology. All rights reserved.
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Editor: Christine A. Powell
The George McGhee Amphora Collection
at the Alanya Museum, Turkey
Patricia Sibella
Photographs by Don Frey
The George McGhee collection in the Alanya Museum, Turkey, compris-
es seventy ceramic containers. These have all been recovered since World War II
in fishermen's nets along the southern coast of Turkey.
The forty analyzed here, representing every major period in the eastern
Mediterranean from Persian to Late Byzantine (approximately seventh century
BCE to thirteenth century CE), reflect trade with the Levant, the Aegean, the
western Mediterranean, and the northern Balkans.
This study shows the value of examining museum collections, even ones
lacking full archaeological provenience. Assuming that amphoras recovered un-
der such circumstances comprise a random sample, their relative frequency may
suggest direction and strength of trade links. Many similar collections exist in
Turkish museums, and the prospects for expanded study are promising.
George McGhee, former United States ambassador
to Turkey, with permission from the Turkish authorities,
assembled a remarkable private collection of antiquities
over a twenty-five-year period. In 1995, shortly after his
retirement and return to his home in Virginia, Ambassa-
dor McGhee donated these items to the Alanya Museum.
The McGhee collection consists of over two hundred ar-
chaeological objects, including amphoras, pithoi, and mar-
ble architectural elements, as well as a selection of various
ceramics. It appears that most of these objects were found
inland, except for the amphoras, which were recovered
from the sea between Antalya and Alanya on the south-
eastern coast of Turkey.
George F. Bass, then President of the Institute of
Nautical Archaeology (INA), suggested that I undertake
the publication of these maritime artifacts. He knew that
the ambassador always wanted his collection available to
scholars and the public. Despite the diversity and archae-
ological interest of the entire assemblage, we decided to
focus our attention only on the amphoras, the two-han-
dled jars used for the storage and transport of a variety of
contents. I had already co-authored a book on amphoras
of the western Mediterranean region' and was currently
working on a second volume covering examples from the
eastern Mediterranean. Therefore, I was delighted with the
project. The experience would provide an opportunity for
me to familiarize myself with these ancient eastern ceram-
ic containers. During a productive three days spent in Alan-
ya in 1997, then again in April of 2001, Ismail Karamut,
Curator of the Alanya Museum, kindly shared his thoughts
and observations on the material in the collection.
Seventy amphoras were given to the Alanya Muse-
um, but their staff had inventoried only forty-six. The re-
maining twenty-four jars consisted mostly of small sherds
and could not be identified. Of the forty-six inventoried
amphoras, fourteen of which are currently exhibited at the
Museum, I succeeded in identifying forty. The six jars that
could not be identified consist of two examples entirely
embedded in concretion, an amphora base or toe, and three
unique or little-known jars that I hope can be identified in
the future when similar material becomes available. Al-
though I was offered the opportunity to look at and pho-
tograph all of the McGhee amphora collection, most of
these jars are covered by sea-bed concretion, a layer of
mostly calcium carbonate and sand. Consequently, I could
not determine if any of these concreted amphoras bear
stamps that could aid in their identification. As for the few
non-concreted examples, no mark or stamp was attested.
Jars are referred to by their Museum Inventory Numbers.
As is often the case with private amphora collec-
tions, these containers are not from well-defined archaeo-
logical contexts. Most, if not all, were recovered in
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
fishermen's nets. Thus, certain types are difficult to date
and attribute to a certain region. Nonetheless, it appears
that these amphoras range in age from the Persian to the
Late Byzantine periods (approximately seventh century
BCE to thirteenth century CE), and thus represent some
two thousand years of maritime commerce. I chose to
present the amphoras as a simple catalogue in order of
their chronological sequence and geographical origin. The
terminology adopted is that most often used in similar
studies.
Amphoras have attracted a good deal of attention
from students of maritime trade, particularly from the 1960s
onward. However, it is only during the last two decades that
one has seen a significant growth in the information avail-
able about these transport containers. Their special interest
lies in their value as a marker of economic activity, essential-
ly the exchange of agricultural goods. Primary contents in-
cluded wine, olive oil, and fish sauces. Amphoras were also
used for solids such as salted meat, nuts, nails, and pigments.
Butchered beef bones were recovered in one Mendean and
one pseudo-Samian amphora on the Tekta Buru shipwreck
(Izmir) dated to the fifth century BCE and excavated by INA.2
Amphoras are the containers par excellence of sea transporta-
tion. They may not have been intrinsically valuable, but they
survived over time. Transport jars were first used during
the second millennium BCE in Syria-Palestine and contin-
ued in use for many centuries, to be replaced finally during
the late medieval era by other types of containers, such as
wooden barrels.
Among the most common everyday items discov-
ered and dated to the Persian period are commercial trans-
port jars with angular shoulders. These are known to be
descendants of Early Iron Age jars. The type is represent-
ed in the McGhee collection by two examples, one missing
its shoulders, neck, and rim (Inv. No. 179.1.95), and the
other missing one handle (Inv. No. 121.1.95). Both jars
present a concave upper body that widens toward the mid-
dle then tapers to a pointed base, with ridged ear-handles
set on shoulders and body (fig 1 a-b). Inv. No. 179.1.95 dates
to the seventh or sixth century BCE. This type is found in
Israel, as well as along the western Mediterranean basin.
The upper half of the almost-complete amphora (Inv. No.
121.1.95) consists of a vertical thick rim set directly on the
shoulders without a neck, and shoulders forming an acute
angle with the sides of the body. Fifty centimeters (cm) is
the estimated height. The clay is reddish-buff. The best par-
allels for this amphora are found in Israel, Cyprus, and
Egypt.3 This jar type seems first to appear in the sixth cen-
Fig 1 a-b. Persian amphoras. Inv. Nos. 179.1.95; 121.195.
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
tries BCE. Our example probably belongs to earlier vari-
ants, namely those from the sixth century. The presence of
a pitch interior lining indicates that it most likely contained
wine.
The Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman periods are
marked in Greece by an interesting development in am-
phora production. Early on in the era, numerous ampho-
ras were exported from the Greek homeland to
newly-founded colonies and towns around the Mediter-
ranean, but none of these settlements adopted the typical
amphora shape of the previous age for their own use. Rath-
er, each designed its own amphora type. The McGhee col-
lection accounts for eight such jars.
Although its base is missing, one of these vessels
appears to be of Chian origin (Inv. No. 200.1.95; fig 3), of a
style found on a number of sites around the eastern Med-
iterranean. A tall and narrow neck with a thickened rim
appears to have been flattened down during the manufac-
turing process, thus giving an ovoid form to the neck. Ver-
tical handles of circular section set below the rim and on
the angular shoulders, and a near conical body tapering
toward what may have been a button-toe characterize this
wine container. The pinkish-buff clay is well fired. This is
Fig 2. Basket-handled amphora. Inv. No. 127.1.95.
tury BCE, but is most common in the fifth or fourth centu-
ries. Our example belongs to the latest form.
The third example from the Persian period (Inv. No.
127.1.95) is a complete basket-handled amphora (fig 2). This
type, which receives its name from the two large handles
attached to its shoulders that rise above the rim, was im-
ported into Palestine from the Late Iron Age and contin-
ued into the Persian period. It has an inverted rim, a short
neck, and a cylindrical body tapering toward a stump toe.
It appears to have originated in Rhodes, although a vari-
ant of the type, with a pair of short lateral handles, was
found at Salamis on Cyprus.4 It is common at many sites
along the eastern Mediterranean littoral, indicating its im-
portance in seaborne trade during the period. The type
usually ranges in date from the seventh to the fourth cen- Fig 3. Amphora ofChian origin. Inv. No. 200.1.95.
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
vex sides, and a rather sharp transition to the gently sloping
shoulders just above the point of maximum diameter (fig 5).
The handles, which are set on the neck and shoulders, are
nearly vertical with horizontal tops. The clay is reddish-
brown. Amphoras with such features have recently been
identified as Knidian. The shape suggests a date early in the
third century BCE. If our tentative identification can be ver-
ified after the removal of surface concretion, it may then be
possible to suggest a similarity between this amphora and
those recovered from INA's shipwreck excavation at Serge
Limam between 1979 and 1981 (less well-known than the
medieval "Glass Wreck").s The amphoras and their stamps
there suggest that this ship sank around 280-275 BCE.6
Although Inv. No. 145.1.95 is missing its rim and
toe, its general shape appears to correspond to that of Greek
Fig 4. Proto- or early Rhodian amphora. Inv. No. 173,1.95.
a rather short amphora (seventy-four cm) when compared
to similar, contemporaneous examples that average eighty-
five cm in height. Our example is closest in shape to jars
from contexts dating to the last quarter of the fifth century
BCE.
One amphora (Inv. Nos. 173.1.95) corresponds to
proto- or early Rhodian types that were manufactured from
the end of the fourth to the early third centuries BCE (fig
4). These jars were made on the island of Rhodes for the
famous local wine, and have been recovered throughout
the Mediterranean basin. A fingerprint was found at the
base of one of the handles.
A heavily concreted example (Inv. No. 125.1.95)
probably belongs to a series of Greek wine amphoras char-
acterized by a tall neck, a roughly conical body with con- Fig 5. Knidian amphora. Inv. No. 125.1.95,
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
amphoras dated to the fourth or third centuries BCE (fig
6). Assuming that the missing short section of neck includ-
ed between the base of the rim and the top part of the han-
dles had a straight profile, it may be related to an example
from the Athenian Agora in Greece and identified as a
Corinthian B type? However, if the rim started just above
the handles and presents an inverted profile, then our ex-
ample could be compared to specimens from Mende.B A
stamp would have been a certain determinant here. The
amphora's height is estimated to be sixty-six cm.
The wine of Kos was sought after, but it was of a
relatively inexpensive grade, bought in larger quantities
than those from Lesbos or Thasos? Like Rhodian and Knid-
ian wine, it sometimes had seawater added to it as a pre-
servative. Two partially preserved examples (Inv. Nos.
146.1.95; 147.1.95) are identified in the collection as Koan
types (fig 7 a-b). These amphoras are products of a long
tradition that continued relatively unchanged for a con-
siderable period. Over time, however, these jars from Kos
show a tendency to become taller and narrower. An offset
at the base of the neck is an early feature, which is later
repeated at the base of the shoulders. The double-barreled
handles make Koan amphoras easy to identify, but thepale
greenish surface of their fabric is also an important diag-
nostic feature. Amphora 146.1.95 is missing its neck, rim,
and handles. Its fabric is grayer than that of the second
example in the collection. The distribution of this Koan jar
type in the eastern Mediterranean basin is extensive. As
for its distribution in the western Mediterranean, it seems
Fig 6. Greek wine amphora. Inv. No. 145.1.95. to match the Rhodian amphoras. These facts indicate sub-
Fig 7 a-b. Koan amphoras. Inv. Nos.
146.1,95; 147.1.95.
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
stantial transport of Aegean wine to the West, as far as
England and along the Germanic limes (borders). Although
Koan stamped amphoras found in the West are not com-
mon, it has long been accepted that these jars served as
prototypes for Roman wine amphoras known as Dressel
type 2-4.10 Our two examples belong to the late version of
Koan amphoras that were in use from the first century BCE
to the first century CE.
Among the examples studied, there is one amphora
(Inv. No. 201.1.95) originating from the Knidos-Datca pen-
insula (fig 8). Its mouth, 5.5 cm in diameter, features a ring-
shaped rim, a narrow but conical neck, and two slightly
pointed handles set below the rim and on the shoulders.
The egg-shaped body tapers toward a pointed toe that is
provided with a ring. The fifty-five-cm-high body of red-
dish-buff fabric is unevenly grooved. Dated to the first-
third centuries CE, this type was probably used for carrying
wine and was distributed primarily in the Aegean region.
A similar jar is on display in the Bodrum Museum of Un-
derwater Archaeology," although the latter is slightly taller
(sixty cm) and its handles are more pointed.
The distinctive features of the widely-distributed
Kapitiin 2 or Agora K113 type (Inv. No. 124.1.95) are its
thick, broad, and grooved handles that form a steep arch
well above the level of the narrow rim (fig 9). Below the
rim, one can see a fairly sharp flange. The type has a high,
thick conical neck with tapering body, shallow horizontal
grooves on the exterior, and a tubular, hollowed base. It may
have carried wine. Its origin is probably located somewhere
in the Aegean region. Although it was manufactured from
the very end of the first to the sixth centuries CE, our ex-
ample seems to belong to the third century; it shows some
similarities to amphoras from a wreck found at Iskandil
Buru, near Knidos, during the 1982 INA survey.
Western amphoras are represented in the McGhee col-
lection by only a single complete example (Inv. No. 174.1.95),
currently exhibited in the main room of the Alanya Muse-
um. It appears to be of a type known as Lamboglia 2 or
Fig 8. Amphora originatingfrom the Kni- Fig 9. Kapitdn 2 amphora. Inv. No.
dos-Datfa peninsula. Inv. No. 201.1.95. 124.1.95.
Fig 10. Lamboglia 2 amphora. Inv. No.
174.1.95.
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
Dressel 6 (fig 10)_2 This one has a thickened rim with a slight over-
hang, triangular to nearly square in profile; a high, cylindrical neck;
thick, oval handles; and a thick-walled, bag-shaped body with a
pointed base. The type is generally thought to come from Apulia
in Italy, with wine suggested as its main content." It is widely dis-
tributed in the western Mediterranean, but appears occasionally
in the Aegean, North Africa, and Black Sea. A full load of Lam-
boglia 2 amphoras was discovered in Turkey by INA at Yalikavak,
a former sponge-diving center situated at the very tip of the Bo-
drum peninsula. This type dates from the second to the first centu-
ries BCE.
The Northern Balkans are represented in the McGhee Col-
lection by two examples (Inv. Nos. 218.1.95; 183.1.95). The 218.1.95
jar is complete (fig 11). It has a distinctive, broad thickish flat rim
and a very narrow neck showing a flange at its base. The two wide
handles are ovoid in shape. They are set at mid-neck and on the
shoulders just above the maximum diameter of the amphora, and
form an acute angle. The body slightly tapers toward a flat, wide
base. It is fifty-nine cm high. No close parallel could be found, but
perhaps it is related to the jars from Kapaclia (Romania), which are
dated to the second to third centuries CE." A narrow mouth, a
cylindrical neck, oval handles, and a conical body characterize the
latter. The rather eroded surface of our example prevented us from
observing any possible traces of white paint, which are often seen
on the Kapaclia jars. Fig 11. Amphora resembling jars from Kapaclia (Ro-
mania). Inv. No. 218.1,95.
Inv. No. 183.1.95 is missing part of its rim and neck (fig 12).
It exhibits a thickened flat rim, a wide neck, two handles set on
neck and shoulders, and a body tapering towards a flat base. A jar
from Histria (Romania) bears a similar shape, but without the over-
hanging vertical lip and heavy wheel-ridging on the neck. This
specific example was found in the central part of the city. It is dat-
ed to the sixth century CE,'5 a time period that witnesses a mas-
sive importation of amphoras, thus attesting the increasing
importance of the Istro-Pontic regions of the Empire. Nonetheless,
this Histrian example appears to have been locally manufactured,
and may fall within a long tradition. This is suggested by another
example found on the same site, but dated to the first to second
centuries CE.'6
Byzantine amphoras are clearly the most commonly repre-
sented group within the McGhee collection, where nineteen docu-
mented examples range in date from the fourth to the seventh
centuries CE. The complete example (Inv. No. 170.1.95) exhibits a
slender, tapering, wheel-ridged body ending in a small, slightly
hollowed base (fig 13). Its high neck tapers toward a plain lip pro-
vided with a projecting horizontal flange underneath. The ridged
handles are set below the rim and on the highest portion of the
shoulders. The fabric is soft, gritty, and orange-buff in color. This
amphora is similar to a type, of unknown origin, known as Robin-
son M334. Lebanon has been suggested as one possible source. It
Fig 12. Amphora perhaps related to the jars from His- was manufactured from the third to the seventh centuries CE. Our
tria (Romania). Inv. No. 183.1.95. amphora, however, shares the same general features as an exam-
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
Figl3 (left). Robinson M334 amphora. Inv. No. 170.1.95.
Fig 14 a-g (above and facing page). Late Roman 1 class amphoras.
Inv. Nos. 123.1.95; 163.1.95; 184.1.95; 187.1.95; 188.1.95; 189.195;
197.1.95.
pie found in a well (Deposit M 17:1) located in the south-
ern section of the Athenian Agora, and dated to the early
sixth century.'7
Amphoras of the Riley Late Roman 1 class are the
most common amphora types of the late-antique and ear-
ly Byzantine periods to be found along the shores of the
Mediterranean.1 Seven examples of such amphoras are in
the McGhee collection (Inv. Nos. 123.1.95; 163.1.95; 184.1.95;
187.1.95; 188.1.95; 189.1.95; 197.1.95), of which three (Inv.
Nos. 184.1.95; 187.1.95; 189.1.95) are smaller than the rest
(fig 14 a-g). This amphora category can easily be identified
by its long neck, thickened rim with slightly convex profile,
rounded base with small central button, and crudely fash-
ioned, double-ridged and thick handles extending vertical-
ly from below the rim to the shoulders. Pronounced ridges
that gradually become narrower at the shoulders and base
usually cover the cylindrical body, which appears to have
a waist-like feature at its middle. The height of our am-
phoras ranges from forty-nine to fifty-eight cm. They first
appear in the fourth century CE, but become one of the
most common and widely traveled amphora types of the
sixth and seventh centuries.
Examples of Late Roman I amphoras in the McGhee
Collection are related to the latest versions. On the sev-
enth-century Yassiada shipwreck in Turkey, for instance,
this type accounts for the smaller of the two classes of am-
phoras in the ship's cargo." Outside the Mediterranean, it
is found in Nubia, the Black Sea, and England. Markings
of some sort, usually painted (dipinti), are common on this
type of amphora. However, none of the McGhee examples
show evidence of painted decorations, undoubtedly be-
cause of the general surface erosion that all of the jars have
undergone. No evidence of reuse, such as extreme wear,
repairs, or pry marks around the mouths was evident, ei-
ther. The contents of these jars are generally assumed to
have been wine.20 In fact, thirteen jars recovered from the
Yassiada shipwreck contained remnants of a resin lining,
implying that most, if not all, contained wine or a wine-
based product at the time of the sinking.2' Nonetheless, an
origin in the Antioch region of Asia Minor has been sug-
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
11 INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
gested by petrological fabric analysis of the Late Roman 1
class of amphoras, and kiln sites were recently discovered
in the Gulf of Alexandretta and along the Cilician coast.
If this proves to be correct, then oil could also have been
among the type's contents. Indeed, oil residue, as well as
dipinti indicating oil or olives as the contents, have been
found.2 The problem of identifying the contents of this
type of jar, as with any other vessels from the Late Roman
and Byzantine periods, is inherent to the exchange sys-
tems in which it was traded. The Late Roman 1 class of
amphoras was in use through the course of three centu-
ries; consequently, the vessels' most common contents may
have changed to serve better the specific needs of constant-
ly evolving societies.
Amphoras of the Late Roman 2 type (Inv. No.
126.1.95) were widely commercialized, but always found
in rather limited quantity, except around the Black and
Aegean Seas where production centers have been discov-
ered (fig 15). The clay is usually fine, buff to light orange
in color, with numerous inclusions. The common content
is unknown, but wine seems to be a reasonable guess. Al-
Fig 15. Late Roman 2 amphora. Inv. No. 126.1.95.
though the forms date from the fourth to the early seventh centu-
ries, our example belongs to the later variants.24
Based on a study conducted by Killebrew" on the rim, base,
and general shape of the amphoras known as Late Roman 4 type,
Almagro 54, Riley's class 49, Kuzmanov XIV, and Zemer types 49-
53,' it is now possible to combine these seemingly disparate con-
tainers into two types. These are the Gaza "wine" jars (gazition) or
Killebrew type A, and the "Lost" Ashkelon jars (askahlnion) or Kille-
brew type B,2 While the latter exhibits a wide, convex bottom, near-
ly vertical shoulders, wide handles, and a shorter body, the Gaza A,
represented here by two examples, has a cylindrical, elongated body,
and a small inverted rim. The pointed, hollowed base terminates in a
rounded-off point (Inv. No.122.1.95; fig 16) or in a wider truncated
form (Inv. No. 158.1.95; the poor condition of this example prevent-
ed us from removing it from the shelf, so no photograph is avail-
able). Two ridged ear-handles are set on the rounded shoulders.
Heavy ribbing can be seen on the shoulders and between the han-
dles. The second jar is 72.5 cm tall, of thick, buff-brown fabric. The
upper part of such vessels invariably presents clay accretions, which
have been attributed to the use of a wet chuck (a ring of clay used to
support the pot on the wheel) in the manufacturing process." The
Gaza A and B jars were both produced in and around Ashkelon, as
well as in Egypt Examples are found both on land and under water
throughout the eastern Mediterranean basin, including Israel,29 North
Africa2, Turkey,- and the Northern Balkans.3 Other examples have
been recovered in France, Spain, Germany, north and west of the
Fig 16. Gaza A amphora. Inv. No. 122.1.95. Black Sea, and as far north as England. The shape dates from the
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
third to the seventh centuries CE. Lined with pitch, they almost
certainly were used for transporting the acclaimed white wines of
Gaza and Ashkelon, the fame of which may have been due more
to the wine's use in non-culinary purposes than for its taste. In the
fifth and sixth centuries, however, some amphoras are also known
to have contained pickled fish,3 and other products, such as sesa-
me (?) oil,34 and remains of fish.a Additionally, a secondary use of
the Gaza amphora was for storing wheat and for this reason the
amphora was employed as a measure in Egypt.3
The African II D type of amphora is represented here by a
complete, well-preserved example (Inv. No. 171.1.95). A long cy-
Fig 17. African II D type ofamphora. Inv. No. 171.1.95.
Fig 18. Hybrid type between the African amphora se-
ries and the spatheion. Inv. No. 172.1.95.
lindrical body, a thick, vertical rim with a short neck and small
bent handles distinguish this amphora whose origin was in the
Sahel region of central Tunisia (fig 17). It is widely distributed in
the western Mediterranean region, but it also reached the eastern
part of the Mediterranean world. Our example seems to be a late
version of African amphoras that occur in the third and fourth cen-
turies CE, whose main contents were related to the fish industry,
although olive oil may also have been carried in them. One am-
phora (Inv. No. 172.1.95; fig. 18) seems to be a hybrid type between
the African amphora series and the spatheion, a cylindrical ampho-
ra of the Late Roman period. It has a long, fairly narrow body ta-
pering towards the base, an everted rim, and two short handles
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
applied to the neck. Its origin is probably in North Africa
or Spain. Contemporaneous with the African and spatheion
types, this jar dates to the fifth century CE.
Three incomplete amphoras belong to the Late Ro-
man 7 or carrot-shaped type (Inv. Nos. 151.1.95; 157.1.95;
1811.95; fig 19 a-c). They exhibit a long, narrow neck, large
shoulders, and two ridged ear-handles set on the neck and
shoulders with the 151.1.95 example being a smaller ver-
sion of the type. The long, conical, and heavily grooved
body tapers toward a fully pointed toe. The fabric is coarse
and reddish. Distributed along the shores of the eastern
Mediterranean, they range in date from the end of the third
to the beginning of the seventh centuries. Based on their
stylistic evolution, our examples could be from the third
to fourth centuries. These jars, possibly used for wine,37
may have been manufactured in Egypt, but they appear in
pottery shops at Sinop on the Anatolian coast of the Black
Sea and around the Bay of Iskenderun. Similar jars were
also recovered in other locations from Turkey (Tarsus)38
and Lebanon. The 157.1.95 example finds its best parallel
at Caesarea Maritima in Israel."9
One amphora (Inv. No. 178.1.95) is probably from
Samos (fig 20). This variety is known as the "Samos cistern
type," because of the discovery of various examples in a
cistern on that island. It exhibits an everted rim, a short
neck, handles set below the lip and to the middle of the
sloping shoulders, a ridged cylindrical body whose diam-
eter slightly increases towards the bottom section, and ends
in a conical knob. (Thanks are due to Dominique Pi6ri from
Aix-Marseille University for helping me out in the identi-
fication of this specific amphora.) The peculiar design of
its toe was intended to help in lifting the amphora and to
facilitate the pouring of its contents. The buff-gray clay
seems to be well fired. Our example is a large version of
that series. It dates to the seventh century CE, a time known
to have witnessed a reduction in large-scale amphora pro-
duction. This decline is presumably linked to a decrease of
agricultural surplus production in most of the Mediterra-
nean world. However, the plethora of amphora types found
during that period indicates continuing exchange between
various areas.40 Similar, but smaller, examples were recov-
ered in mainland Greece, Italy, and Albania.' The assem-
Fig 19 a-c. Late Roman 7 amphoras. Inv. Nos. 151.1.95; 157.1.95; 181.1.95.
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
Fig 20. Samos cistern type of amphora. Inv. No. 178.1.95.
blage of the fourth-century shipwreck at Yassiada, which
counts for approximately forty percent of the cargo, may
be compared to earlier versions of our Samian example.4
The presence of these containers in the western Mediter-
ranean may also indicate a restricted trade with western
areas of prime concern to Byzantium.
Two examples (Inv. Nos. 182.1.95; 186.1.95), of
which only the second is complete, were tentatively dated
to the seventh century CE (fig 21 a-b). Both show the same
Fig 21 a-b. Local ampho-
ras, tentatively dated to the
seventh century CE. Inv.
No. 182.1.95; 186.1.95.
inflection at the base of its neck, with a wide central groove
on the handles, which are set on neck and shoulders, and a
smooth-surfaced body tapering toward a rounded base.
They are forty-one and thirty-nine-and-a-half cm high, re-
spectively. The cay is lightbuff in color. Their similar shape
suggests that they came from the same shipwreck, whose
location remains unknown.
Late Byzantine types are also included in the
McGhee collection. Three examples range in date from the
ninth to the thirteenth centuries CE.3 Gunsenin type 1 (Inv.
Nos. 129.1.95; 177.1.95) is characterized by a short neck,
and small but thick handles which extend beyond the rim
(fig 22 a-b). Their average height is forty cm. Coarsely made,
the clay appears to be red-orange to beige-buff in color,
and can, at times, be brittle. Prominent ridges cover the
entire body. Although similar examples have been found
in Bulgaria, Romania, and the former Soviet Union, they
are not as common in the Mediterranean region. Howev-
er, the type is found in some numbers in several Turkish
museums (Bursa, Istanbul, Sinop, and Samsun). They were
part of the Serce Limaru ship's cargo," and were identi-
fied at Teke Burnu during the 1994 INA survey along the
Turkish coast. They date from the ninth to eleventh centu-
ries, and were probably intended to carry wine, although
amphoras put to secondary use have been observed to carry
a variety of Liquid and solid goods.4 Another interesting
amphora (Inv. No. 128.1.95) is a hybrid example between
types 1 and 2 of Ginsenin's classification (fig 23). The up-
per part of this amphora has features of type 1, but exhib-
its a pyriform body, which is covered by widely spaced
grooves. Type 2 amphoras are known from the former So-
viet Union and the Aegean and Black Sea areas, but they
are not usually found south of Izmir. Our example may be
16Z. 1.9L
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
Fig 22 a-b. Giinsenin type 1 of amphoras. Inv. Nos. 129.1.95; 177.1.95.
dated to the twelfth to thirteenth centuries. The concen-
tration of these amphoras along the Sea of Marmara and
in the countries surrounding the Black Sea, confirms the
existence of an important maritime route between the lat-
ter area and the Aegean region from the tenth century on-
ward.
One complete, but concreted, example (Inv. No.
180.1.95) is dated to the eighth to tenth centuries (fig 24).
Coarsely made, it belongs to a series of small amphoras, as
its height does not exceed thirty-six cm. It is characterized
by a distinctive rim, a narrow and short neck, wide han-
dles set on the neck and shoulders that tend to rise above
the mouth, and a body slightly tapering toward a rounded
Fig 23 (left).
Hybrid example
between types I
and 2 ofGiinse-
nin's classifica-
lion. Inv. No.
128.1,95.
Fig 24 (right).
Amphora
which shares
some features
with Crimean
amphoras. Inv.
No. 180.1.95.
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
base. The shape seems to share some features with Crime-
an amphoras."
One amphora (Inv. No. 175.1.95) shows a wheel-
ridged, pear-shaped, ribbed body tapering toward what
may have been a pointed toe (fig 25). The light-brown clay
is fine and well fired. It could date to the eleventh or twelfth
centuries and belong to late Egyptian types. Its size (pre-
served height fifty-four cm) may indicate that the type was
intended for fine wine in retail trade.
One amphora (Inv. No. 191.1.95) belongs to a group
of large jars that are in the form of an everted ovoid with a
rounded base, known as bag-shaped amphoras (fig 26). It
has a short neck merging into an everted rim and two small
ridged ear-handles set at the base of the neck and shoul-
ders. The smooth exterior is buff-red. The popularity and
lengthy use of the bag-shaped jar, from the second half of
the first century BCE to at least the twelfth century CE,
bear witness to its fine adaptation to the purposes for which
it was designed: storage and transport. Our example seems
to correspond to the Ummayyad version of this type of
container. Latest in a long tradition of Palestinian ampho-
ras, it was manufactured in numerous fabrics at various
eastern Mediterranean centers. The most common contents
of these jars are believed to have been wine, but wheat,
barley, and walnuts were also carried in them.47
Finally, one complete amphora (Inv. No. 190.1.95)
can onlygenerally be dated to the medieval period (fig 27).
It is characterized by an everted rim, a short neck, small
handles set on the shoulders, and a rounded, slightly
grooved body tapering toward a large, flat base. Similar
jars have been discovered at Divan Bumu during INA's
Fig 26
Ummrn
version
shaped c
ra. Int
191.1.9.
Fig 27
Amphor
to the im
period. I
190.1.9,
Fig 25. Possible late Egyptian types dated to the eleventh-twelfth
centuries CE. Inv. No. 175.1.95.
INA Quarterly 29.Supplement 1
1984 Turkish survey, and others exist among the substan-
tial amphora collection of the Bodrum Museum of Under-
water Archaeology. However, all those examples differ
slightly from each other. No other parallels could be found
for this jar, which may indicate that we are dealing with a
local type.
The McGhee collection offers a good sample of the
transport containers of antiquity and the Middle Ages,
with the expected predominance of amphoras from the
millennium-long Byzantine period. No single collection
of amphoras, gathered randomly as fishermen net them,
can provide statistically meaningful data for the political
and economic situation of their time. However, a future
study of the growing amphora collections in Turkey's
coastal museums may one day shed important light on the
history of maritime trade along Turkey's coasts. Ambas-
sador McGhee's efforts have saved these amphoras from
the fate of being returned to the sea or even smuggled
abroad. By donating them to the Alanya Museum, he has
made them available to scholars, students, and museum
visitors. I am grateful to the ambassador for making this
work possible.
Acknowledgements: A special thank you goes to Professors George F. Bass and Fred H. van Doominck, from the Institute of Nautical
Archaeology, who agreed to share some of their thoughts with me and who took the time to edit my manuscript This research was
made possible by the generosity of John Merwin, who was, together with Professor Bass, at the origin of this project A special
thank-you note goes also to Dr. Donald Frey and his wife, Sanne Biehle, who accompanied me during the 2001 project Dr. Frey
serves as the vice-president of the Institute of Nautical Archaeology, as well as its famed photographer. or
Endnotes
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8 T. O. Alp6zen, "Bodrum Miizesi Ticari Amphoralari,"
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8 van Alfen 1996, 191; Zemer 1977, 76-78.
19 Bass and van Doorninck 1982; van Alfen 1996.
" J. A. Riley, 216.
21 van Alfen 1996, 203, 208.
1 See J. H. W. G. Liebeschvetz, Antioch: city and imperial
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1 Mayerson 1994, 347-351.
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27Mayerson 1994,348, note 4.
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1' M. F. Lloyd, A Byzantine Shipwreck at Iskandil Burnu, Tur-
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" C. Scorpan, "Origini si linii evolutive in ceramic romano-
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" Mayerson 1994, 349-350; S. A. Kingsley, "Bag-shaped
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1 Zemer 1977, 61-66.
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2 van Doominck 1971, pl. 2, fig. 8.
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46M. I. Artamonov, Materialy i Issledovanija po Arheologii SSSR
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Suggested Readings
Alpizen, T. O., A. H. Ozdas, and B. Berkaya
1995 Commercial Amphoras of the Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archaeology: Maritime Trade of the Mediterranean in
Ancient Times. Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archaeology no. 2.
1989 Amphores romaines et histoire iconomique: dix ans de recherches, Actes du colloque de Sienne (22-24 mai 1986). Rome:
CEFR 114.
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1971 "A Fourth-Century Shipwreck at Yassi Ada." American Journal of Archaeology 75: 27-37.
1978 "An 11th-century Shipwreck at Serge Liman, Turkey." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 7.2: 119-132.
1982 Yassi Ada: A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.
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1989 "Recherches sur la ceramique byzantine." Bulletin de Correspondance Hellbnique, Suppl. XVIII.
Empereur, J-Y. and Y. Garlan
1986 "Recherches sur les amphores grecques." Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, Suppl. XIII.
Empereur, J-Y. and M. Picon
1989 "Les regions de production d'amphores imperiales en Mediterran~e orientale." In Alp6zen et al. 1989.
Grace, V.
1979 Amphorae and the Ancient Wine Trade. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
Lang, M.
1976 The Athenian Agora, Vol. XXI. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
Levine, L. I. and E. Netzer
1986 "Excavations at Caesarea Maritima: 1975, 1976, 1979-Final report." Qedem 21.
Mayerson, P.
1994 "The Gaza 'Wine' Jar (Gazition) and the 'Lost' Ashkelon Jar (Askal6nion)." In Monks, Martyrs, Soldiers and
Saracens: Papers on the Near East in Late Antiquity (1962-1993): 347-351. Jerusalem: The Israel Exploration Soci-
ety/New York University.
Peacock, D. P. S. and D. F. Williams
1986 Amphorae and the Roman Economy: An Introductory Guide. London and New York: Longman Archaeological
Series.
Riley, J. A.
1975 "The Pottery from the First Session of Excavation in the Caesarea Hippodrome." Bulletin of the American School
of Oriental Research 218: 25-63.
1979 "The Coarse Pottery from Benghazi," in J. A. Lloyd (ed.), Sidi Kirebish Excavations, Benghazi (Berenice), vol. (Tripoli).
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1959 Pottery of the Roman Period. (The Athenian Agora, Vol. V). Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at
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Sciallano, M. and P. Sibella
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van Alfen, P. G.
1996 "New Light on the 7th-c. Yassi Ada Shipwreck: Capacities and Standard Sizes of LRA1 amphorae." Journal of
Roman Archaeology 6:189-213.
van Doorninck, F. H.
1989 "The Cargo Amphorae on the 7th-century Yassi Ada and 11th-century Serce Limaru Shipwrecks: Two Examples
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Zemer, A.
1977 Storage Jars in Ancient Sea Trade. Haifa.
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