|
KEYNOTEBGDDRESS
GOVERNOR FARRIS BRYANT
TO
NATIONAL IEOISLATIVB CONFERENCE
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL MEETING
SHERATON HO¢EL
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
SEPTEMBER 6, 1961
This is the occasion of my first visit to Philadelphia.
It will not surprise this audience that a country lawyer from a small
town in a young state should experience a feeling of awe to be in
this historic city, in September. It was here, in September, that
the first Continental Congress met. It was here, in September, that
the Constitutional Convention completed its labors.
I would hesitate to suggest that this occasion will be as
remarkable as either of these. Yet if it is not it will not be
because our country cries out for leadership and inspiration any less
now than it did then. Who can foretell when some spark struck here
will light a fire in the dry tinder of the American spirit?
Today we are embarking upon a series of discussions on the
problems which face the governments of our several states, and we
will dwell largely in the myriad details that comprise the mechanics
of government. Yet each of these discussions will take into account,
in one form or another, the gravity of the current world situation
and the role we, as individuals and leaders in our states, may play
in assuring the continuation of the growth and progress of our land.
It would be imprOper to ignore these problems or our responsibility
to them, and it is fitting that in this first session we should
recognize the background against which all our actions take place.
We are much concerned, and rightly so, with the military
peril that threatens our national existence. Surely every American
will agree upon the necessity of meeting the Soviet challenge in
Berlin, in Cuba, in Laos -- wherever we are threatened by force. We
can win those battles, one by one, yet if you lose the battle that
you gather here today to fight, the sacrifices of war will have been
in vain -- the victories of war will prove Pyrrhic.
-2-
Americans are a naive people. We love our form of
government so well, we treasure our way of life so highly, that it is
inconceivable to us that all other peoples of the world do not share
our sentiments.
We fought a war to make the world safe for democracy,
armored in the conviction that everyone would choose our way of life
did he but have the chance. With the wisdom of hindsight that seems
stupidity now, we know that for democracy to survive there must be
a willingness to live under the law -- to be governed by a respect
for the rights of others as deep as the demand for rights for one's
self. We know, now, that this respect is not learned overnight, nor
under all circumstances -- that it must be woven into the culture
and tradition of a people -- that to be valued it must be sought
for and bought at a dear price. We know, now, that democracy is
sustained, not by armed forces, but by inner forces -- forces that
are as strong as love of honor, and love of life, and love of
country.
Yes, Americans are a peculiar people -- perhaps in some
way not so good as others. I am told that the evaluations of the
American GI in World War II were not always flattering. For one
things, when the GI was put on a lonely post he could not be counted
on to stay there. He was very likely to make an independent assess-
ment of the strength, or the value, of his position, and then
proceed to do what he thought wise to improve it. Frequently his
change of position would be harmful, or disastrous, to his commanding
officer's plans. The independence and initiative that he inherited
from his pioneer forebears did not fit in with the complex organiza-
tion of the modern army.
A few weeks ago I reviewed the troops of the Florida
National Guard in their annual encampment. One of the officers
commented to me in the course of a conversation that American troops
should never be left in one spot very long. "You must keep them
moving," he said, "whether you need to or not." "If you leave the
American soldier in one spot very long, he'll begin to improve his
living conditions. If he's in a fox hole he'll make it more
-3-
comfortable, he'll rig up a shower, he'll build a fireplace, and
before you know it he'll be so comfortable he won't want to move on."
That's one of the big troubles with Americans. Citizen
or soldier, he's never satisfied.
We have the finest schools in the world, but did you ever
hear of an American community satisfied with its schools?
We have more and better roads than any other country in
the world, but did you ever talk to an American satisfied with the
streets of his town, or the roads of his state?
Did you ever think how characteristic it is of the
American to be dissatisfied with what he can buy or hire with his
wages -- so much so that "do it yourself" is a national habit.
Now the significance of this characteristic for what I have
to say today is this: in many, if not most, countries of the world
today when a man is dissatisfied with his economic or social position
he revolts against authority, and tries to take from others by force
what he has not earned himself. But when the American is dissatisfied
he either works harder and longer to improve his income and status,
or he uses his spare time to "do it himself," or he does both.
Communists preach about revolution. what they practice
is tyranny, ancient and absolute. Lacking faith in the ability of
man to improve their own condition, granted the opportunity, they
arrogate to the self-anointed few both the rights and the fruits of
freedom. They talk loudly about the tides of destiny -- but the
only tide they ride is an ebb tide.
There is a revolution going on in the world today. Next
to Christianity it's the greatest revolution the world has ever
known. It's a continuing revolution, that goes on inside every
American as he works to improve the condition in which he finds
himself.
It's the kind of revolution that goes on when a laboring
man sends his sons and daughters to college, to grow up and live
in a kind of world he has never known.
It's the kind of revolution that goes on when a corner
grocer puts in a new display counter, puts up a new front, gets a
-14-
better supply from a coop or a wholesaler, moves from the apartment
over his store, and into a new home in the suburbs and a new life.
It's the kind of revolution that goes on when a grown man
goes to a night school, his light burns to midnight, and his mind
burns with new knowledge.
Yes, we must win the battle of Berlin -- but we must win
the battle here at home, too -- the battle to maintain and improve
a political society in which this internal revolution can go on.
The thing that distinguished the American Revolution from
all others was that it was two revolutions at the same time: the
external revolution against George III, and the internal revolution
of the patent office, of public schools, and of the Bill of Rights.
Hitler thought this internal revolution had died out ~-
that Nazism was the imperative of history. Before he died, he knew
better.
Khrushchev boasts that Communism will sweep the world,
that he will bury us. What he fails to realize is that the grave
he digs is his own.
while he digs, Americans build.
While he seeks the lowest common denominator, Americans
seek the highest possible personal achievement.
I cannot forecast the future, nor discern the tides of
history, but of this I am as certain as I am of tomorrow -- that if
you maintain in your states the climate of freedom and the capacity
for democracy, the American revolution that has taken man from his
knees and lifted his head will go on. The tides of freedom never
run out.
PAGE 1
A l /I AD[ S
PAGE 2
armredin he onvctin tat veronewou........u... of11 i e u v t hAn .thtew dm b ds htta sm
PAGE 3
riuirig revolution, that goes on inside e to improve the cortdition in ul11ch he : kin:i of revolution that Eoes en when a na daughters to college, to grow up ans e has never known, idnd of revolution that goes on when a
PAGE 4
betersuplyfrm acop r awhleale, ovs fomth aprten ov Ihs tr 1-nd 11 .nt 11e11m -1.h sbrb r anw ie t th tekn o eouinthtge nwer rw a
|
