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Quantifying Gender
Issues: A Tool for Using
Quantitative Data in
Gender Analysis
(A Slide Presentation)
Prepared by John Jerome



















May 1994
Under the GENESYS Project for USAID/G/R&D/WID
Contract # PDC-0100-Z-00-9044-00


G E N E S YS











Quantifying Gender Issues: A Tool for Using

Quantitative Data in Gender Analysis

A. Layout of Document and Directions for Use.

This tool is a computer-generated slide presentation. The components include this introduction, 36 color
slides, and a script of the text that accompanies each slide. To give this presentation, all that is needed is a 35 mm
slide projector, a projection screen, and a darkened room. The script contains one page of text for each slide and
a reproduction of each slide appears on the script page with its associated text.
The presentation is divided into two main sections. The first explains the purpose of the presentation and
clarifies some of the main concepts of gender analysis. The second section provides three examples of how
quantitative data can be used to identify and to focus gender issues in development. The examples indicate
three ways in which gender issues can be related to development goals: as contradictions, as constraints, or as
catalysts. A partial presentation can be made if there are time constraints or if there are specific limited needs of
the audience. The first section can be given alone as a consciousness-raising tool or one or two of the example
sub-sections can be omitted to reduce the length of the presentation. If the first section is given by itself, the
presenter may want to omit slide number 7 and keep slides 35 and 36 as conclusions. It is recommended,
however, that the presentation be given in its entirety because it is organized holistically to convey certain ideas
about the relationships between gender considerations and development goals. Approximate timings of the
presentation and its main sections are as follows:
FULL PRESENTATION: 42 MINUTES
SECTION 1 (SLIDES 1-11): 12 MINUTES
SECTION 2 (SLIDES 12-36): 30 MINUTES
A 3.5-inch diskette containing the slides and text of the presentation in Microsoft Powerpoint can be
ordered from the Office of Women in Development, United States Agency for International Development.

B. Introduction to the Tool

This tool was developed primarily to raise awareness among a wide range of audiences concerning the
nature of gender issues in development. More specifically, this tool illustrates how national-level quantitative
data from readily available sources can be used to identify relevant gender issues and to formulate research ques-
tions for more in-depth gender analysis. Finally, this presentation demonstrates ways in which data relevant to
gender issues in development can be graphically displayed to improve comprehension and to encourage action
on the part of development practitioners. The presentation was designed to appeal to a broad audience of peo-
ple who are interested or actively working in international development. The examples used are not limited to




PAGE


I GENESYSI
















narrowly specialized interests but have implications for several development goals including economic growth,
human resource development, democratization, population, and health issues. Discussions and slides are
presented in a manner that is easy to understand by people with modest quantitative experience, and yet
in-depth enough to stimulate ideas for those who are more familiar with quantitative analysis.


C. Guidelines for the Application of this Tool

The main purpose of the tool is to raise awareness among development practitioners about gender issues
and the value of quantitative analysis in identifying and exploring those issues. The tool is also a starting point
from which users can launch their own investigations of gender issues in their own countries relevant to their
particular objectives or areas of interest. For example, users may find that they want to customize this presenta-
tion with examples that pertain to their specific spheres of activity. The first section of this presentation can be
used as an introduction to the more specialized presentation.
Another tool in the GENESYS tool kit-Country Gender Profiles: A Tool for Summarizing Policy
Implications from Sex-Disaggregated Data-helps with the technical aspects of preparing a customized presen-
tation or with applying the concepts learned from this presentation to users' problems. Several of the other
tools in the kit can also be helpful for identifying where to look for, how to look for, and how to interpret gender
issues in development.


D. Slide Show

On the following pages are copies of the 36 slides found at the back of this booklet, with their

accompanying text.



















PAGE 2









Slide Show


GENESYS














Slide 1


The purpose of this presentation is
to demonstrate how quantitative
data can be used as a starting point
for performing gender analysis.
Specifically, we are going to see
examples of how sex-disaggregated
data-readily available from most
U.S. libraries-can be used by devel-
opment planners and practitioners
to identify gender issues that have
significant implications for the
shape and success of development
programs and projects.


The main sources of the data
used in this presentation include the
United Nations Human
Development Report, United States
Bureau of the Census International
Database on Population Statistics,
Demographic and Health Surveys,
and other national surveys.


PAGE














Slide 2


Quantitative data can be useful in
the analysis of gender issues in
development first by simply helping
us to identify aspects of gender rela-
tions in a given situation that may
have an impact on development
goals and strategies and which
therefore warrant more in-depth
sociological analysis.
Second, quantitative data can
help to focus our lines of social
inquiry to target more accurately


development problems involving
gender relations. As we shall see in
some of the following examples,
quantitative data helps make
research more efficient and relevant
by guiding us to formulate the right
questions which will be answered by
gender analysis.


PAGE 5


GENESYS














Slide 3












haaa imac on


Poiivl or Negaivel
aT S I S 6 ~










de ae lo pm ent 6


goas


Before we begin illustrating the use
of quantitative data we need to clari-
fy a few important concepts. First,
we need a definition of a gender
issue in development. In the most
general sense, we can define a gen-
der issue as potentially involving any
aspect of gender roles or gender
relations that has an impact, direct
or indirect, positive or negative, on
the goals of development programs
and projects.










PAGE













Slide 4


When we speak of gender relations
we are talking about the ways in
which culture defines the rights and
responsibilities of men and women
and how these rights and responsi-
bilities interact. Division of labor is
a general term that is often used to
refer to the patterns of variation in
assigned or expected responsibilities
among the various groups and cate-
gories in a given society. Societies
divide responsibilities by several cri-
teria, but the two most basic and
universal are sex and age.


Differences in men's and
women's rights involve differences in
the distributions of a society's
rewards and resources. Resources
can be material elements such as
land, capital, tools, and even time.
Nonmaterial elements such as power
and knowledge are also important
resources which are differentially
distributed according to various bio-
logical and social characteristics.


PAGE 7


I GENESYSI














Slide 5


The second clarification that needs
to be made concerns the differences
in the meanings assigned to the
terms sex and gender. Some listen-
ers may see these terms as synony-
mous, that the only difference is that
gender is the more politically correct
term in the 1990s. Social scientists,
however, use the two terms to dis-
tinguish between the biological (sex)
and social (gender) differences
between men and women.
Biological differences are uni-
versal across all societies and are
unchangeable, except perhaps


through the intervention of the
most modern methods of medical
science. Gender differences, on the
other hand, are culturally deter-
mined and enforced. They typically
include virtually all aspects of the
division of labor and distribution of
resources based on cultural percep-
tions of differences in men's and
women's natures, tastes, preferences,
thought processes, physical charac-
teristics and capabilities, and so forth.
The distinctions between sex
and gender differences are not
always easy for the layperson to
identify. Perceived gender differ-
ences are often so deeply embedded


in people's behavior patterns and
worldviews that they are seen as
natural, that is, of biological origin.
From an anthropological perspec-
tive, however, we can see how much
gender roles vary across cultures and
how much gender roles can change
over time in response to changing
environmental conditions. We then
realize that while biological differ-
ences often influence gender differ-
ences, they rarely determine them.


PAGE 8


_I I Il















Slide 6












3.ac aacaals tat if apprpra tl inororte
A~ U U I i I ~ U I~






into devn ste ie g









a c o mplishment
S 'S6.


Now that we understand what gen-
der relations are and what the differ-
ence is between sex and gender, the
next question is, how are gender
relations connected to development
goals? There are three main ways in
which an aspect of gender relations
can be linked to a development goal:
as a contradiction, a constraint, or a
catalyst. These three ways will be
illustrated with concrete examples
later in this presentation.
First, an aspect of gender rela-
tions can be in direct contradiction
to a development goal. Often these


contradictions involve issues of
equity where an imbalance is per-
ceived between men's and women's
access to development resources or
benefits. Second, an aspect of gender
relations may not directly contradict
any particular development goal,
but may act as a constraint to the
accomplishment of one or more
goals.
The third type of connection, as
a catalyst, is perhaps the least obvi-
ous, but may also hold the greatest
potential value for improving the
efficiency and effectiveness of devel-
opment strategies. The basic idea is
that if development practitioners


understand gender roles and rela-
tionships in a given situation, they
may be able to take advantage of
some aspect of those relations to
improve project outcomes.
Alternatively, if practitioners do not
gain an adequate understanding of
gender relations before designing
and implementing their strategies,
their interventions may seriously
conflict with prevailing patterns of
gender relations and may have a
negative impact on the population
groups they are intended to help.


PAGE 9


GENESYS














S lid e 7_________




4R d e velopment goals ad genderreations

icue intiprsna to are





in Sot sa ad aotaitoi




(d 4oas3rmdw



Hoshla eiin aignrsadfml

planig n gyt (totnfd ~ta~st
C T


In this presentation, three examples
are given of the use of quantitative
data for initiating gender analysis.
Each example was selected to illus-
trate a different type of connection
between gender relations and devel-
opment goals. The first example
involves lower life expectancies of
women relative to men in South
Asia. This phenomenon is seen as
indicating a contradiction between
gender relations and development
goals concerning equitable access of


men and women to the resources
needed for health and long life.
The second example looks at imbal-
anced sex ratios in rural Burkina
Faso as a condition that acts as a
constraint to economic growth.
These imbalances are not in direct
contradiction to any development
goals, but they create a serious labor
shortage in Burkina which, com-
bined with a rigid division of labor
by sex, impedes economic growth.
The third type of connection,
gender relations as a potential cata-
lyst for development goals, involves
fertility decision-making dynamics


in Egyptian households, as evi-
denced by data from the recently
completed Demographic and Health
Survey. Men tend to want more
children than women and they also
tend to play a dominant role in fer-
tility decisions. The implications of
these observations for strategies
aimed at increasing the use of family
planning will be discussed further.


PAGE














Slide 8


Before presenting these examples, a
few comments are necessary about
the limitations of quantitative analy-
sis. While quantitative analysis is
useful for initiating and focusing
gender analysis, it is not sufficient by
itself to provide an adequate under-
standing of the realities of gender
relations in a given situation that


will be beneficial to the design and
implementation of successful inter-
ventions.
Quantitative analysis can tell us
about what is happening and to
whom it is or is not happening. It
can provide indications of the mag-
nitude and scope of a gender issue,
and it permits empirical compar-
isons to be made between various
social groups and categories.
Quantitative analysis, however,
merely provides facts which must be
interpreted before they can be useful.


PAGE


GENESYS















Slide 9


To understand how and why some-
thing is happening, therefore, we
also need to perform qualitative
analyses of gender issues; that is,
investigate the meanings of actions
and outcomes.
Not only does qualitative analy-
sis help us to interpret quantitative
data, but it also is essential for
knowing what kinds of data to col-
lect and from whom. Furthermore,
qualitative analysis helps us to
understand the attitudes and behav-
iors of the people being observed
and to gain insights into the more







P A G E12


subtle aspects of motivations that
cannot be adequately measured by
quantitative means.
However, qualitative analysis is
also not sufficient by itself. Gender
analysis that is truly useful to devel-
opment practitioners must involve
an integration of both quantitative
and qualitative methods in order to
develop a comprehensive picture of
the economic, political, and cultural
realities of a given development
arena.














Slide 10


Along these same lines, it is impor-
tant to point out that we must
always maintain a healthy skepti-
cism about the validity and reliabili-
ty of quantitative data. The general
question we should always be con-
cerned with is, to what extent do the
data accurately reflect the relevant
characteristics of the population we
are interested in studying?
If our data were obtained by a
sampling method, we would want to
know what steps were taken to see


that the sample closely resembles the
population from which it was taken
in all important aspects. Even cen-
sus data, which are supposed to
include almost the entire popula-
tion, can be in error for a variety of
reasons and can lead to incorrect
conclusions.
Another important considera-
tion is how recent the data are.
Although social change is usually
rather slow, some changes can occur
quite rapidly. Data that are ten or
even five years old can be misleading
in situations where rapid, massive
social changes are taking place.


In summary, even data that are
not completely accurate can be use-
ful, but analysts should always take
care to question the quality of data
upon which decisions are being
based and to avoid placing too much
confidence in any single source.


PAGE 13


GENESYSY














Slide 11


This presentation does not attempt
to train viewers to become expert
producers of quantitative data. A
major goal, however, is to make
them better consumers of quantita-
tive data; that is, to promote an
appreciation of the benefits of quan-
titative data for the design, imple-
mentation, and monitoring of
development programs and projects.


Even data collected by commu-
nity-based governmental and non-
governmental organizations can be
of use, but it is absolutely essential
that data be disaggregated by sex
before it can be used to perform
gender analysis.


PAGE 14














Slide 12


Our first example concerns life
expectancy differentials in South
Asia. This example first shows how
quantitative data can be used to
identify an issue-in this case, one
which is in contradiction to
development goals-and second
demonstrates how data can be used
to focus further investigation of the
causes of gender imbalances. First,


we need to briefly discuss the mean-
ing of life expectancy.
Life expectancy is a measure of
the average number of years that a
person can expect to live beyond a
certain age given the age-specific
mortality risks of the population as
a whole at a certain point in time.
Life expectancy at birth is the most
common estimate used but this
measure is strongly influenced by
infant and child deaths. High rates
of infant death-common in under-
developed countries-bring life


expectancy down precipitously. A
population may have a life
expectancy at birth of only 55 years,
but members of that population
who survive past the age of 5 may
have a subsequent life expectancy of
70 or more years.


PA G E 15


GENESYSI














Slide 13


Life expectancy is often used as an
indicator of the general living
conditions of a population. In gen-
eral, the higher the level of socioeco-
nomic development of a society, the
lower the mortality risks experienced
by the members of that society.
For example, this chart shows
the average life expectancies of men
and women for the 25 richest coun-


tries and the 43 poorest countries in
the world. The average life
expectancy of people in the richest
countries is more than twenty years
greater than that of people in the
poorest countries.
We also can see in this chart that
women's life expectancy in both the
richest and poorest countries
exceeds men's; in the richest coun-
tries, the average difference is almost
10 percent, in the poorest countries,
it is only about 5 percent.


PAGE E 6












Slide 14


Many scientists believe that the ten-
dency for women to have longer life
expectancy than men is at least par-
tially determined by biology; that is,
it is a sex difference.
However, if there is, in fact, a
biological dimension contributing
to life expectancy differentials of
men and women, it is impossible to
determine its magnitude, because
cultural factors strongly influence
survival chances and produce con-
siderable variations in life expectan-


cy across societies and among
groups within a given society. These
cultural factors include differences
in the division of labor and in the
distribution of resources between
men and women that differentially
affect their chances for survival and
long life.


PA GE17


I I G ENESYSY


C Culure :















Slide 15


Even among societies with similar
levels of economic development we
see a wide range of differences in life
expectancy between men and
women. This chart shows countries
in Sub-Saharan Africa and the per-
centage points by which women's
life expectancy exceeds men's in
each country. All of these countries
are classified as low-income by the
World Bank and all have high rates
of infant and maternal mortality.
Life expectancy differentials among
these countries, however, range
from a low of almost zero in Guinea


to a high of 13 percent in Sierra
Leone; the overall average is 5 per-
cent, as indicated by the vertical line.
Guinea and Sierra Leone are
among the poorest countries in the
region, so the difference between
these two countries' life expectancy
differentials between men and
women may be due to noneconomic
factors; in other words, they may be
due to differences in gender rela-
tions that give men and women dif-
ferential access to the resources
needed for health and long life.
It is worthwhile to point out
here that gender issues in develop-
ment do not exclusively focus on
women and problems of equity with


men. Gender analysis examines the
relationships between men and
women and how these relationships
produce imbalances. These imbal-
ances can tilt either way; in Sierra
Leone, for example, a look at life
expectancies suggests that men,
more than women, are in some ways
the disadvantaged sex.


PAGE 18














Slide 16


Life expectancy differentials in
South Asia are of particular interest
because in four of these countries-
Bangladesh, India, Nepal, and
Pakistan-the life expectancy of
women is lower than or equal to
that of men. According to World
Bank estimates in 1993, there were
only six countries in which women's
life expectancy was that low relative
to men's. However, in the other two
countries-Guinea and Yemen-the
accuracy of the data is much more
questionable than are the South
Asian figures.


These South Asian patterns are
also interesting to gender analysts
because they occur among countries
that are geographical neighbors and
that share many aspects of common
history and culture. Our attention
is drawn to contextual analyses.
What are the elements of gender
relations that these countries have in
common that contribute to these
unusual gender differentials in life
expectancy?


PAGE19


I GENESYS


'MaI ,

























At wha age ar o e otlt ik







g ru al an uraSesdne

anom leel

euca ion

77ocua tion


Contextual analyses, however, are (1) At what ages are women's mor-
usually very complex and time con- tality risks greater than normal?
suming, especially if there are high (2) Do gender differentials in life
degrees of subcultural variation expectancy vary by
within the populations under study, a. rural and urban residence?
which is the case in South Asia. b
b. income level?
Before embarking on an in-depth b. education?
cultural study of gender relations in occupation?
c. occupation?
South Asia, therefore, we need to d ii?
d. religion?
have a better idea of where to start
looking for answers. For example, it
would be useful to know the answers
to the following questions.










PAGE 20














Slide 18


We cannot go into all of these ques-
tions here, so we will focus on two
areas that are likely to affect gender
differentials in life expectancy:
maternal mortality and child
mortality.
Maternal mortality is, of course,
a sex-specific mortality risk-a risk
that is only faced by women.
Countries with inadequate health
care and sanitation tend to have
high rates of maternal mortality.
These rates can lower the overall life
expectancy of women, particularly if
there is a high prevalence of teenage
pregnancies. The younger the
mothers are at time of death, the


greater the impacts on overall life
expectancy of women.
In this chart we see that mater-
nal mortality in the four South
Asian countries is high, but only in
Nepal is the rate above the average
for all low-income countries.
Furthermore, while South Asian
maternal mortality rates undoubt-
edly lower women's life expectancy
relative to men's, they are not suffi-
cient by themselves to explain the
differentials in life expectancy
observed.


PA GE 2


GENESYS3~















Slide 19


Next, we look at child mortality
rates (also called under five mortali-
ty); expressed as the number of
deaths of persons under the age of
five per 1,000 population in that age
group. Here, we find important
empirical evidence leading toward
an explanation for low female life
expectancies. Among low-income
countries overall, about 9 percent
more male children die before the
age of five than female children. In
each of the South Asian countries,
however, we see that although child
mortality in general is below the
average for low-income countries,


more female than male children die
before age 5. In India the female
child mortality rate is 2 percent
higher than that of males, but in
Nepal the differential is about 10
percent. Note how different the
South Asian pattern is from the
male and female averages for low-
income countries as a whole (as
shown by the two arrows on the
graph).
The next question to ask is,
given the dominant patterns
observed elsewhere in the develop-
ing world, why are so many girls
dying in South Asia relative to boys?
The next step is to look for answers


to this question and to state these
answers in the form of hypotheses
that can then be tested by further
research.
One possible answer or hypoth-
esis could be that many South Asian
parents tend to value sons more
than daughters and that these valua-
tions lead to the neglect of the
health and nutritional needs of their
girl children, which in turn leads to
a weakened ability for girls to
survive childhood.


PAGE f)
Alli lg














Slide 20


Fortunately there are empirical data
that allow us to partially test this
hypothesis. The charts seen here are
adapted from data found in the
Pakistan DHS of 1990-91. The left-
hand chart shows percentage
responses of women who have no
sons to a question about their prefer
ence for the sex of their next child.
The percentages are also broken
down by the number of daughters
the women already have. The chart
on the right shows the same infor-
mation for women who have only
one son. Clearly, among women
without any children, the specific
desire for a son is relatively small


(about 20%), but desire for a son
increases rapidly with the number of
daughters women have.
Perhaps even more striking is
the observation that, if the women
did not indicate a preference for a
son, their next most frequent
response by far was "no preference."
In only one category-women with
one son and no daughters yet-is
the percent preferring a daughter
large enough to register on the
charts. Closer examination of the
data indicates that the women who
state a preference for a daughter
tend to be educated, urban women
who plan to limit family size to 2 or
3 children. Probably, they want to
be certain to have at least one child


of each sex, and since the first child
was a boy, they are hoping for the
second child to be a girl.
The general conclusion to be
drawn from these data is that son
preference is extremely strong in
Pakistan. Other sources indicate
that son preference is as high or
higher in the other three South
Asian countries. While we cannot
form a direct empirical link between
these values and specific practices
that lead to higher than normal
mortality risks for girls, the data are
consistent with the hypothesis.


PAGE23


I GENESYSI


preferr'iw, iiiale
0") I)i-cferritig, feilialc

N\411 110 j)1-CfC1-C11CC














Slide 21


In this first example of using quanti-
tative data as a starting point for
gender analysis we began with the
observation that in South Asia, the
difference between the life expectan-
cies of women and men is less than
in other parts of the world. This led
us to look at mortality rates of dif-
ferent groups, where we found that,
unlike in other countries, girls
under age five in South Asia are
more likely to die than are boys
under age five. We then linked these
differential mortality rates to a
strong preference for sons. The next


question that arises from this pre-
liminary investigation which needs
to be answered by a more in-depth
gender analysis is, what are the insti-
tutional and cultural characteristics
of these societies that make sons so
highly valued and daughters so
lowly valued to parents? An even
more difficult, but very important
question is, once the culture that
produces these values is understood,
how can development interventions
be designed and implemented to
achieve better balance between gen-
ders in this region? In other words,
how can this contradiction between
gender relations and development
goals be resolved in South Asia?


PAGE 24














Slide 22


The second example involves unbal- anced. That is, there are about as While understanding the causes


anced sex ratios in Burkina Faso,
which illustrate a gender issue acting
as a constraint to the accomplish-
ment of economic development
goals. Overall, the sex ratio of a
population-expressed as the num-
ber of males for every 100 females-
is usually fairly close to being bal-


many men as women in the overall
population, but there are typically
more men in the younger ages and
more women in the older ages.
Unbalanced sex ratios are the
consequences of gender relations.
There are only two things that can
cause them: gender differentials in
mortality or gender differentials in
migration patterns (since gender
differentials in birth rates are
insignificant).


of unbalanced sex ratios is impor-
tant, we are more concerned in this
example with the effects that the
imbalances have on development
goals.


PAGE .


GENESYSI















Slide 23


Sex ratios can be displayed graphi-
cally in a number of different ways.
Here we see a line graph of the age-
specific sex ratios of Burkina Faso in
1985. The horizontal line
extending from the 100 mark on the
Y-axis indicates the point at which
there would be an equal number of
men and women in each age
category. Note that there are large
shortages of males particularly in
the prime productive ages from 20
to 60. The lowest point is in the 25-
29 age group, where there are only
about 75 males for every 100
females.


If Burkina Faso had recently
been engaged in a devastating war,
we might suspect that these imbal-
ances were due to differential
mortality, where more men than
women lost their lives in the war.
However, there has been no such
war. The imbalance is due to
migration rather than to mortality.
Migration-induced sex imbalances
are common among developing
countries, especially in Africa, where
men, more often than women or
families, leave their economically
depressed countries in search of
work in other areas.
The sex ratio imbalances of
Burkina Faso have existed for


decades, and have stimulated several
case studies of the situation relative
to development strategies and goals.
This is beneficial to our purposes
because it permits an illustration of
a complete gender analysis cycle
from the observation of an empiri-
cal phenomenon, through examina-
tion of the causes and consequences
of the phenomenon, to exploration
of implications for development
strategies.


PAGE26















Slide 24


From the quantitative data alone, we
can see that the bulk of the male
migration is from the rural sector.
This chart shows the age- and sex-
disaggregated urban and rural pop-
ulations of Burkina shown side by
side and drawn to the same scale for
comparison. Note that in the rural
sector among the 20-to-40 age
groups, the women's bars extend
well beyond the men's. In the urban
sector, sex ratios are closer to being
in balance and in a few age groups,


slight surpluses of males are
observed. Because the urban popu-
lation of Burkina is only about one-
fourth the size of the rural popula-
tion, however, the urban surpluses
are far from sufficient to account for
the absent males in the rural sector.


PAGE 27


GENESYS


w Females
Males














S li e 2 5_________





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Consequence;I of agiutr
Male~~ ~ Emgato I Sussec giutr*n


Case studies show that most of these
males are going to C6te d'Ivoire or
Ghana to work on plantations and in
factories, and that the majority plan
to (and usually do) return home to
Burkina Faso. Some of the migrating
males are husbands working to help
support their families back home, but
the majority of migrants are single
males, particularly those who do not
have access to any land to farm in
Burkina. These men are generally
trying to earn enough money to
return home and become successful
in the economy and in the marriage
market. Opportunities for women
who migrate are not as good as those


for men. Furthermore, while economic
conditions at home may not be prosper-
ous, women can generally find means of
subsistence through their fathers'
households and through various
women's cooperative activities such as
processing food items for the local
market. Economic security for landless
men is not as easily obtained. Hence,
the cultural systems of rural Burkina
Faso tend to encourage male migration
and discourage migration of women
and families, which results in highly
unbalanced sex ratios in the rural sector.
This sex ratio imbalance con-
tributes to a shortage of labor in
Burkina Faso that impedes domestic
economic growth. This labor short-
age, however, is due less to an actual


lack of people than to the rigid divi-
sion of labor, which inhibits one gen-
der from doing the work typically
assigned to the other. Women of
Burkina Faso traditionally do the bulk
of subsistence farming while men are
responsible for commercial agricul-
ture. Under present conditions,
women are burdened by increased
duties in subsistence farming and
household maintenance. Also, com-
mercial agriculture is not progressing,
largely because males are not available
to do this work and women are only
marginally allowed to take their places.


PAE28














Slide 26


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eoo ic rsuc s fo wo e speilyi h ua etr



Ecuagmn of flxblt in di iso of lao nldn
inrasn ecoomi ISoruite fo I n Sh prdutiit of



Women. a


The government of Burkina Faso
has recognized the negative effects
of the emigration patterns, and,
hoping to reduce the labor shortage
and improve the growth of the
domestic economy, has begun to
institute measures to lower the
incentives for men to migrate in
search of work. It is doubtful, how-
ever, that sex ratios are going to
return toward balance in the near
future, especially without improve-
ment of economic opportunities at
home. Therefore, development
strategies must treat the sex imbal-
ance and its subsequent labor short-
age as a constraint that needs to be


handled in order to proceed toward
economic growth.
The main tactic for coping with
this situation is to increase the flexi-
bility of the division of labor to per-
mit women to engage in a wider
range of economic activities and to
empower women to be more effi-
cient and effective at the work they
are presently doing. Among other
things, this approach requires that
women have greater access to essen-
tial resources for being productive,
especially agricultural inputs and
education and training resources.


There are also implications for
population and health concerns that
derive from the male migration pat-
terns of Burkina Faso, but these have
not yet been extensively explored
through gender analysis. For exam-
ple, family planning strategists
would want to know in what ways
these migration patterns are influ-
encing such things as the onset of
fertility and the spacing of births.


PAGE'29


GENESYS














Slide 27


There are several lessons that can be
learned from the Burkina Faso
example that are relevant to the top-
ics of this presentation.
First, we have seen again how
quantitative data can be used as a
starting point for gender analysis.
Second, we have seen how gen-
der relations can act as a constraint
to the accomplishment of develop-
ment goals without actually being in
contradiction to those goals. In this


case, sex ratio imbalances created a
labor shortage, and both the sex
imbalance and labor shortage phe-
nomena were the result of economic
forces combined with a somewhat
strict division of labor by gender.
These circumstances, in turn, inhib-
ited economic growth.
Third, at first glance, sex ratios
may not seem to have a great deal of
relevance to development issues, but
as we have seen, imbalances in these
ratios can have rather wide-ranging
implications.


PAGE30














Slide 28


The third example, using data from
the 1992 Egypt Demographic and
Health Survey (EDHS), illustrates how
a gender issue might be utilized by
development practitioners as a catalyst
to improve goal accomplishment. In
this case, the goal is to reduce popula-
tion growth by increasing the use of
family planning. The main gender
issues are (1) differences in men's and
women's attitudes toward family plan-
ning; and (2) ways these differences are
filtered through household authority
structures to become fertility actions.
We want to consider differences in
attitudes and culture between rural
and urban areas. Here, we are espe-
cially interested in how husbands and


wives differ in their attitudes and
behaviors toward family planning, and
how these differences vary regionally.
The map shows Egypt's four main
regional divisions: (1) the governorates
of Alexandria, Cairo, Port Said, and
Suez, all almost entirely urban;
(2) Lower (northern) Egypt, with
rural and urban sections; (3) Upper
(southern) Egypt, also with rural and
urban sections; and (4) the Frontier
governorates. (Data from the frontier
governorates are not used here
because, while they constitute 90% of
the land area of Egypt, they contain
less than 4% of the population.)
While both Lower Egypt and Upper
Egypt have rural and urban sectors,
Upper Egypt is less developed overall


than Lower Egypt, both in material
levels of development and in moder-
nity of social institutions and atti-
tudes, especially attitudes toward
family planning and limiting family
size. Thus, we will consider five
regions: the urban governorates,
urban Upper Egypt, urban Lower
Egypt, rural Upper Egypt, and rural
Lower Egypt. This geographical vari-
able illustrates that development prac-
titioners need to understand how gen-
der relations vary within a society to
target those population segments
where the need for intervention is
greatest with the types of efforts that
offer the greatest probability of success.


PAGE 31


I GENESYS1














Slide 29


In rural agricultural communities,
children tend to have substantial
economic value to parents as a
cheap source of labor and as a form
of old-age social security. In these
cultures, large numbers of living
children also tend to be an impor-
tant source of social prestige for the
parents. Consequently, fertility rates
are generally much higher in rural
areas than in urban areas, because of
a continuing high demand for large
families, and because of a lack of
access to family planning services.
The desire for large families tends to


persist in rural areas even when
there is not enough work in agricul-
tural sectors for all of the able-bod-
ied population. Thus, high rural
fertility also contributes heavily to
the rapid urban growth occurring in
many developing countries, as peo-
ple from the countryside migrate to
the cities in search of work and a
better life.
We can see from this chart of
the total fertility rates of the five
regions that fertility levels in the
urban governorates and in urban
Lower Egypt are approaching levels
that may lead to a stable level of nat-
ural increase once population


momentum has been expended.
In the urban sections of the more
conservative Upper Egypt, however,
TFR is still at 3.6. Fertility in the
rural sectors of both Upper and
Lower Egypt is still high (4.1 and
6.0, respectively). Since a majority
of the Egyptian population lives in
rural areas, high rural fertility
means that the nation will continue
to experience high rates of natural
increase. Rapid rates of urban
growth (3.1% during the 1980s)
suggest that much of the excess pop-
ulation being produced in the rural
areas is migrating to the cities.


PAGE32














Slide 30


One important aspect of fertility
decisions that tends to be overlooked
is that these decisions take place
within the context of a marriage, and
often in an extended family system.
Decisions about when to start having
children, how often to have them,
and how many to have, are rarely
made by the woman alone but
involve many influences from her
family and from the broader commu-
nity. This chart shows data from the
1992 EDHS on the percentages of
wives and husbands who say they
approve of family planning. The
chart also shows the percentage of
couples in which both husband and


wife agree on approval. In each of
the regions wives are more likely than
husbands to approve. When couples
are the unit of analysis, the approval
percentage declines across all regions.
Also, the proportion of wives
who approve is quite high and rela-
tively consistent across all of the
regions except rural Upper Egypt,
where wives' approval is more than
10 percent below the next closest
region, rural Lower Egypt. The pat-
tern is different for husbands in that
the two regions with lower approval
are the rural and urban sectors of
Upper Egypt. Rural Upper Egypt is
also the region with the lowest per-
centage of agreeing couples. Two
other observations are: (1) the


greater amount of disagreement
occurs between husbands and wives
in Upper Egypt, rural and urban, but
(2) the greatest difference between
percent of husbands and couples
approving occurs in the rural sectors,
in both Upper and Lower Egypt.
These observations suggest that there
is considerably less demand for fami-
ly planning in Upper Egypt than in
Lower Egypt and in the rural than in
the urban sectors, but that there also
tends to be more disagreement
among spouses in Upper Egypt over
family planning.


PAGE 3IV7)
AJl


I GENESYS














Slide 31


In most surveys of family planning
attitudes in developing countries,
husbands are generally less positive
toward family planning than wives,
and husbands tend to desire larger
families than wives; a pattern that is
apparent in the Egyptian data. This
chart shows the mean number of
children desired by husbands and
wives for each of the five regions. In
Egypt as a whole, the mean number
of children desired by husbands in
1992 was 3.3, but for wives was only


2.9. In all regions husbands' ideal
numbers exceed those of wives and
the ideal numbers for both genders
are greater in rural than in urban
areas and in Upper than in Lower
Egypt.
The total fertility rate for Egypt
in 1992 was 3.9, indicating that the
actual number of children born to
many Egyptian families exceeded
the number of children desired by
one or both parents. This has
prompted some intervention strate-
gists to focus on servicing what they
perceive to be a significant unmet
need among Egyptians for family
planning.


It is true that family planning
services and technologies must be
readily accessible to be used, but this
alone will not significantly reduce
excessive population growth. In
addition, the demand for children
must be reduced particularly among
rural families, where children still
represent economic assets, commu-
nity prestige, and old-age security
for their parents.


PAGE 31














Slide 32


To be effective in reducing demand
for children the development practi-
tioner must recognize that there are
differences in men's and women's
desire for children and that persons
other than the woman often play a
dominant role in fertility decisions.
We have already seen that Egyptian
husbands are more likely to disap-
prove of family planning and tend to
want more children than their wives,
but what about the husbands' abilities
to impose their desires on their wives?
The 1992 EDHS included ques-
tions that provide information about


the status of women within the
Egyptian family and the marital
power relationships that guide fertili-
ty decisions. This chart shows the
percentages of husbands and wives by
residence who say that it should be
acceptable for a wife to express her
opinion in front of others when she
disagrees with her husband. In the
most developed parts of Egypt-the
urban governorates-four-fifths of
both spouses find this acceptable.
The percentages for both spouses
decline and the gap between hus-
bands' and wives' responses widens,
however, with lower levels of devel-
opment in other regions.


The observed pattern of women's
status and authority within the
household is also substantiated by
other EDHS measures not shown
here. We can infer that the indepen-
dence and authority of wives in Egypt
tends to be less in regions that are less
developed. In almost half of the
households of rural upper Egypt,
women are not permitted to disagree
with their husbands in public. This
raises the question of what happens if
husbands and wives disagree about
whether or not to have another child.


PAGE35


GENESYS














Slide 33


This chart shows the percentages of
husbands and wives who say that the
husband should have the last word
on whether or not the couple has
another child. Note that the per-
centages in the urban governorates
and in urban Lower Egypt are fairly
low for both spouses. The percent-
ages are higher in Upper Egypt and
in rural regions, with rural Upper
husbands reaching a high of nearly
60%. Even in the urban sector of
Upper Egypt, almost half of the men
believe that the husband should
have the final say on having another
child. We also see, however, that


there is a much greater difference
between husbands' and wives'
responses to this question in Upper
Egypt than in the other regions.
We can infer from these data
that male dominance of household
decisions is still strong in Egypt, but
especially strong in Upper Egypt.
These patriarchal gender relations
also correspond with the areas
where fertility rates remain too high
for sustainable development.
These issues need more in-
depth analysis before concrete policy
recommendations can be made, but
the data suggest options that devel-
opment planners and strategists
should consider. If a large propor-


tion of the men in Upper Egypt are
making the final decisions about
childbearing and if these men tend
to want more children than their
wives, we can infer that men are
having a significant impact on
maintaining high rates of fertility,
especially in Upper Egypt. We can
incorporate this knowledge into
intervention strategies to help
increase the demand for family
planning services in the areas where
they are most needed.


PAGE 36














Slide 34


If husbands are the main fertility
decision makers they should be the
primary targets of family planning
promotion programs. In other
words, strategists may want to
focus on the male population more
directly with their information,
education, and communication
programs to make the husbands
more aware of the benefits to
themselves and to the larger society
of having smaller families and more
space between children.
Development strategists may
also want to look for ways in which
Egyptian women in the more


patriarchally oriented regions can be
empowered with a stronger voice in
fertility decision making. This tactic,
however, involves sensitive issues
that might stimulate conflict within
Egyptian households, and thus
requires careful consideration before
any attempt at implementation, and
a highly diplomatic approach.
Last, strategists may want to
look more to the demand side of the
population problem and seek out
ways that the demand for large fam-
ilies, particularly among husbands,
can be reduced in rural areas. This
approach implies coordination
among various agencies and bureaus
with different agendas to develop


integrated development strategies
that work synergistically to tackle
persistent problems such as rapid
population growth.
All of the foregoing are merely
suggestions for consideration that
should not be taken as definitive
solutions, nor should they be regard-
ed as an exhaustive list of options.
The main purpose of this example
was to illustrate how a gender issue
can be identified and incorporated
into a developmental strategy as a
catalyst to improve outcomes of
development interventions.


PAGE


GENESYS1














Slide 35


In summary, this presentation has
demonstrated some of the ways that
quantitative data can be used to
assist in carrying out gender analy-
sis. The two main ways in which
quantitative data have been shown
to assist gender analysis are through
the identification of potential gen-
der issues that warrant closer exami-
nation, and through the formulation
of the right kinds of questions to
guide the process of gender analysis.


The presentation has also
provided examples of ways in which
gender analysis can be used by
development practitioners to make
connections between gender rela-
tions in a specific situation and
specific development goals.


PAGE 33












Slide 36


Knowledge of the connections
between gender relations and devel-
opment goals has two main benefits
for the development community.
First, gender analysis helps to
effectively and efficiently target
resources, benefits, and activities so
that they are compatible with the
economic, political, and cultural
realities of a given situation.


Second, gender analysis helps
planners to successfully anticipate
the impacts that their programs and
projects will have on the people they
are intended to serve.


PAGE39


I GE ESYS


















E. References

Barakat, Halim. 1993. Arab World: Society, Culture and State. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Henderson, Helen Kreider, Judith Ann Warner, and Nancy Ferguson. 1982. Women in Upper Volta. Working
Paper No. 2, Office of the Council for International Programs, Women in Development. United States
Agency for International Development. University of Arizona.

Macro International Inc. Egypt Demographic and Health Survey, 1992. Calverton, MD: Macro International Inc.

Macro International Inc. Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey, 1991. Calverton, MD: Macro
International Inc.

Okoth-Ogendo, H. W. 0. 1989. "The Effect of Migration on Family Structures in Sub-Saharan Africa."
International Migration 27 (2 June).

Palmer, I. 1985. "The Impact of Male Out-Migration on Women in Farming." Women's Roles and Gender
Differences in Development Series. West Hartford: Kumarian Press.

Pryce-Jones, David. 1989. The Closed Circle: An Interpretation of the Arabs. New York: Harper & Row.

UNICEF. Children and Women of Nepal: A Situation Analysis 1992. Kathmandu, Nepal: UNICEF.

United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Report 1993, New York: Oxford
University Press.

United States Bureau of Census. International Database 1993. (Population data on Burkina Faso, 1985).






















PAGE
::a


I GENESYS1













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