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In the consideration of the problems which face us as the structure of states
rights under which we have so long taken shelter is torn down around us, the most
significant results in the long run will flow not from what may be done to us, but
rather from the response we make to the problem we face.
The kind of society that we have will depend not upon the laws that are im-
posed upon us by Congress or the Supreme Court, but upon the kind of character
that we build into our society.
Probably the most remarkable example of what I mean is that of the Iewish
people. Under .varying conditions of freedom and oppression, of prosperity and
poverty, they have built and maintained a heritage, a culture, and a society which
seems almost impervious to their environment. Over thousands of years they have
suffered in every imaginable way -- during World War II and the years preceding it
almost 5 million of the 15 million Jewish people were slaughtered -- but they have
gone on to establish the nation of Israel, and to proudly preserve wherever they
live their distinctive beliefs .
I think that part of their secret lies in their ability to maintain their histori-
cal perspective -- to recognize that Rome was not built in one day, neither was
it destroyed in one day. And neither will we be, if we respond to this issue with
our heads as well as our hearts .
So as we consider the harsh alternatives between which we choose as we
face the problems created by the unlawful actions of the Supreme Court of the
United States not only in the field of race relations but in almost every area of
states rights, let us remember that the battle in which we are engaged is a battle
to build a society, not to destroy one -- to build good minds not weak ones --
to build new generations that can live together in peace and harmony, not in hat-
red and discord.
We have a great heritage. We have a great heritage in common with all
Americans, and also one that is distinctive to the South. It is not a heritage of
oppression, but of freedom. The people of the South have done more to educate
and elevate economically a formerly slave race than has ever been done by any
other group of people in all recorded history. We recognize that the job we have
done has not been as good as it might have been -- that we have made mistakes --
that our progress has been slower than desirable -- but that does not take away
from the tremendous achievements that we claim. It is my belief-that, regardless
of the attitude of others, we shall continue that progress and those achievements .
First of all, let us keep firmly in mind that neither force by the Federal
government nor violence by the people will provide a solution for the problem of '
race relations Rightly or wrongly the people of the South have firmly engrained
in their minds the idea that there are certain areas of life which no government
has the right to invade. The tragic experiment of the prohibition amendment to the
Constitution should prove that if it proved nothing else. There was an amendment
adopted by the Legislatures of 46 states, supported by statutes on the books of
our national and most of our state governments, approved by almost all religious
denominations -- but it invaded an area of life which a substantial segment of the
people of this nation considered beyond the province of government -- and it
failed.
Let us therefore make it abundantly clear that we abhor and despise those
criminal elements whatever their source at purpose, who try by terror, bombing
and destruction to intimidate us -- and that we resent, and shall always resent,
the use of bayonets in the hands of American soldiers against the American peo-
ple.
Second, let us call upon our leaders to express the determination that we,
the people. feel to resist, by all lawful and peaceful means the assumption by
the Supreme Court of the United States of legislative powers never granted to it.
During the years since the decisions of May 1954, we have suffered from a bank-
ruptcy of political leadership which has almost exhausted the confidence of the
people in their state governments In asking Our leaders to place before the
world in reasoned and dignied manner the philosophy which we hold,we are not
asking them to cast our lots with demagogues and fanatics, but rather to join the
reasoned appeal of the Chief Iustices of the several states of the Union, the
Attorneys General of the several states of the Union, and a substantial segment
of the Judges of the District Courts of the United States. If these men be dema
gogues. I do not understand the meaning of the word.
Having done this, we must turn our minds reasonably to a consideration of
the avenues open to us, not forgetting that concepts of constitutional law are
uid, and that new avenues of procedure not now apparent may open before us if
we do not despair. We have been fortunate in being able to watch the efforts of
other states upon which pressure was first brought, and out of their troubles and
efforts may yet appear the solution to our own problems. We may find in litigation
now being conducted that there is still room for the freedom of action we seek
within the framework of our hard-won and treasured school system.
We shall not win if we meekly surrender. Our only hope in the long run
is by the quality of our conduct and the strength of our determination to bring
home to those areas of the nation which do not understand our problems a realiza-
tion of the damage that is being caused to a peaceful, harmonious, progressive
society which is rapidly elevating the economic, educational and social stand- ~
ards of its people.
There is real strength and hope of success in this approach. Mahatma
Ghandi was an insignificant little man with the determination never to raise his
hand in force against the mighty British Empire -- but he brought it to its knees
by his implacable determination. The battle we fight now is even more a battle
for mens minds than that which he so effectively waged and won. We, too,
must use the weapons of the mind, not of the arm.
Finally, without for one moment weakening in our determination to preserve
a way of life we believe to be right, let us bridge the chasm which has been
opened between the white and the negro races and seek with renewed vigor to
provide for the negro people facilities and opportunities which, while separate,
are in all respects equal to those provided for the white people, helping them to
produce business men, doctors, teachers, ministers, and laborers who are proud
of their race, their calling, and their State. Upon that foundation, we can erect
a solid structure which will provide educational opportunity for all people, friend-
ship and cooperation between the races and a society in which the pursuit of
happiness will be a universal privilege.
PAGE 1
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m the tremendous achievements the attitude of others, we shell First of all, let us keep firm ernment nor violence by the pei :erelations, Rightlyorwrongly their minds the idea that there e a the right to invade. The tragli natitution should prove that if iopted by the Legislatures of 46 I-l --toy -.re g -z th -I., -o weav III h-v b1.-1.hv ad itae het ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~1 wecam ti ybl hftargrls : -.inu that prgrs an hs cheeet
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ad States of legislative powers never g :isiors of May 1954, we have suffered which has almost exhausted the confid nts. In asking our leaders to place be nuiu, anu tam new avenues or procedure na we do not despair. We have been fortunate other states upon which pressure was fast efforts may yet appear the solution to our o
PAGE 4
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