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- Permanent Link:
- https://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00077400/00001
Material Information
- Title:
- Dialectal variation in the Aymara language of Bolivia and Peru
- Creator:
- Briggs, L. T. ( Lucy T )
- Place of Publication:
- Gainesville, Fla.
- Publisher:
- Lucy Therina Briggs
- Publication Date:
- 1976
- Copyright Date:
- 1976
- Language:
- English
- Physical Description:
- 2 v. (xvi, 848 leaves) : map ; 28 cm.
Subjects
- Subjects / Keywords:
- Aymara language ( lcsh )
Aymara language -- Dialects ( lcsh )
- Genre:
- bibliography ( marcgt )
Notes
- General Note:
- Dissertation--University of Florida.
- Bibliography:
- Includes bibliographical references (leaves 835-846).
- General Note:
- Typescript.
- General Note:
- Vita.
- Statement of Responsibility:
- by Lucy Therina Briggs.
Record Information
- Source Institution:
- University of Florida
- Holding Location:
- University of Florida
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- The University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries respect the intellectual property rights of others and do not claim any copyright interest in this item. This item may be protected by copyright but is made available here under a claim of fair use (17 U.S.C. §107) for non-profit research and educational purposes. Users of this work have responsibility for determining copyright status prior to reusing, publishing or reproducing this item for purposes other than what is allowed by fair use or other copyright exemptions. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder. The Smathers Libraries would like to learn more about this item and invite individuals or organizations to contact the RDS coordinator (ufdissertations@uflib.ufl.edu) with any additional information they can provide.
- Resource Identifier:
- 03125344 ( OCLC )
025638775 ( AlephBibNum )
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DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE
OF BOLIVIA AND PERU
By
LUCY THERINA BRIGGS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1976
This deseription of dtalectal variatton in the
Aymara language of Bolivia and Peru ts dedicated
to all the Aymara speakers who helped make tt
posstble, and to the Aymara linguists of the
future who will improve upon tt.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study is based on research conducted from
1970 through 1975 at the University of Florida and in
Bolivia and Peru, under the auspices of (1) a graduate
teaching assistantship (1970-71) in the Aymara Language
Materials Project funded by Title VI of the National
Defense Education Act, (2) a National Science Foundation
graduate fellowship (1971-74), and (3) a University of
Florida College of Arts and Sciences graduate fellowship
(1974-75). To the sources of that support I wish to
express my deep appreciation.
Special thanks are due also to my parents,
Ellis Ormsbee Briggs and Lucy Barnard Briggs, who
gave me financial and moral support throughout my doc-
toral studies.
My field work in Bolivia was authorized by the
Instituto Nacional de Estudios Lingiifsticos (INEL) and
facilitated by the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara
(ILCA). My field work in Peru was authorized by the
Instituto Nacional de Investigaci6n y Desarrollo de la
Educaci6n (INIDE). Copies of this study are being made
available to the three named entities, for whose coopera-
tion I am very grateful.
iv
The list of persons who assisted me in the
research is long. I wish here to single out three per-
sons whose contributions were crucial to my undertaking
the task and bringing it to a conclusion. They are
Dr. M. J. Hardman, director of my doctoral dissertation,
and two native speakers of Aymara who were my teachers at
the University of Florida: Ms. Juana V&squez, writer and
artist, and Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita, founder and director
of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara of La Paz and
professor at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in
La Paz. Whatever insights I have gained concerning Aymara
language and culture are due in large measure to their
knowledge and patient guidance. Without the training I
received from them and their considerable help in the
analysis, this study could not have been completed.
Specifically, Ms. Vasquez helped me review the extensive
literature on Aymara, commenting on the Aymara examples
contained therein. Mr. Yapita reviewed a near-final
draft of the whole manuscript of this study, sometimes
listening to tapes to check the accuracy of the tran-
scriptions of the Aymara examples. Both worked with me
in the analysis of translation dialects culminating in
Chapter 9.
In the various stages of the work Dr. Hardman
was my constant mentor, challenger, and support. The
final draft also benefitted from the suggestions of the
other members of my doctoral committee, as well as those
of Professor Bohdan Saciuk of the Program in Linguistics
of the University of Florida, who kindly read and com-
mented on Chapters 3 and 4. I also wish to thank Dr.
Charles Palmer for preparing the final versions of the
maps, and Ms. Patricia Whitehurst for typing the final
draft of the manuscript.
In acknowledging the help I have received, I do
not wish to imply that this study is free ef errors. For
them 1 take full responsibility, trusting that researchers
who follow me will correct my mistakes with ‘the same zeal
that I have applied to correcting my predecessors, in
pursuit of the objective we all share--ever more accurate
descriptions of the Aymara language.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ---------------------- cere nner
ABSTRACT --------------- n-ne on nr rrr rrr rire
CHAPTER
] INTRODUCTION -------------------------------
1-1 Demography --------------- enn --
1-1.1 Number and location of Aymara
speakers ------ n-ne cn rn renner nee
]-1.2 Status ----------------- nee renee
1-1.3 Monolingualism, bilingualism,
and multilingualism -----------------
1-2 History ~----------- een n nce rene
1-2.1 Language family ---------------------
1-2.2 Dialects ----------------------------
1-2.3 Summary description of La Paz
Aymara ~----------------r errr errr
1-3 The Present Study -------------------
1-3.1 Theoretical bases -------------------
1-3.2 Purposes and scope ------------------
1-3.3 Methodology and data ----------------
1-3.4 Sites and sources -------------------
1-3.5 Organization of the study -----------
1-3.6 Conventions and terminology ---------
2 A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE -----------------
2-1] Introduction -------------<----------
2-2 Colonial Period ---------------------
2-3 Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th
Centuries ---------------------------
Vii
2-4 Linguistic Studies ------------------ 62
2-4.1 Synchronic studies ------------------ 62
2-4.2 Historical studies ------------------ 78
2-5 Summary and Projection -------------- 78
VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN PHONOLOGICAL
SHAPE OF MORPHEMES ------------------------- 80
3-1] Introduction ------------------------ 80
3-2 Phonemes ---------------0r rere c nnn 80
3-2.1 Phonemic inventory ------------------ 80
3-2.2 Allophones -------------------------- 83
3-2.3 Canonical forms --------------------- 86
3-2.4 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence -- 87
3-3 Nonphonemic Phenomena --------------- 89
3-3.1 Stress ------------- een nner ere 89
3-3.2 Intonation -------------------------- 90
3-3.3 Spanish loans ----------------------- 90
3-4 Phonological Correspondences Within
and Across Dialects ----------------- 9]
3-4.1 Vowel correspondences --------------- 92
3-4.2 Consonant correspondences ----------- 100
3-4.3 Correspondences of vowels and/or
vowel length and nonstop consonants -- 127
3-4.4 Metathesis --------------------------- 132
3-4.5 Correspondence of final (C)CV
sequence with another CV sequence
OY Z@YO --------- n-ne nnn er renee 136
3-4.6 Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and
Z@YO ------------------- ee 137
3-4.7 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and
vowel length or zero, and corre-
spondence of final /ma/ and zero ----- 139
3-4.8 Combinations of correspondences in
One word ---------------- nnn n nner nee 139
3-5 Conclusion -----------------9--------- 140
VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS ---------------- 145
4-] Introduction ------------------------- 145
viii
Page
4-2 Morphologically Determined Vowel-
Deleting and -Retaining Rutes
(Morphophonemics of Suffixes) ------- 146
4-2.1 Phonological and morphological
conditioning ---------------- rrr -- 147
4-2.2 Morphological conditioning ---------- 148
4-2.3 Phonological and syntactic
conditioning ------------- rrr rrr 149
4-2.4 Morphological and syntactic
conditioning ------------- rrr nn 149
4-3 Phonotactically Conditioned Rules
(Canonical Form Conditions) --------- 149
4-3.1 Word-initial position --------------- 150
4-3.2 Medial position --------------------- 154
4-3.3 Final position in morphological
Word ------------- nee een reer cence 185
4-3.2 Final position in syntactical word -- 192
4-4 General and Dialect-Specific Rules -- 193
4-4.1 Variation in morphophonemics of
suffIXeS ------- e-em recone 194
4-4.2 Variation in other morphophonemic
YULES ---- ee nn eo mm ne rrr rrr 195
4-5 Conclusion ------------ screen 197
VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM --------------- 202
5-1 Introduction ----------------r- HH 202
5-2 Closed Classes of Noun Roots -------- 203
5-2.1 Interrogatives --------------- nn 203
5-2.2 Demonstratives ---------------------- 210
5-2.3 Personal pronouns -----------~------->- 215
5-2.4 Numbers -------------------- cnr H-- 216
5-2.5 Positionals --------------------- 0-H 222
5-2.6 Temporals ----------------- reno 226
5-2.7 Ambiguous noun/verb roots --~--------- 243
5-3 Noun Suffixes ---~---------- rrr -- 245
5-3.1 Class of limited occurrence --------- 245
5-3.2 Class 1 suffixes -----------9-------- 259
5-3.3 Class 2 suffixes -----------4-------- 274
5-3.4 Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers) ------ 300
ix
5-4 Summary and Conclusions -------------- 309
5-4.1 Types of variation in the noun
SYSTEM ---- nn een en ee nr rr errr nn 309
5-4.2 Dialectal patterning ----------------- 311
VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM ~---------------- 317
6-1 Introduction ------------------------- 317
6-2 Verbal Derivational Suffixes --------- 318
6-2.1 Class 1 suffixes --------------------- 321
6-2.2 Class 2 suffixes --------------------- 345
6-2.3 Class 3 suffixes --------------------- 374
6-3 Verbal Inflectional Suffixes --------- 384
6-3.1 Introduction ------------------------- 384
6-3.2 Verbal inflectional distinctive
features --------------- eee rn rrr 386
6-3.3 Tenses ------------ rrr errr rrnne 389
6-4 The Verb sa.fia 'to say' -------------- 445
6-4.1 sa.fia with Simple tense -------------- 447
6-4.2 sa.fia with Future tense -------------- 450
6-4.3 sa.fia with other tenses -------------- 453
6-4.4 Dialectal patterning -~---------------- 454
6-5 Summary and Conclusions -------------- 455
6-5.1 Types of variation in the verb
SYSt@M ------ non nnn ner er renner nnn 455
6-5.2 Dialectal patterning ----------------- 459
SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION ----- 468
7-1 Introduction ------------------------- 468
7-2 Particles and Syntactic Suffixes ----- 469
7-2.1 Particles ----------------------- eee 469
7-2.2 Syntactic suffixes ------------------- 473
7-3 Basic Sentence Types ----------------- 508
7-4 Morphosyntactic Processes ------------ 509
7-4.1 Reduplication ---~--------------------- 509
7-4.2 Subordination ------------------------ 517
7-4.3 uka linker and summarizer ------------ 562
7-4.4 sa.fia embedding ---------------------- 564
7-4.5 Negation ----------------------------- 576
7-5 Conclusion --------------------------- 587
10
VARIATION IN SEMANTICS ---------------------
i
_
& Whr—
.
ad
co © CO © co wwocnc oo
'
> ww wo nM PON PP
i
ot
Introduction ------------------------
Linguistic Postulates ---------------
Four-person system ------------------
Human/Nonhuman ----------------------
Directly/Indirectly acquired
knowledge (data source) -------------
A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural ----
Semantic Variation in Roots and
Suffixes -------------- nen nen n eee
Noun system -------------------------
Verb system -------------------------
Metaphor ------------------- ene
Summary and Conclusion --------------
MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA -------
9-1 Introduction ------------------------
9-2 Phonology --------- reer nner rrr
9-3 Morphophonemics ---------------------
9-4 Morphology ------------ rrr r nnn r ne
9-5 Morphosyntax and Syntax ~-------------
9-6 SemanticS --------- ec rrr rrr errr ne
9-6.1 Linguistic Postulates ---------------
9-6.2 Other semantic peculiarities --------
9-7 Summary and Conclusion --------------
CONCLUSION ---------------------- 9-2-0 ------
10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara -------
10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and
Features ~--------------- nee one nee
10-2.1 Northern group: La Paz, Juli,
Socca, Huancané ---------------------
10-2.2 Southern group: Jopoqueri (and/or
Corque), Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or
Calacala) ---------------------------
x7
718
722
724
10-2.3 Intermediate dialects: Calacoa
and Sitajara ----------------------- 727
10-2.4 Peripheral (as distinguished from
central) dialects ------------------ 728
10-2.5 Cross-regional features ------------ 733
10-2.6 Cross-dialectal perceptions -------- 735
10-2.7 Attitudes toward Aymara language
and culture ------------------------ 736
10-3 Interpretation of Research Results
and Their Implications ------------- 739
10-4 Directions for Future Research ----- 746
APPENDICES
A ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND
SENTENCES ---------------------------------- 752
B ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES --------------------- 782
C REGIONAL VERSIONS OF GREETINGS AND
COMMON EXPRESSIONS --------------- ---------- 784
D REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING AND A
RIDDLE ------------------------------------- 803
E INDEX OF SUFFIXES -------------------------- 811
REFERENCES ------------------------------------------ 835
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH --------------------------------- 847
xii
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE
OF BOLIVIA AND PERU
By
Lucy Therina Briggs
August, 1976
Chairman: M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista
Major Department: Linguistics
The Aymara language is spoken on the high Andean
plains of Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake
Titicaca to the salt flats south of Lake Poop6. South-
west of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the upper reaches
of some of the river valleys that descend to the Pacific
coast and to the east it extends into the subtropical
Yungas valleys, but its domain is primarily the altiplano.
The total number of speakers approaches two million, of
whom about one and a half million live in Bolivia and
the rest in Peru. There are also a few speakers in
northern Chile. Predominantly farmers or herders, the
Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area, Aymara
women playing a major role in regional marketing of agri-
cultural produce.
x1ii
Aymara belongs to the Jaqi family of languages
whose other extant members are Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken
in the department of Lima, Peru. The relationship of
Aymara to Quechua, the other major Andean language, is
undetermined. Dialects of Aymara have not hitherto
been systematically studied, although dialectal variation
has been known to exist since colonial times. The present
study was conceived to begin the task of determining the
extent and character of dialectal variation in Aymara.
Based cn research in ten Aymara communities and
incorporating data from a survey of the literature from
colonial times to the present, this study examines
regional variation in phonology, morphophonemics, mor-
phology, syntax and morphosyntax, and semantics, and
three translation dialects not specific to any one region:
Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara. The appendices
include the elicitation list used in fieldwork, a list
of onomatopoeic particles, regional versions of greetings,
a brief dialogue, a saying, and a riddle, and an index
of suffixes.
The study confirms that all dialects share the
basic structures attributed to two La Paz dialects in
earlier studies by M. J. Hardman and associates at the
University of Florida. Aymara is a polysynthetic language
in which suffixes play not only morphological but also
%
syntactic roles and retain or lose their own or preceding
vowels according to complex morphophonemic rules. All
dialects also have certain linguistic postulates: a
system of four grammatical persons, a distinction of human
and nonhuman reference, and a distinction of direct and
indirect knowledge. All dialects are mutually (though
not equally) intelligible.
Regional differences occur primarily in phonology
and morphophonemics. Two dialects have a phoneme lacking
in the others, and there is considerable variety in phono-
logical shapes in morphemes stemming from phonemic insta-
bility and morphophonemic variation. Regional patterning
involves two overlapping distinctions: (1) a division
into northern and southern dialects (with two intermediate
dialects sharing some features of both), and (2) a division
into central and peripheral dialects reflecting the spread
of La Paz influence toward outlying areas that retain
certain features La Paz has lost. The dialectal picture
is further complicated by the existence of certain features
shared by a few dialects without regard to regional
patterning.
While many La Paz innovations are attributable
to Spanish influence and all dialects of Aymara appear
to be adopting Spanish loans at an accelerating rate,
Aymara is a vigorous language that will survive due to
natural population increases for at least several genera-
tions. In the long run the future of the language will
XV
depend on many factors, not least of which will be the
extent to which its speakers succeed in fostering its
use as a vehicle of literature and education.
XVI
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1-1 Demography
1-1.1 Number and location of speakers
Aymara is spoken on the high Andean plains of
Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake Titicaca
to the Uyuni salt flats south of Lake Poopé (see Figure
1-1). Southwest of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the
upper reaches of some of the many river valleys that
descend to the Pacific coast, and to the east it extends
into the subtropical Yungas valleys, but its domain is
primarily the altiplano.
The majority of native speakers of Aymara today
are Bolivians and constitute approximately a third of
the Bolivian population (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). As
the total estimated population of Bolivia in 1973 was
5.3 million (U. S. Department of State 1974:1), Bolivian
Aymara alone may account for well over a million and
a half speakers.
In Peru, according to the national census of 1961,
persons for whom Aymara was the first (maternal) language
\, \ . : ¢ :
\. NX. »* PANDO 4 . 8
oN, N, VY os N, &
Lima °, ~. : foe ‘ ] “sees 4
© Cachuy (Kawki) ’. \, . / ™., 2
7, OTupe ( \Cu ~. ST
Lp , upe Jagaru), \ : nN L
Y a \ NO
AP E, R U
4 MS /
\ “low ost a
“wen ~/
7 ‘
ee w,
pinte ee
‘AREQUIPA ; As
Socca
“ig yop
i~
(a A Am i
>. or .
ye - VEE ie, B oO L I V I A
0 atkeba he \
Moquesvs f 4 lA % Jestis de Mi CH
Z Area Where Aymara Is Spoken OSKias San Andrés de. MENA 4,8 4 Z SANTA
Fag ati Vs fy © Liallagua on CRUZ
. Primary Aymara Sites For This Study OTacné/, 72 \eUneia’ Voi Carasi
j . \o Calacala \
Z,\ Sorodontatea, aN
fo R yy of L. P5506 1 iN
Other Sites Where Aymara Or ** O YL) Xu,
i a Oe ‘
T ae
Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study
Another Jaqi Language Is Spoken O%Salinas dé
ose vom
Certain Other Towns Or Cities U7 a
A/
Mentioned In Text ni" / tee A
, ICHUQUI SACA
-——-» International Boundaries £0 p
. . : Os
—-— Departmental Boundaries
_)
Figure 1-1. Area Where Aymara is Spoken
made up only 3.5% of the population five years old and
older, or 290,125 out of a total of 8,235,220 (Repablica
del Perd 1966:4-45). According to the 1972 Peruvian
census, their number had grown to 332,593, although this
then constituted only 2.9% of the total population five
years old and older (Repdblica del Perf 1974:2.646).
Allowing for the inclusion of Peruvian Aymara children
under five, the total of Aymara speakers in Bolivia and
Peru today may be estimated as nearing two million.
The 1961 Peruvian census gave breakdowns of
Aymara speakers by department and province. Unfortu-
nately, such figures are not yet available for 1972.
The 1961 census indicated that of the total 290,125,
83.9% were in the department of Puno, in the provinces
of Puno, Chucuito, and Huancané. Of the rest, 8.4%
were in the interior highlands of the departments of
Moquegua (province of Mariscal Nieto) and Tacna
(province of Tarata), with the remaining 8.5% scattered
in the departments of Arequipa (provinces of Arequipa
and Istay), Puno (provinces of Sandia and San Roman),
Lima, and Cuzco.
For Bolivia, reliable statistics on numbers
and location of Aymara speakers are not available. The
majority of speakers are generally considered to be in
the departments of La Paz and Oruro. There are also
Aymara in the northern and western parts of the department
of Potost and (Javier Alb6 and Walter Pefiaranda, personal
communications) along the western border of the department
of Cochabamba. The presence of Aymara throughout the
department of La Paz is well known although the north-
eastern provinces beyond the Cordillera Real (Larecajas,
Mufecas, Bautista Saavedra, and part of Camacho) are
shared with Quechua speakers, some villages being pre-
dominantly Quechua, others Aymara. The situation in
eastern Oruro is similar, with a preponderance of Quechua
as one approaches the Potosi border.
In northwestern Potos?t between the departments
of Oruro and Cochabamba the linguistic situation is
complex. The mining centers just east of the Oruro-
Potosi border are Quechua speaking, but surrounding
towns, such as Calacala and Morocomarca (see Figure 1-1)
are often Aymara. In some of these, as in Calacala, the
younger generation is bilingual in Spanish and Quechua
rather than Aymara. Although persons over 15 are capable
of telling stories in Aymara they obviously prefer to
use Quechua; children under 12 do not understand Aymara.
The situation is like that noted by 0. Harris (1974)
in some other communities in the province of Bustillos
and in the province of Charcas, where Aymara is spoken
only at home; its use in public is met with embarrassment,
if not shame, and Quechua is used primarily in public or
with strangers. This situation suggests a kind of
diglossia, perhaps a relic of an earlier time when general
languages coexisted with the particular languages used in
each locale. Harris has also noted, however, that many
areas of Potosi traditionally considered to be Quechua
speaking are inhabited by Aymara-speaking groups for
whom Quechua does not appear to be becoming the dominant
language. For example, the valleys of San Pedro de
Buena Vista in northern Potosi? and the area of Llica in
western Potos? near the Uyuni salt flats are Aymara
speaking.
In some cases, according to Harris, the designation
of a given ayllu (clan group) as Aymara or Quechua speak-
ing is inappropriate; language cuts across ayllu lines.
For example, Harris found that the Machas, who live near
the border of Chuquisaca department and are generally
considered to be Quechua speaking, speak Aymara in the
most remote part of their valley, near Carasi, province
of Charcas. The situation of the Laymis, on the other
hand, is the reverse: in the high puna near Uncia they
all know Aymara while in the remote parts of their
valley they speak Quechua.
These are examples of the complexities that need
further study to determine the exact areas where Aymara
is spoken today. The mobility of the Aymara must also
be taken into account. Predominantly farmers or herders,
the Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area.
Aymara women play a major role in regional marketing
of agricultural produce. Aymara families that move to
the cities maintain close ties with their villages and
frequently own agricultural property at several ecologi-
cal levels, a system of vertical archipelagos that has
existed since prehistoric times (Murra 1968 and 1972).
Aymara is also spoken in the environs of Arica,
Chile, and is taught at the Universidad del Norte in
that city (Juan de Dios Yapita, personal communication).
It may also be spoken along the Chilean border of the
Bolivian department of Oruro. Whether the Aymara popula-
tion of Chile is native or predominantly of recent Bolivian
or Peruvian Aymara settlers also needs further clarifi-
cation.
1-1.2 Status
Both Bolivia (in 1970) and Peru (in 1971) have
recognized Aymara as a national language, together with
Quechua and Spanish, but this action has failed to alter
the social fact that monolingual Aymara speakers are
effectively barred from active participation in national
life (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). This situation is offset
by the efforts of small but active groups of Bolivian
Aymara speakers to educate other Aymara and the public
at large on Aymara language and culture and to stimulate
the production of written literature in the language.
These efforts received considerable impetus from the
participation of members of the Bolivian Aymara community
in the Aymara Language Materials Project at the Univer-
sity of Florida (see 2-4.12) and have continued under
the leadership of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura
Aymara (ILCA) and the Instituto Nacional de Estudios
Lingifsticos (INEL) in La Paz. The Centro Pedagédgico
y Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba has promoted the
development of teaching materials in Quechua and Aymara
and is involved with ILCA and INEL in sociolinguistic
surveys to determine speaker attitudes toward education
in the two languages.
The government of Peru has recently embarked on
an educational development plan which includes primary
education in vernacular languages for those who do not
speak Spanish. Programs in Aymara have yet to be
developed but the government is financing the translation
into Spanish of the Aymara teaching and reference grammar
produced at the University of Florida (Hardman et al.
1975) for use in training teachers of Aymara children.
1-1.3 Monolingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism
Figures for Aymara monolingualism, Spanish-Aymara
bilingualism, or multilingualism of other types are
either lacking or untrustworthy. The 1961 Peruvian
census indicated that of the total of 290,125 speakers
4
of Aymara five years or older, 162,175 said they did
not speak Spanish when asked if they did and that 96%
of these were in Puno (Repablica del PerG 1966:2-3).
Other official Peruvian sources differentiate coordinate
and subordinate bilingualism but the application of these
terms to actual cases varies. Redefinitions and refine-
ments of the terms monolingual and bilingual are needed
for the Andean situation, which includes such complexi-
ties as those of northern Potosi (1-1.1). Some persons
encountered in this research who were designated by
other Aymara speakers as monolingual appeared to have a
receptive if not productive competence in the Spanish
lanauage within a narrowly defined set of topics. Other
persons who on first acquaintance appeared to be fairly
fluent in Spanish later proved to have many difficulties
in comprehension and production. The role of cultural
and social factors must also be taken into account.
(See the remarks for bilingualism of sources, 1-3.3.
Present-day Aymara dialects that show heavy Spanish
influence are discussed in Chapter 9.)
1-2 History
1-2.1 Language family
Aymara is a member of the Jaqi language family
(Hardman 1975) which Torero (1972b) prefers to call the
Aru family. Other extant members of the family are
Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken in Tupe and Cachuy, respectively,
in the highland province of Yauyos about 150 miles south
of Lima, Peru. Jaqaru is still vigorous but Kawki is
dying out.
Citing historical and toponymical evidence,
Torero (1972b) has established the probable extension
of this language family in the 16th century as from the
area of two present provinces of Lima, Huarochiri and
Yauyos, south to what is now southern Bolivia. Aymara
occupied the most extensive area, south and southeast
of the River Pampas basin in southern Huancavelica and
northern Ayacucho departments, while the other Jaqi
languages were spoken in a more restricted area to the
north. Hardman (1966:15) has reported evidence for the
existence of a Jaqi language in the valley of Canta
north of Lima in the early 1900's. According to Torero
the language family entered its expansive phase with
the rise of Huari (Ayacucho) and Aymara has since moved
south, taking over territories of other languages such
as Puquina. Torero has cited his and Hardman's
glottochronological calculations as indicating approxi-
mately 1,490 years of minimal divergence between Jaqaru
and Aymara beginning in approximately A. D. 480. By
this reckoning Kawki and Aymara are 1,130 years apart,
having diverged around A. D. 840.
10
On the basis of these dates and linguistic evi-
dence from Hardman of a closer linguistic relationship
between Kawki and Aymara than between Jaqaru and Aymara,
Torero has posited the following phases in the expansion
of the language family: (1) a first split in the fifth
century A. D. or before, (2) a second split in the
ninth century, and (3) a proto-Aymara period a few cen-~-
turies before the establishment of the Inca empire.
Tying these in with archaeological evidence, Torero has
identified the first phase with the beginning of Nazca
influence in the region of Ayacucho and the second phase
as occurring during the Vifiaque culture centered in the
city of Huari, which controlled the area from Yauyos in
Lima to southern Cuzco and Arequipa between A. D. 500
and 1000. The third phase coincided with the third
stage of the Middle Horizon after the decline of the
important Vifiaque centers (Torero 1972b:92,94,97).
With respect to the expansion of Aymara on the
altiplano, Torero has calculated the date of divergence
between the dialect of Moho in the province of Huancané,
department of Puno, and that spoken near La Paz, Bolivia
as about A. D. 1550. While holding that a comparison
of these dialects with one from southern Bolivia would
show a longer period of separation, he has tentatively
suggested that Aymara penetrated the area around Lake
Titicaca during the 13th century A. D. in the latter part
of his third phase (Torero 1972b:62-63).
1-2.2 Dialects
11
According to colonial and later sources cited
by Tschopik (including Cieza de Leon, Bertonio, Rivet,
and Markham), the following were independent Aymara
states existing before the Inca conquests and in
Tschopik's view probably also dialect groups (Tschopik
1946:503).
Name
Canchi
Cana
Colla
Lupaca
Collagua
Ubina
Pacasa or Pacaje
Caranga or Caranca
Charca
Location
Vilcanota valley between Com-
bapata and Tinta (department
of Cuzco, Peru)
Between Tinta and Ayaviri
(department of Puno, Peru)
On the plains of the Pucara
and Ramis rivers as far as the
city of Puno, Peru
On the southwestern shore of
Lake Titicaca between Puno and
the Desaguadero River
North of Arequipa (Peru) on the
upper course of the Colca River
East of Arequipa in the upper
drainage of the Tambo River
(department of Moquegua, Peru)
South of Lake Titicaca along
both banks of the Desaguadero
River (Bolivia)
South of the Desaguadero River
to Lake Coipasa (Bolivia)
Northeast of Lake Poopé near
Chuquisaca (Bolivia)
12
Quillaca or Quillagua Southeast of Lake Poop6
(Bolivia)
Omasuyo East of Lake Titicaca (Bolivia)
Collahuaya Provinces of Mufnecas and
Caupolican (Bolivia)
Aymara is spoken today in the areas attributed
to the Lupaca, Pacasa or Pacaje, and Caranga or Caranca,
and in parts of the areas attributed to Omasuyo and
Collahuaya, other parts of which, like the other regions
cited above, are now largely Quechua speaking. Other
areas where Aymara is spoken today are not included above,
e.g. the present region of Mariscal Nieto province of
Moquegua and of Tarata province of Tacna, Peru. In any
case, determining where the early Aymara groups were
located is complicated by the ancient Andean system of
maintaining vertical archipelagos of colonies at differ-
ent ecological levels (Murra 1968 and 1972). For example,
the report of the administrative inspection (visita
general) by Garci Diez de San Miguel of the Lupaca-
controlled Chucuito province in 1567 cited the names
of towns subject to Chucuito but located in the valleys
sloping westward to the Pacific and eastward to the Yungas
and the valley of Cochabamba. Among these towns were
the following, most of which have modern counterparts:
Moquegua and Torata (department of Moquegua), Sama and
Tarata (department of Tacna), Larecaja (department of
13
La Paz, east of the Cordillera Real), Chicanoma
(Chicaloma is a modern town in Sur Yungas province,
La Paz department), and Capinota (western Cochabamba
department) (Diez de San Miguel 1964:14,17,27,203;
modern departments and correspondences supplied).
According to the Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias
(colonial geographic reports), the Pacaxe (sic) also had
colonies interspersed among those of the Lupaca near
the Pacific coast (Jiménez de la Espada 1881:1.338).
The only detailed information so far available
as to the size of any Aymara-speaking population during
the colonial period is also for the Lupaca. The earliest
figures date from the visita general of 1549 which gave
a total of 18,032 heads of household in Chucuito province
(Diez de San Miguel 1964:202-203). The 1567 visita
found a total of 63,012 persons, children and adults,
of whom 15,047 were Urus; the figure of 63,012 was said
to include the population of the Chucuito colonies
mentioned above. Of the total, 15,404 were identified
as taxpayers. The principal cacique of the province,
Martin Cari, claimed an additional 5,000 taxpayers,
but Diez de San Miguel disputed this claim, saying that
the original figure of 15,404 already included ‘many
Indians that the said caciques and heads of ayllus
declared they had in Potosf and La Paz and the province
of Charcas and other parts of these Kingdoms' (Diez de
14
San Miguel 1964:204-206). It may be hoped that as addi-
tional visitas from the colonial period become available
to scholars (Murra 1970), more details for the populations
of the other Aymara nations may come to light.
With respect to the linguistic situation in
Chucuito and its colonies, Diez de San Miguel gave
little information. He used the term aymaraes to refer
to the people but not their language, recommending that
priests sent to the area remain long enough to learn
‘la lengua colla' (Diez de San Miguel 1964:227).
Originally the name of one Aymara nation, Colla acquired
a wider connotation under the Incas after they designated
their southernmost province Collasuyu. According to
Tschopik (1946:503), Cieza de Le6n's Cr6nica, written
about 1550, used the terms Colla and Collao indiscrimi-
nately, and the use of the term Aymara to designate a
language first appeared in a relation of Polo de
Ondegardo of 1559. The term apparently did not come
into general use until the 17th century, however.
It is not clear from the visita of 1567 whether
the Urus, who were considered a separate ethnic-cultural
group from the Aymara, were nevertheless native Aymara-
speakers. Torero believes the Urus spoke a language
related to Chipaya but also spoke one or more of the
general languages of the area (Torero 1972b:60). Urus
living among the Aymara would speak Aymara but to what
15
extent or degree of native fluency is unknown. There is
some evidence that the Urus constituted a servant class
(Hardman, personal communication).
Differences among Aymara dialects have always
been considered minor from colonial times to the present.
The priests who went to the mines in Potosi to preach
and hear confessions had no trouble understanding Aymara
speakers from different provinces, according to the Jesuit
missionary Ludovico Bertonio (1612, A 2). Bertonio
(1603b and 1612) occasionally identified certain forms
as preferred by the Lupaca but not until recent times
have compilers of Aymara word-lists or grammars some-
times indicated the geographical origins of the forms
cited. The published literature gives no indication
whatever of social differentiation of dialects as dis-
tinguished from regional variation.
1-2.3 Summary description of La Paz Aymara
The most complete and accurate ethnographic
and grammatical description of Aymara to date, based
on that spoken in Compi and Tiahuanaco, two communities
near La Paz, Bolivia, is contained in Outline of Aymara
phonological and grammatical structure by Hardman et al.
(1975:3). The Outline describes Aymara as a polysynthetic
language in which suffixes and retention or loss of
vowels perform almost all grammatical functions.
16
Suffixes have complex but usually regular morphophonemics.
Some suffixes require a preceding consonant, others
require a preceding vowel, and others allow either;
some suffixes also determine the retention or loss of
their own final vowel. Syntactic units are signalled
by final suffixes and by morphophonemic vowel loss or
retention. Suffix order is usually fixed, as is word
order within the noun phrase; otherwise word order is
fairly free although some orders are preferred.
The phonemic inventory consists of three vowels,
vowel length, and 27 consonants, including plain,
aspirated, and glottalized stops and affricates,
as well as fricatives, nasals, laterals, glides, and
a flap or trill.
Morpheme form classes are roots and suffixes
which together form stems. Root classes are nouns,
verbs, particles, and a class of interrogatives cutting
across the others. Suffix classes are noun (derivational),
verb (derivational and inflectional), independent nonfinal
(occurring before inflection on verbs and before final
suffixes on nouns and particles), and final suffixes
(occurring on any word, after all other suffixes).
Verb roots are bound; nouns and particles are free.
Class change through verbalization and nominalization
(a special kind of derivation) is extensive and recursive,
creating verb and noun themes. Inflection, defined as
7
closing a root, stem, or theme to further derivation,
is limited to verbs and to one noun 'suffix', zero
complement vowel drop; noun case suffixes permit further
derivation. Accumulation of suffixes on one stem is common.
Morphosyntactic subordination is accomplished
by nominalization and use of final suffixes to mark
dependent clauses. Syntactic processes include use of
the demonstrative uka 'that' as linker and summarizer,
and sentence embedding with the reportive verb sa.fia
‘to say'.
Apart from these features, Aymara shares with
the other Jaqi languages certain linguistic postulates.
Hardman (in press a) has defined linguistic postulates
as
. recurrent categorizations in [a]
language . . . the most tightly tied to
the perceptions of the speakers. ...
The most powerful .. . are those involved
in the obligatory grammatical system.
Typically, a postulate is realized at
several levels . . . morphologically,
syntactically, and in the semantic struc-
ture.
The principal Jaqi linguistic postulates according to
Hardman (1972a) are a four-person system, a distinction
of human and nonhuman, and a distinction of direct and
indirect knowledge with respect to data source. These
three postulates are marked throughout Aymara structure
in morphology, syntax, and semantics.
18
1-3 The Present Study
1-3.1 Theoretical bases
Theoretical bases for this study are two: one
concerning the nature of language, and the other concern-
ing scientific description of a language.
A language or dialect is a system of interlocking
contrasts, or rules, used in social and cultural inter-
action by a given community. Like all natural phenomena
language is always changing. At any moment certain con-
trasts are being neutralized; certain rules are being
suspended temporarily or broken; new rules are being
created as people adapt language to their own needs.
Some rules are more resistant to change than others;
these include the linguistic postulates. But language
variation is a major fact of the nature of language:
variation within one idiolect, within one dialect, or
in a group of dialects. The extreme of language varia-
tion is the proliferation of languages that are mutually
unintelligible although perhaps still related and sharing
a number of rules. The point at which dialects become
separate languages is arbitrary, usually determined by
political rather than strictly linguistic considerations.
To investigate variation within a language is to
seek a more complete description of that language. In
a praiseworthy attempt to go beyond one-dimensional,
19
single-dialect descriptions of English, Labov and his
followers have developed the concept of variable rules
and a methodology to collect and analyze data reflecting
them, using statistical measurements. There is an
obvious need for such studies of other languages con-
ducted by native speakers trained in linguistic field
methods. In early stages of research, however, what is
needed are structural descriptions upon which to base
later studies in greater depth. Such descriptions,
while limited in accuracy and completeness and relatively
informal in presentation, may be considered scientific
if they meet certain criteria. These are (1) use of
sound field methods for gathering and recording not only
linguistic, but also relevant social and cultural data;
(2) collection of sufficient data to insure the identi-
fication of significant features; and (3) adherence to
analytical methods that respect the structure of the
target language or dialect and that base the description
on that structure.
The last criterion implies a willingness to
experiment with different models and to select models
that best fit the data, while avoiding the temptation
to choose for description only those aspects of a
language or dialect that lend themselves to description
in terms of currently popular models, or worse, to force
the data into a distorting mold. Ideally, this approach
20
requires the analyst to know how to use a variety of
models. Traditional phonemic, generative, or stratifi-
cational models might be used for phonology and morpho-
phonemics; structuralism or tagmemics might be appropriate
for morphology; generative or interpretive semantics,
case grammar, or Chafian models might be used for
Syntax and semantics.
Unfortunately, questions of time and expediency,
as well as personal taste, limit the linguist's access
to different models. Moreover, theories and models have
a way of evolving into dogmas with schools of more or
less fanatic leaders and disciples who demand commitment
to one model, one terminology, one faith. The linguis-
tics scholar wishing to try different models must learn
to switch philosophies and metalanguages with the skill
of a simultaneous interpreter. Even then, he or she
often finds that communication across theoretical
boundaries is difficult, if not impossible. Theoretical
schools tend to draw circles to shut each other out;
few draw circles to take each other in (Edwin Markham,
Outwitted). But different languages and different parts
of a given language may call for different theoretical
approaches.
For the best results different models should
be kept in mind at every stage of analysis. For early
stages of the investigation the discovery procedures
2]
developed by Pike and Nida are still unsurpassed;
Hockett's item and arrangement and item and process
models are still relevant. Generative grammar has
refined the item and process model, enabling it to
account more adequately for relationships among rules.
The generative phonology model, focusing on distinctive
features that underlie or compose phonemes, can illumi-
nate and show in an easily grasped notation aspects of
phonology and morphophonemics that structural phonemics
is not so well prepared to handle; case grammar or
Chafian semantics may offer similar advantages lacking
in earlier models. Having a repertory of models or
conventions to choose from in presenting the rules
discovered enhances the likelihood that the linguist
will choose the model best reflecting the rules'
operation.
This point of view does not reject the
existence or the importance of language universals
or the need to search for ultimate truth. It merely
holds that at present, linguistic diversity, whether
among languages or within one language, is more interest-
ing than linguistic uniformity. By the same token, it
favors the encouragement of theoretical diversity as
ultimately leading to more accurate and therefore more
scientific language description.
22
1-3.2 Purposes and scope
As noted above, the existence of dialectal vari-
ation in Aymara was known in the 17th century, although
differences were dismissed as insignificant. The Aymara
examples cited by Hardman et al. (1975) include some
cases of dialectal variation between Compi and Tiahuanaco
(La Paz) but other contemporary published references to
Aymara dialectal variation are extremely rare. This
study was conceived to carry forward the task of describ-
ing such variation and thereby to increase knowledge of
the language as a whole.
Using the description by Hardman et al. (1975)
as a basis for comparison, I decided to sample selectively
the Aymara spoken over a wide area (approximately
that shown by the shaded area of Figure 1-1), investigating
phonological, morphological, morphophonemic, syntactic,
and semantic variation with a view toward seeking answers
to the following questions: What is the extent of dia-
lectal variation in Aymara? Is it indeed minor, or does
it affect intelligibility? In what parts of the grammar
does variation occur? Does it occur within as well as
across dialects? What kinds of variation are most preva-
lent and/or significant? What are the major features
distinguishing dialects and the major dialect groups
identifiable on the basis of them? What of interdialectal
23
attitudes: are some dialects more prestigious than
others? What of the effects of the dominant language,
Spanish: is Aymara an ‘oppressed language' showing
signs of decline, as suggested by Alb6 (1973a), or is
it vigorous and growing?
Apart from their intrinsic interest for linguis-
tics, answers to such questions would have a number of
practical applications. A full description of variation
in Aymara is needed for reconstruction of proto-Aymara
and of proto-Jaqi, a task already begun by Hardman.
Descriptions of areal features in conjunction with
information contained in colonial documents may enable
historians to reconstruct past population movements and
relationships among areas (Murra 1970:20). And now that
programs of bilingual education are being undertaken or
considered in Peru and Bolivia, there is a growing demand
for detailed descriptions of Aymara and other indigenous
languages to be used for developing teaching materials.
The field work for this study was conducted from
July to September 1972 and from March 1973 to January
1974. After returning to the University of Florida,
I reviewed the literature on Aymara from the 17th century
to the present, incorporating into the analysis of field
materials Aymara texts and grammatical information of
relevance to the present study. However, the focus of
this study is on Aymara as presently spoken in Peru and
Bolivia.
24
1-3.3 Methodology and data
Methodology for the present study was based on
that of Pike (1947), Nida (1965), and Samarin (1967)
as interpreted and applied by Hardman. Two complementary
kinds of data were sought: (1) free texts recorded on
tape, and (2) materials obtained through an elicitation
list of words, phrases, and sentences presented orally
in Spanish to Aymara-Spanish bilinguals for translation
into Aymara.
Free texts included messages of greeting; tradi-
tional folk tales, riddles, songs, and sayings; and con-
versations among native speakers, or monologues, on such
topics as life in the community, festivals, local agri-
culture, education, illness, and other personal experi-
ences. Recordings were also made of a Baptist sermon
in Aymara, of Baptist and Catholic hymns, and of several
Aymara radio broadcasts in La Paz.
The elicitation list in Spanish was developed
to obtain a body of data readily comparable from one
site to another. Based on the longer Swadesh list, it
included words, phrases, and sentences originally
elicited in Aymara or one of the other Jaqi languages
in earlier research by Hardman and associates and sub-
sequently translated back into Spanish as spoken in the
Andean area. In the course of the field work for this
study, these materials were modified in order to elicit
25
already-identified Aymara grammatical categories and
syntactic structures, and individual lexical items show-
ing dialectal variation. Eventually the list was refined
to eliminate material not showing variation and to focus
on areas of differences. In areas having the velar
nasal phoneme, Jaqaru words containing it were added to
the list in an effort to elicit Aymara cognates.
Although the use of Spanish in the elicitation
list sometimes resulted in Aymara translations that
reflected Spanish syntactic patterns, this drawback was
minimized by deliberate inclusion of Andean Spanish
examples already paralleling Aymara structure, and
balanced by analysis of free texts recorded in Aymara.
Grammatical structures were also elicited directly in
Aymara. For example, verb tense paradigms were
elicited by changing subject and complement pronouns
once an example of a verb with person/tense suffix had
occurred. Because the purpose of the investigation was
to elicit variation, it was important to encourage use
of local forms which sources might tend to suppress if
La Paz dialect forms were used to elicit them; the use
of Spanish avoided this problem. For example, using
Spanish made it possible to elicit in each site a brief
selection of common remarks (see Appendix C). A somewhat
abbreviated version of the elicitation list is given in
Appendix A.
26
The free texts provided examples of previously
unattested forms or variations which were then sought
elsewhere. Although no attempt was made to obtain the
same folktales in different places, a few occurred more
frequently than others, providing readily comparable
data complementary to that obtained through the elicita-
tion list. All free texts were tape-recorded; in most
cases translations of the elicitation list were not.
A total of approximately five hours of tape-recordings,
plus another five hours of data transcribed directly
without recording, constitutes the basic corpus of this
study. (Included in the total are approximately 30
minutes kindly recorded on my behalf in Torata, Moquegua
by Francisco Gangotena and Carlos Saavedra.) Another
five hours of tape-recorded texts were used as background
only. (Included were some recordings made in Oruro and
northern Potosi by Javier Alb6 and generously made
available to me.) Several hundred hours were spent
in reviewing original transcriptions with one or more
native speakers, whenever possible the source of
the text or another resident of the same community.
(A text recorded in a trilingual area of Potosi was
checked with a Quechua speaker from Llallagua to see
whether a certain unusual form might be a Quechua loan,
but no formal attempt was made to compare Aymara texts
with Quechua.) Some texts were later checked with
27
speakers from other areas, revealing further dialect
similarities or differences. Transcriptions were then
exhaustively analyzed with regard to phonology, morphology,
morphophonemics, syntax, and semantics, including linguis-
tic postulates.
The key factor making possible my entry into
and acceptance in the several Aymara communities where
I conducted research was my previous training in field
methods and study of Aymara language and culture under
Hardman and the Bolivian Aymara linguists Juana Vasquez
and Juan de Dios Yapita. Carter (1972) has noted that
ethnographic research in a given community can succeed
only if it is desired by a leading member of the community;
this is true of linguistic research also. As the first
native speaker of Aymara to receive formal linguistics
training and to teach Aymara at universities in Bolivia
and in the United States, Yapita is such a leader. In
1972 he founded the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara
(ILCA) in La Paz to encourage the development of scholarly
research conducted by and for members of the Aymara
community. My initial field work in Bolivia was under-
taken with his approval and support and with the help
of persons who had been his students or were otherwise
associated with him; subsequently my work contacts ex-
tended to persons who knew him only by reputation.
28
In order to facilitate my research in Peru,
where his work was not known, Yapita provided me with
a two-minute tape-recorded message in Aymara conveying
his greetings on behalf of ILCA and the Bolivian Aymara
community. This message, supplemented by my explanation
of the purposes of my research and by my assurances that
its results would be made available to ILCA to advance
the study of Aymara language and culture, served to
create a very favorable climate for cooperation among
the Peruvian Aymara I met.
Although my command of spoken Aymara was rudi-
mentary, making it necessary for me to rely heavily on
Spanish as a contact language, my familiarity with
Aymara grammar and culture and my association with
community leadership enabled me to accomplish most of
my research goals.
Questions of ethics and the sources' rights to
privacy were considered during the research. In most
cases recordings were made with the participants’ knowl-
edge; in the few cases when participants were not aware
that they were being recorded, the recordings were later
played for them with the offer to erase anything unac-
ceptable; this was never requested. Typed transcripts
of some of the recorded stories were later provided to
the tellers, and some have been published through ILCA
or the Aymara Newsletter (2-3.12) with due credit given
29
the authors. In order to respect sources' privacy,
recorded texts or transcriptions containing information
of a personal nature will not be made public without
the source's permission.
1-3.4 Sites and sources
Communities mentioned in this section may be
found in Figure 1-1, except as noted.
In Peru I collected data in the following com-
munities:
Huancané (province of Huancané, department
of Puno)
Juli (province of Chucuito, department of
Puno)
Calacoa (province of Mariscal Nieto, depart-
ment of Moquegua)
Tarata and Sitajara (province of Tarata,
department of Tacna)
In addition, I recorded in Puno examples of the Aymara
of Socca (province of Puno).
In Bolivia I collected data in the following
communities:
Corque (province of Carangas, department of
Oruro)
Salinas de Garci Mendoza (province of Ladislao
Cabrera, department of Oruro)
30
Calacala (province of Bustillos, department of
PotosT)
Compi (province of Omasuyos, department of
La Paz)
Achocalla (province of Murillos, department
of La Paz; just south of the capital, and
not on Figure 1-1)
In addition, in Bolivia I obtained examples of Aymara
from the following communities although I did not visit
them:
Jopoqueri (Carangas)
Morocomarca (Bustillos)
Jesds de Machaca, San Andrés de Machaca,
and Taraco (province of Ingavi, department
of La Paz)
Yapita and Vasquez furnished additional data from their
own dialects representative of the communities of Compi
and Tiahuanaco (Ingavi), respectively, as modified by
many years of residence in the city of La Paz. As
Aymara translator for the American Universities Field
Staff Film Project, Vasquez also provided examples from
the dialect of Vitocota (near Ayata in the province of
Mufiecas, department of La Paz) from the sound tracks
of four films made there in 1972.
31
Serendipity was largely responsible for choice
of sites; weather conditions, in particular as they
related to the state of the roads, determined the timing
of visits. In Peru I intended to visit areas of greatest
Aymara concentration as indicated in the 1961 census.
While attending a meeting of the International Linguistic
Association in Arequipa in March 1973, I met three young
Aymara men who responded to Yapita's recording and my
description of research interests. One was originally
from Juli and provided me with a letter of introduction
to his family there. Another was a school teacher in
Lima, originally from Huancané; I interviewed him in
Lima and visited his family in Huancané. The third
was from Socca, near Puno; although I was unable to
visit there, I did obtain several texts from him in
Puno.
After the Arequipa meeting I went to Tacna
hoping to visit Aymara-speaking areas in Tarata province.
An Aymara taxi driver encountered by chance in Tacna
took me to the town of Tarata, where he helped me find
and interview Aymara speakers. Some months ljater, after
roads became passable, he took me to visit his mother
in the nearby town of Sitajara. Shortly thereafter
he drove me to Moquegua, where he helped me locate an
Aymara bus owner from Calacoa who arranged for me to
visit that community and stay with his wife's family.
32
In Bolivia I hoped to collect data in areas
where the Aymara was popularly thought to be different
from that of the city of La Paz and its environs. The
initial selection of areas to visit was made in consul-
tation with Yapita and with Javier Alb6, an anthro-
pologist with many years of residence and travel in
Bolivia, but as in the case of Peru, final choice of
sites was fortuitous. A former student of Yapita's
was my first source on the Aymara of Carangas. Through
him I met a teacher who arranged a visit to his brother's
family in Corque. Later, the teacher's wife invited me
to accompany her on a visit to her mother in Salinas
de Garci Mendoza (hereafter referred to as Salinas),
a trip postponed some months because of impassable roads.
With the help of a young woman related to the teacher,
I made contact with Aymara speakers in the Quechua mining
town of Llallagua, in northern Potosi, who invited me
to visit the nearby town of Calacala. In Uncia, near
Llallagua, I met through the local parish priest a young
Aymara man from the village of Morocomarca and inter-
viewed him in Uncfa as time did not allow a visit to
Morocomarca.
As in the case of choice of sites, the selection
of sources (the term source is being used here in pref-
erence to the somewhat negatively loaded term informant)
was random. An attempt was made to obtain data from both
33
sexes, of different ages and educational levels ranging
from illiteracy to completion of several years of uni-
versity study. Occupations included market seller, certi-
fied school teacher, bus driver, farmer, student (ele-
mentary, secondary, normal school, or university), taxi
driver, housewife, university professor, administrator
of community development programs, and Baptist minister.
All sources 40 and under were bilingual in the sense of
being able to carry on an intelligible conversation in
Spanish, although in some cases their phonology was
heavily Aymara (see 1-1.3).
Below iS a chart showing sex, age, and (for
sources over 40) knowledge of Spanish, the latter
determination based usually on a speaker's self-evaluation.
Ages shown are approximate as age was not obtained for
all sources. An average of six sources was consulted
for each major site, the numbers ranging from one to
13.
0 - 19 20 - 39 40 - 59 60+ Totals
+Sp -Sp +Sp_ -Sp
M 3 16 5 1? 25
F 7 13 5 2 1 2 30
55
(The question mark refers to a speaker who was not
heard to speak Spanish and was not asked if he did.)
34
As may be seen, a preponderance of sources were
under 40 and hence by definition bilingual in Spanish.
(Sources from Calacala and Morocomarca were trilingual
in Spanish, Aymara, and Quechua.) Monolinguals were
relatively less accessible to me than were bilinguals
primarily because lack of time and difficulties of
travel prevented visits to remote communities where
monolingualism is reportedly widespread and secondarily
because most monolinguals encountered in the communi-
ties visited were elderly and infirm, often with missing
teeth and consequent faulty diction. Determination of
the location of communities with a high proportion of
monolinguals of different ages must await future
research, preferably with the participation of native
speakers trained in linguistic field methods.
With regard to training of native speaker
linguists, an informal attempt was made throughout
this research to instill in sources the basic concepts
of anthropological linguistics and field methods, by
example if not in formal classes. For example, two
young women from urban centers were taken on field trips
to act as interpreters and to learn the basics of
informant-investigator relations. One source who
already had a firm grasp of the Yapita phonemic alphabet
(3-2) was asked to transcribe a tape-recorded story from
a dialect other than his own, at whose telling he had
35
been present. His mistakes in transcription were sig-
nificant in showing points of difference between the
two dialects and, when brought to his attention, made
him aware of the ways that one's own language or dialect
grid may structure one's perception. Throughout the
research I maintained and encouraged in all persons with
whom I worked an attitude of respect or even enthusiasm
toward the diversity that became apparent, noting, however,
their occasional linguocentric comments (see 10-2.6).
1-3.5 Organization of the study
This study is organized into chapters on the
following topics: a survey of literature on Aymara
from the colonial period to the present; variation in
phonemics and in phonological shape of morphemes within
and across dialects; variation in morphophonemics, in-
cluding rules general to all dialects and rules limited
to certain dialects; variation in the noun system, in
the verb system, and in morphosyntactic and syntactic
Structures and processes; variation in semantics, including
a section on the nonvarying linguistic postulates; three
translation dialects: Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio
Aymara; and a conclusion summarizing kinds of variation,
identifying regional dialect groups on the basis of sig-
nificant variation, and offering suggestions for future
research. Following the chapters there are Appendices
v “My
36
as follows: (A) the elicitation list used in field work;
(B) a list of onomatopoeic particles; (C) regional versions
of greetings and certain common expressions; (D) regional
versions of a saying and a riddle; and (E) an index of
suffixes.
1-3.6 Conventions and terminology
In this study the following conventions are
observed, conforming in most cases to those used by
Hardman et al. (1975).
Aymara examples are usually written in the
Yapita phonemic alphabet (see 3-2) modified by the use
of a colon (:) rather than a dieresis mark (“) for vowel
length in order to permit separation of morphemic length
from the vowel it occurs on. Occasional examples are
given in phonetic transcription within square brackets
([]). Place names are spelled as they appear on maps
for ease of reference although users of the Yapita
alphabet prefer to spell them according to its rules,
e.g. Qumpi for Compi. Aymara examples from published
sources other than Hardman and associates are usually
converted to Yapita orthography. All examples not
attested by Hardman et al. (1975) or later reported
by Vasquez, Yapita, or me are preceded by a raised
cross (7); morphemic as well as phonemic analyses of
such forms are mine. An asterisk (*) before an example
means it is unattested; context will indicate whether it is
37
rejected by native speakers or presumed to exist on the
basis of other evidence.
Periods separate morphemes within a word, e.g.
uta.xa ‘a/the/my house.' Unsuffixed bound roots (verbs)
are followed by a hyphen, e.g. juta- ‘come.' In citation
form, suffixes which may close a construction are pre-
ceded by a hyphen, e.g. the final suffix -xa. Other
suffixes are preceded and followed by a hyphen, e.g.
the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. Recurrent sub-
morphemic partials are placed within hyphens and within
Slants, e.g. /-pa-/. A lowered v before a suffix indi-
cates it must be preceded by a vowel; a lowered v after
a suffix indicates it must retain its own final vowel
when followed by another suffix; a lowered c before a
suffix indicates it must be preceded by a consonant; a
lowered c after a suffix indicates it must drop its
final vowel before a following suffix and/or when it
occurs word-finally. For example, in most dialects
the possessive/locational suffix -
na. is preceded by
v-——c
a vowel but drops its own vowel word-finally and before
following suffixes, e.g. uta.n, uta.n.xa ‘in/of the
house.' When a suffix may be preceded by either a vowel
or a consonant the more common (or base) occurrence is
indicated above a tilde (~) and the less common below
the tilde, e.g. = da first person possessive suffix.
Cc
A similar notation after a suffix indicates it may in
38
some circumstances keep and in others lose its own final
vowel. If no subscript v or c follows a suffix, either
other factors determine the retention or loss of the
final vowel or the rule has not yet been determined.
Grammatical persons are indicated by the numbers
1, 2, 3, and 4, usually followed by a p, e.g. -ja Ip
possessive suffix, -ma 2p possessive suffix. Verbal
inflectional suffixes have the subject person on the
left and the complement person on the right of a right-
pointing arrow, e.g. 1+2 means Ip subject, 2p complement.
Verb tenses are sometimes abbreviated as S
(Simple), F (Future), I (Imperative), RDK (Remote
Direct Knowledge), RIK (Remote Indirect Knowledge),
D-1 (Desiderative), D-2 (Remonstrator), IF (Inferential),
and NI (Non-Involver).
Aymara examples are underlined when treated as
base forms or words (that is, as morphemes or combina-
tions thereof):
juma.mpi ‘with you' juma 2p pronoun
-mpi os 'with'
the suffix -jama and variants
Jupa.x wali suma jagi.wa. ‘He/she is a good
person.'
Aymara examples are placed between slant lines when
treated as allomorphs:
39
ss
cy
/-mpi/ occurs in La Paz, /-nti/ in Salinas
The suffix -jama has the allomorphs
/-~jama/, /-:ma/, /-ja/
What may sometimes appear to be inconsistency with re-
spect to this notation will be due to the fact that a
morph that at the individual dialect level is a base
form (morpheme) may be considered an allomorph of a mor-
pheme at the supradialectal level and/or in another
dialect. In such cases context will dictate whether the
morph is to be treated as an allomorph or as a morpheme.
If there is only one invariant allomorph for all dialects,
it will always be underlined unless given in phonetic
transcription. If there is one allomorph that occurs
almost everywhere (even if some dialects have others),
it will be considered the base form of the morpheme in
question and underlined, e.g. the final suffix -xa
which has the allomorph /-:/ (vowel length) in some
areas. If a morpheme has several allomorphs, they may
all be referred to at once in alphabetical order and
underlined, e.g. the suffix -mpi_ ~ -nti, the suffix
~taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay.
Examples are glossed in one of two ways: (1)
If the example is short or for added clarity (for
example when a morpheme occurs without its final vowel )
individual morphemes are glossed to the right:
40
jani.w ‘no’ jani ‘not' -wa final suffix
(2) If the example is long, it will be glossed
beneath and followed by a free translation of the whole
example:
Kuna.r un.ta.t sar.naqg.ta.xa,
anything look at go 2>3
around S
jagi.tak p'inga, anu.tak unra.
people shame dog honor
"How stupid you are, you are a shame to the
human race, an honor to dogs.' (La Paz/Compi)
(Yapita 1975:3)
As shown here, examples from Yapita are identified as
being from La Paz/Compi; similarly, material obtained
from Vasquez is identified as being from La Paz/Tiahuanaco.
Thus is noted the fact that both have lived many years
in the city of La Paz although their dialects are
basically those of their communities of origin.
Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes
are identified in either (or both) of two ways: (1)
by a term describing the function of the suffix, e. g.
-mpi agentive/instrumental, or (2) by a gloss, e. g.
cmpi ‘with, by'. Function terms are not placed with-
in single quotes, while glosses are. The function term
4]
may be a neologism like distancer (used for the verbal
derivational suffix -waya-); such terms are those used
by Hardman et al. (1975).
Aymara sentences, defined by the presence or
absence or certain final suffixes, have the first word
capitalized and usually have a period, question mark,
or exclamation point at the end. Often the final suf-
fixes in Aymara convey semantic and emotional overtones
which are conveyed in spoken English by intonation and
in written English by punctuation. When a question mark
or exclamation point would be superfluous in Aymara
they are usually omitted even though the English gloss
may carry them. Aymara examples that are not sentences
in Aymara may in some cases be translated by sentences
in English but in such cases the Aymara punctuation will
usually be adhered to in the gloss as well as in the
Aymara example unless meaning would thereby be obscured.
Example:
kama.cha.ta.:.rak.pacha.:t"a ‘what could have
happened to me'
(Sitajara)
Embedded quotes are shown within angled brackets:
«Jach.k.i.w > S.i.way.
cry 373 Say
S
'"They are crying,"
they say.'
42
Spanish words occurring in Aymara sentences
are written as Spanish if they were so pronounced, e. g.
contento ‘happy, content'. If they were phonologically
adapted to Aymara (Aymarized) they are written as Aymara,
e. g. kuntintu. In some cases decisions whether to treat
a given word as Spanish or Aymara were arbitrary, and a
few hybrids occurred, e. g. Pedru.
CHAPTER 2
A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE
2-1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the contents and merits
of selected works relating to Aymara dating from the
colonial period to the present. The two major biblio-
graphical sources for works on or in Aymara are (1)
Bibliograffa de las lenguas quechua y aymara by José
Toribio Medina (1930), and (2) the monumental four-volume
Bibliographie des Langues Aymara et Ki ua by Paul Rivet
and Georges de Créqui-Montfort (1951-1956; henceforth
Rivet). To my knowledge no bibliographical work
specifically on Aymara has been published since Rivet's
fourth volume (1956).
2-2 Colonial Period
As is well known, the Spanish found no written
materials in the languages of the Inca Empire. In the
16th and early 17th centuries all works published in or
on Aymara were written for the purpose of spreading the
Christian faith by missionaries assisted by unnamed Aymara
43
44
converts bilingual in Aymara and Spanish. Such works
consisted of catechisms and other religious tracts and
of grammars to be used by missionaries wishing to learn
to speak and understand the language. The earliest work
known to contain Aymara is the anonymous Doctrina
christiana, y catecismo para la instruccién de los Indios,
published in Lima in 1584 (Rivet 1951:4-9).
According to Rivet (1956:631) a study of the
early Catholic evangelization of Peru from 1532 to 1600
and the use of Aymara and Quechua as languages of con-
version is Cristianizaci6n del Pera (1532-1600) by
Fernando de Armas Medina (1953). Two other publications
useful for information about Aymara society in the 16th
century are Visita hecha a_la provincia de Chucuito ...
en_el afio 1567 by a colonial administrator, Garci Diez
de San Miguel (1567), reporting on his inspection of
Chucuito province (see 1-2.2), and an ethnological
appraisal of the Diez de San Miguel inspection, Una
apreciaci6n etnolégica de la visita by John V. Murra
(1964).
The first attempt at a complete grammar of Aymara
was written by Ludovico Bertonio in the early 17th
century. Born in 1552 in Italy, Bertonio joined the
Company of Jesus in 1575. Sent to Peru in 1581, he
remained there for 44 years, dying in Lima in 1625 or
1628 (Rivet 1951:26-27). Bertonio apparently spent most
45
of his time in Juli, capital of the Aymara-speaking
Lupaca kingdom, on the shores of Lake Titicaca. There
he wrote three grammars of Aymara, a Spanish-Aymara/
Aymara-Spanish dictionary, and several Aymara transla-
tions of religious texts. In 1603 he published two
grammars, an Arte breve de la lengua aymara (1603a) and
an Arte y grammatica muy copiosa de la lengua aymara
(1603b). A facsimile edition of the latter was published
in Leipzig in 1879 by Julio Platzmann (Rivet 1953:35).
Juan de Dios Yapita owns a volume containing the first
14 pages of the Arte breve (Bertonio 1603a) bound
together with pages 19 through 348 of the Arte y
grammatica muy copiosa (Bertonio 1603b); the latter is
missing the title pages, a section entitled Al lector,
and pages 207 and 208. A photocopy of the Yapita volume
is in the library of the University of Florida.
In his longer grammar of Aymara (1603b), Bertonio
gave a detailed description of the language in terms
of Spanish and Latin. Spanish spelling is adapted
(inconsistently and inaccurately) to Aymara sounds,
Spanish grammatical categories are translated into the
nearest Aymara equivalents, and Spanish sentences are
rendered into Aymara. The grammar is valuable not only
as an example of the Latinate grammars of American
languages written during the colonial period but also
for the wealth of material it provides on the Aymara
46
language of the Lupaca kingdom in the early 17th century.
These data and Bertonio's analyses must be carefully
reinterpreted, however, in the light of techniques of
contemporary linguistic scholarship and recent discoveries
concerning Aymara language and culture. A review of
individual forms attested by Bertonio (for example, verb
derivational and inflectional suffixes) shows many forms
identical with some in general use today, others in use
in only one or a few present-day Aymara dialects, and
still others not attested in modern Aymara but extant
in other Jaqi languages. In some cases the semantics
of a form have shifted since Bertonio's time, if his
translations may be taken as accurate. But that is a
problem: reviewing Bertonio's Aymara sentences with
Juana Vasquez has revealed that most of them are unac-
ceptable. At best they sound translated; at worst they
are perceived as simply incorrect even when archaic or
unknown terms are replaced by contemporary terms. The
book contains no native Aymara texts--no sentences form-
ing a narrative that might have been spoken in the
language by native speakers--but only translations from
Spanish or Latin of isolated words, phrases, or sentences.
Bertonio's grammatical analysis of the language
missed many important features because of its focus on
Spanish categories. Nevertheless, Bertonio was a care-
ful observer and tireless organizer of his material.
47
On the morphological level his analysis is often accurate
in detail. For example, his grasp of the inclusive/
exclusive distinction in the Aymara person system is
essentially correct (Hardman 1972b). With respect to
syntax and cultural content, however, Bertonio's gram-
matical analysis must be characterized as distorted and
inadequate.
According to Rivet (1951:52-53), there exists a
third Aymara grammar by Bertonio, Arte de la lengua aymara
(1612), containing sentences in Aymara and Spanish and
a list of Aymara words; the only known copies are repor-
tedly owned by the Posnansky family in La Paz and by the
Biblioteca Nacional in Sucre, Bolivia.
In 1612 Bertonio published his Vocabulario de la
lengua aymara which has since appeared in several fac-
simile editions, most recently in La Paz, Bolivia in
1956. This Tengthy book is a dictionary, the first part
(474 pages) Spanish-Aymara and the second (398 pages)
Aymara-Spanish, with approximately 50 entries to a page.
A thorough study of this book with native speakers is
Tong overdue to determine how many and which forms are
in use today and to correct errors evident in a sampling
of the entries.
LaBarre (1948) (see 2-3) performed the useful
service of culling out and repeating, with English trans-
lations, some categories of words in the Vocabulario such
48
as kinship terms, diseases, and sins to be reported in
confession. Checking these with Vasquez revealed that
many terms cited by Bertonio are perceived today as
awkward translations of Spanish terms into Aymara rather
than as native words or expressions. In this connection
it is interesting to note that in the introductory section
to the Vocabulario Bertonio indicated that he took the
entries (1) from Aymara translations of the lives of
Christ and the saints, sermons, comparisons of vices and
virtues, and so forth written by certain Aymara brought
up as Christians during the 35 years that the Jesuits
had been in Juli, and (2) from similar materials collected
by other priests. The entire dictionary, in other words,
was based on materials translated from Spanish into
Aymara, not the other way around.
An example with respect to kinship is illustrative.
In modern Aymara the nominalized verb apa.fia ‘to carry'
may also be used with the metaphorical meaning of ‘con-
temporary', ‘of the same age' (i.e., a person carried by
his/her mother at the same time as another person was
similarly carried). Bertonio translated it (or the
derived term apa.fia.ni ‘having a contemporary') as
'relative' (Spanish pariente), and used it to translate
sentences like 'If that woman is your relative you may
not marry her.' The present-day meaning of the Aymara
sentence (see 6-3.34.13) is ‘If that woman is your
49
contemporary you may not marry her.' It seems unlikely
that a semantic shift has occurred with this word since
the 17th century. Rather, the Bertonio gloss probably
reflects an initial difficulty in translation when the
Aymara interpreter, having no one term in his language
for 'relative', finally approximated it with apa.fia.
The bafflement of the Aymara at hearing an injunction
to marry only someone older or younger may only be
imagined. Other such translation errors or distortions
have contributed to the development of the translation
dialects Missionary and Patr6n Aymara (Chapter 9).
Such errors may well have contributed to the
difficulties the missionaries encountered in their
efforts to convert the Aymara. Bertonio acknowledged
such difficulties in the Vocabulario in a section
addressed ‘to the priests of the Aymara Nation'. Deny-
ing that Aymara was a difficult language (he said the
Jesuits in Juli learned to preach in the language in a
year), he conceded that students of the language tended
to become disheartened, discerning in the Aymara a low
capacity for learning and a strong resistance to con-
version.
. they are so given to bad customs,
their hearts are so full of spines and
thistles, that the seed of the divine
word planted there will not bear fruit
(Bertonio 1612:unnumbered page
facing A 3; English translation mine)
50
The stubborn refusal of the Aymara to be con-
verted, in spite of the best efforts of gifted and ener-
getic priests like Bertonio, was attributed then and
later to incapacity coupled with sheer cussedness.
Recent discoveries with respect to Aymara linguistic
postulates (see 8-2) have put the Aymara recalcitrance
in a new light. In any event, negative stereotypes of
the Aymara character had by the end of 35 years become
fully accepted among the colonizers and were to persist
well into the 20th century (see 2-3).
Very similar to Bertonio's work although shorter
is a grammar by another Jesuit assigned to Juli, Diego
de Torres Rubio, whose Arte de la lengua aymara appeared
in 1616. A photocopy, the original of which belongs
to the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara in La Paz,
is in the University of Florida Library. The photocopy
and the original lack pages 65 through 68 and pages 72
through 77. The volume contains following the Arte
the complete Catecismo en la lengua espafiola y aymara
del Piru originally published in Sevilla (1604) on the
basis of materials dating from a Provincial Council in
Lima in 1583. According to Rivet (1951:75), several
known copies of the Torres Rubio 1616 grammar are bound
with the Catecismo in this manner.
It is not known whether Torres Rubio and Bertonio
collaborated or worked independently. They were almost
5]
the same age and had similar careers. Torres was born
in 1557 in Spain, joined the Jesuits in 1572, and arrived
in Peru in 1579. He died there in 1637 or 1638 (Rivet
1951:71). In 1967 Mario (to be distinguished from
Alejandro) Franco Inojosa published a version of the
Torres Rubio Arte in modern Spanish, giving the Aymara
in Torres' original spellings followed by transcriptions
in the official Peruvian alphabet for Aymara and Quechua
adopted in 1946.
After the middle of the 17th century the early
fervor of missionary activity subsided and for the next
hundred years little was published in Aymara except
occasional sermons, few of which have survived. As
described by Tovar (1961:186-194) the alternating lin-
guistic policies of the Spanish conquerors help explain
the relative dearth of materials published in Aymara
between the second half of the 17th century and the
late 18th century. In 1550 it was decided to teach
the Indians in Spanish. As this attempt proved unsuc-
cessful, in 1583 the policy of using native languages
was adopted, stimulating the production of grammars and
religious texts in those languages. By 1596 the earlier
policy was reinstated over the missionaries’ objections.
The impasse was resolved in practice by the use of gen-
eral languages which at first included Aymara although
during the 17th century it gave way to Quechua. By the
52
late 18th century the Spanish crown had expelled the
Jesuits from Peru and shortly thereafter the crown re-
stored the Spanish-only policy. Nevertheless, the wealth
of material on New World languages which the Jesuits
had gathered soon began to be published in Europe, mostly
in the form of comparative vocabulary lists. From that
time on the amount of published Aymara material gradually
increased.
2-3 Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th Centuries
Prelinguistic studies are those written without
benefit of the theories or techniques of modern linguis-
tic scholarship or dealing primarily with other than
linguistic aspects of Aymara culture.
The great European philologists Hervas, Vater,
Adelung, Pott, and Jéhan, writing in the late 18th and
early 19th centuries, included in their encyclopedic works
references to Aymara taken from earlier sources and super-
ficial comparisons of Aymara words with those of other
languages. In the second decade of the 19th century
political speeches and documents relating to the inde-
pendence movements in South America were published in
some native languages including Aymara.
In 1826 appeared the first Protestant materials
in Aymara, translations of the New Testament. From then
53
On a series of such translations emanated first from the
British and Foreign Bible Society and subsequently from
the United States. Catholic materials (mostly by Bolivian
priests) began to appear in greater numbers also. Later
in the 19th century there began to appear accounts by
European scholar-adventurers of their travels on the
Bolivian and Pervuian altiplano. These usually included
grammatical sketches of Quechua and Aymara or word lists
of numbers, animals, plants, medicines and diseases, and
kinship terms.
The first detailed ethnographic account of the
Aymara was On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru
by David Forbes (1870), based on research done in Bolivia
and Peru from 1859 to 1863. A British mining engineer
of scholarly bent and the stamina necessary to remain for
Tong periods at altitudes up to 15,400 feet, Forbes was
best at concrete measurement and description of the
activities he witnessed. His account of the Aymara was
somewhat sympathetic, revealing the relentless physical
hardships and social injustices they suffered, but some
of his explanations for Aymara behavior suggest he may
have given too much credence to tales spread by whites
and mestizos based more on myth than on fact.
Forbes gave Aymara names for objects, activities,
and the like most of which, though deformed by an inade-
quate transcription, are recognizable today. His
54
grammatical analysis of Aymara is sketchy but accurate
so far as it goes. Appendix C of his book is a vocabu-
lary of Aymara words, including kinship terms, with
English translations. Forbes cast light on the status
of Aymara studies at the time in remarking on his fruit-
less efforts while in Bolivia to obtain a copy of a 17th
century Aymara grammar or dictionary even though he had
advertised in the papers that he would pay the ‘high
sum of 50 dollars' (274, fn.) for it.
In 1891 the German physician-turned-philologist
Ernst Middendorf published Die Aimara-Sprache, the fifth
volume of his study of aboriginal languages of Peru
(Rivet 1952:558). The introduction to Middendorf's Aymara
grammar was translated into Spanish by the Bolivian scholar
Franz Tamayo in an article published in 1910 in La Paz
(Rivet 1952:558). Later, the Peruvian scholar Estuardo
Ndnez, working from an incomplete copy of the Tamayo
translation, revised and added some notes to it and
published it in a volume entitled Las lenguas aborigenes
del Perd (1959) prepared under the auspices of the Univer-
sidad Mayor de San Marcos in Lima to commemorate the 50th
anniversary of Middendorf's death. The following section
refers to that volume (1959:96-102).
Middendorf indicated that his grammar was based
on Bertonio's and on the dialect then spoken in La Paz,
which he visited on several occasions. He stated that at
55
that time both whites and mestizos spoke Aymara but in
most cases only as a lingua franca for communication with
Aymara servants or sellers in the marketplace. Middendorf
was able to find only a few persons with enough knowledge
to teach him the language. Like Forbes, he found no one
who possessed a Bertonio grammar, adding that no one had
even heard of such a book, not even the President of
Bolivia or members of his cabinet. Middendorf was finally
able to find some lawyers who had lived among rural
Aymara and claimed to know more of the language than the
city-dwellers. With them Middendorf reviewed a copy of
the Bertonio grammar in his possession, comparing forms
then in use with earlier ones, noting both, and using
them to draw up rules of sentence formation. In the
introduction to his Aymara grammar he devoted several
paragraphs to Aymara vowel-dropping, giving examples
of inflected verbs, and commented on Aymara verbs of
going and carrying. It is to be hoped that someday
Middendorf's grammar of Aymara may be translated into
Spanish.
In 1917 another Aymara grammar based largely
on Bertonio's appeared, by Juan Antonio Garcia, a Bolivian
priest. Subsequently, etymologies and word lists for
such topics as kinship, place names, and musical instru-
ments proliferated, and a number of Aymara stories, poems,
and legends were written by self-styled Aymara scholars
56
(aymarélogos). Novels on Indian themes, such as Alcides
Arguedas' Raza de bronce (1945), contained some Aymara
phrases. There was a continuous spate of dictionaries
or handbooks of Aymara, Quechua, and Spanish words and
phrases, as well as both Catholic and Protestant publica-
tions.
The matter of a standardized alphabet for Aymara
and Quechua has engaged the sporadic attention of scholars
and governments for years. In 1939 the Twenty-Seventh
International Congress of Americanists proposed an
alphabet for Aymara and Quechua which was adopted by offi-
cial Peruvian government decree in 1946 (Rivet 1956:265).
In 1954 the Bolivian government adopted a virtually
identical alphabet approved earlier that same year by
the Third Inter-American Indigenist Congress (Rivet 1956:
675).
Catholic missionaries on the altiplano adopted
this alphabet. It represents an improvement over earlier
ones in that it shows phonemic vowel length; distinguishes
plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops and an affricateâ€
in the proper articulatory positions; and distinguishes
the velar and postvelar fricatives. But it uses the
five Spanish vowels to represent the three phonemic Aymara
vowels and allophones of two of them which are not always
predictable from the environment, unnecessarily confusing
the transcription.
57
Meanwhile, Protestant missionaries developed a
variation which employs some Spanish letters, such as ¢
and qu to represent the Aymara velar stop, in the belief
that their use makes it easier for the Aymara to learn
Spanish. This alphabet, known as the CALA alphabet for
the first initials of the Comisi6n de Alfabetizaci6n y
Literatura Aymara (Aymara Literacy and Literature Com-
mission), was adopted as official by Bolivian government
decree in 1968, apparently without rescinding support. of
the earlier alphabet. Since then the two official Bolivian
alphabets have coexisted in uneasy competition.
Beginning in the 1930s American anthropologists
turned their attention to the study of Aymara society.
The Aymara (1946) and The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru
1. Magic (1951) by Harry Tschopik and The Aymara Indians
of the Lake Titicaca Plateau, Bolivia (1948) by Weston
LaBarre are generally considered classics, but research
in the last decade has shown them to be deficient in
important respects, based as they were on data obtained
through mestizos and whites. A more balanced account
is The Aymara of Chinchera, Peru: Persistence and change
in a bicultural context (1964) by John Marshall Hickman,
reporting on a Peruvian Aymara community near that studied
by Tschopik 20 years earlier; Another look at Aymara
personality (1966) by John S. Plummer questioned earlier
negative assessments of the Aymara character. William E.
58
Carter has conducted extensive studies among the Bolivian
Aymara in the department of La Paz. His Bolivia, a profile
(1971:89-91) brought together the various expressions of
the Aymara negative stereotype and put them in historical
perspective. The Bolivian Aymara (1971) by Hans C. and
Judith-Maria Buechler is a somewhat superficial network
analysis of the community of Compi on Lake Titicaca.
The languages of South American Indians (1950) by
John Alden Mason contains a short section on the Aymara
language, but it is full of inaccuracies, not only with
respect to the supposed relationship of Aymara to other
languages, but also to identification of Aymara-speaking
areas and dialects. Catdlogo de las lenguas de América
del Sur (1961) by Antonio Tovar represents a slight
improvement in the information provided but the work is
still incomplete and inaccurate and the brief grammatical
description of Aymara is very weak. Other publications
on Aymara well into the 1960s testify to the sorry state
of scholarship with respect to the language.
| Characteristic are the many virtually identical
handbooks or catalogues of common expressions in Aymara,
Quechua, and Spanish published in Bolivia, Peru, and
even Chile from the middie of the 19th century to the
present. (The latest to come to my attention is dated
1971, but new editions have probably appeared since then.)
These little books contain the kind of Aymara spoken by
59
white and mestizo landowners who learned to speak the
language imperfectly as children and whose attitude
toward the Aymara people and their language ranges
from kindly but patronizing to contemptuous. This kind
of Aymara is referred to as Patr6én Aymara (from the
Spanish patr6n 'owner') by Bolivian Aymara native speakers.
In the catalogues individual forms may be correctly trans-
lated but Spanish phrases are translated word for word
into Aymara that is usually discourteous if not insulting,
and often incorrect. Moreover, chaotic spelling reflects
a very inadequate grasp of Aymara phonology. (See Chapter
9 for examples.)
A variation on the catalogue is Gramética del
kechua_y del aymara (1942) by German G. Villamor. It
contains short grammatical descriptions of Quechua and
Aymara, a brief three-way dictionary of words from those
two languages and Spanish, and sections on history, myths,
and superstitions. Insofar as the Aymara is concerned,
the book is deficient in every respect, with incorrect
material poorly arranged. Another variation on the cata-
logue is Vocablos aymaras en el habla popular pacena
(1963) by Antonio Paredes Candfa, containing Aymara words
purported to occur in colloquial La Paz speech. Accord-
ing to Vasquez, who reviewed the book with me, many of
the Aymara forms are incorrectly translated and in any
case are terms used by whites or mestizos in the city
60
rather than by rural Aymara. The book is useful primarily
to show what the white or mestizo understands by certain
Aymara words. Usually the context is not culturally
Aymara and the tone is patronizing when not actually
insulting.
Two works which avoid the condescending tone of
the foregoing are a short Spanish-Aymara dictionary by
Mario Franco Inojosa, Breve vocabulario castellano aymara
(1965), and a more complete dictionary, Diccionario breve
castellano-aymara aymara-castellano (1970), by Pedro
Miranda. Mario Franco Inojosa, who updated the Torres
Rubio grammar (1616), uses the official Aymara alphabet
adopted by the Peruvian government in 1946. Most terms
he cites are the same as those used in La Paz, making it
useful for quick reference for that dialect; however,
the book is cheaply printed and has many typographical
errors. The Miranda dictionary (1970) is more complete
and better printed, and employs the official Bolivian
alphabet adopted in 1954.
Although it reflects patr6n and missionary
usages, by far the best of -the prelinguistic grammars
of Aymara is Gramaética y diccionario aymara (1965) by
Juan Enrique Ebbing. This reference grammar. was modeled
on Bertonio's longer grammar (1603b) and like it contains
a wealth of detail, although the geographical origins of
the forms attested are not given. The author's method
61
is to explain a Spanish grammatical category and then to
give its translation equivalent in Aymara. This makes
for a repetitious presentation as the same Aymara form
may translate several different Spanish forms, and the
method skews Aymara structure into a Spanish mold as in
the case of Bertonio's grammars. While some of the Aymara
examples are acceptable to native speakers, much of the
Aymara sounds translated and the book suffers from a
generally patronizing tone. The phonology is better than
most but confuses velars and postvelars. In spite of
its faults, however, this grammar shows an understanding
of certain aspects of Aymara usually overlooked such as
the fact that certain suffixes are essential to the Aymara
sentence, and although given to stating general rules to
which exceptions must then be made, Ebbing at least in-
cludes the exceptions, making up in accuracy of data for
loss of economy in presentation. As a handbook for study-
ing Aymara, his grammar is useful as a source of Aymara
glosses of individual Spanish forms. Translations of
Spanish sentences should be checked with Aymara native
speakers, however, as they are written in a style asso-
ciated with Catholic priests (for examples see Chapter 9).
The nadir in prelinguistic grammars of Aymara
was reached in Suma _lajjra_ aymara parlafia (1969) by
Erasmo Tarifa Ascarrunz. Another example of Patr6n Aymara,
this book contains a wealth of material, but so badly
62
analyzed and presented as to be very difficult to use.
As usual in prelinguistic grammars, the Aymara sounds as
if it were translated from Spanish. On the other hand,
the Spanish translations of the Aymara (or Spanish
sentences from which the Aymara was translated) are in
the popular Spanish of the Andean area which reflects
Aymara structure to a considerable extent even in the
usage of monolingual Spanish speakers. In all, the book
is an interesting compendium of fact and misconception
which should be checked with native speakers before any
of its contents are accepted as valid.
2-4 Linguistic Studies
2-4.1 Synchronic studies
As far as I am aware, the first linguist to
note in print that Aymara has a three- rather than a
five-vowel system was Bertil Malmberg (1947-48). Kenneth
Pike, in his Phonemics (1947:153), included an Aymara
problem with data that clearly implied a three-vowel
system, although Pike left this conclusion to the reader.
Tschopik (1948) and LaBarre (1950) provided partially
phonemic renditions of Aymara folktales with English
translations but without grammatical analysis. Although
transcribed with five vowels and no indication of vowel
length or of syntactic final vowel dropping, the texts
63
appear to be otherwise phonologically accurate native
Aymara. (The informants are identified as monolingual.)
These texts are useful for the dialectal variants they
contain and for comparison with present-day dialects
from the same areas for the purpose of identifying changes
during the past 30 years.
The first morphological analysis of Aymara was
made by Thomas Sebeok (1951a). However, it was
based on an Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood
translated from Spanish, rather than on a native Aymara
folktale, and the text is an example of Patr6n Aymara.
Sebeok (1951b) also collected data for an Aymara diction-
ary, using data from Tschopik, LaBarre, Villamor, Pike,
and Floyd Lounsbury as well as his own. Each entry
consists of a set of Aymara words sharing the same root
morpheme, with English (or in the case of Villamor's
data, Spanish) translations.
2-4.11 Missionary grammars and associated studies
The first attempt at a fairly complete grammatical
description of Aymara by a linguist using the methods of
modern scholarship was made by Ellen M. Ross, whose
Rudimentos de gramatica aymara (1953; second edition
1963) was published by the Canadian Baptist Mission in
La Paz with an introduction by Eugene Nida. The preface
indicates that the Aymara of Huatajata (department of
64
La Paz) is the dialect on which the grammar is based and
that it is similar to that of the city of La Paz. Three
Aymara native speakers collaborated with Ross in producing
the grammar, a trilingual textbook for English-speaking
missionaries and Spanish speakers. Making use of aural/
oral language-teaching methods, the book presents graded
Aymara dialogues and drills with translations into Spanish
and grammatical explanations in Spanish and English. The
grammar includes cultural notes such as a comment on the
importance of greetings among the Aymara. While it has
an index of grammatical forms and topics (in Spanish),
it lacks a table of contents and thus cannot easily be
used as a reference grammar.
In any case, although it represents a tremendous
improvement over its predecessors, Rudimentos contains
frequently inaccurate grammatical analyses. More impor-
tant, the text still reflects, in the tradition of earlier
Aymara grammars, the usage of missionaries and their fol-
lowers. For this reason the Ross grammar should be used
with caution by persons not wishing to be identified with
or aS missionaries. Also, the CALA writing system used
presents the learner with certain difficulties, especially
with respect to the postvelar fricative symbolized as jj
and reduplicated as the unwieldy and confusing cluster
aaa,
65
A reference grammar for native speakers of Aymara
is Ross's Manual aymara para los aymaristas (n.d. [con-
siderably after Ross 1953]). Its purpose is to enable
Aymara speakers already bilingual and literate in Spanish
to learn to read and write Aymara and to become aware of
differences between Aymara and Spanish structure which
create difficulties for Aymara monolinguals wishing to
learn Spanish. As indicated earlier, the CALA writing
system used by Ross is designed to familiarize Aymara
speakers with Spanish spelling with a view to facilitating
their learning to read and write in that language.
Accordingly, Spanish loans, even those which entered
Aymara hundreds of years ago and are completely adapted
to Aymara phonology, are spelled as Spanish and the five
vowels of Spanish are used even though Ross recognized
that Aymara has a three-vowel system. Evidence that
the CALA alphabet does in fact accomplish the objective
of making it easier for Aymara monolinguals to learn
Spanish is lacking.
The Ross Manual is in effect a contrastive study
of Spanish and (Missionary) Aymara, often describing
Aymara in terms of Spanish, although this is warned
against (n.d.:65). The manual is also prescriptive,
for example in Lesson IX on punctuation. The grammatical
analysis is lacking in some important respects; for
instance, the four-person system is not completely
66
understood. The distinction of personal and nonpersonal
knowledge is recognized, however, for the first time.
The importance of morphemic vowel length and morphopho-
nemic vowel dropping is also understood and the reader
is urged to write as he speaks, although this injunction
is not always followed in the examples given in the text.
The role of sentence suffixes (called enclitics) is well
covered. But while the Manual has its strengths, never-
theless the message conveyed by the book is that learning
to read and write Aymara is merely a means toward learning
to be fully literate in Spanish and not a worthy end in
itself. This attitude is clear in a discussion of the
embedding of direct quotes in Aymara: the reader who
wishes to write a more involved style is urged to consult
a good Spanish grammar or to observe the style of writers
in that language (Ross n.d.:121).
Two subsequent teaching grammars of Aymara owe
much to Ross. Paul Wexler and his associates attempted
in Beginning Aymara: A course for English speakers (1967)
to write a linguistically sound pedagogical grammar of
Aymara specifically for English speakers. Intended for
Peace Corps volunteers, this grammar was based on research
carried out in Bolivia by three American field workers
who spent a short time there aided by three Aymara native
speakers from La Paz who were bilingual in Spanish. It
is of value primarily as an example of what happens when
67
linguistic researchers fail to take cultural as well as
linguistic factors into account in spite of their obvious
importance in a grammar designed for foreigners proposing
to live and work in an unfamiliar society. While care-
fully organized into graded dialogues and drills on topics
generally relevant to altiplano life, the Aymara sentences
in the book sound translated from Spanish, often using
missionary and/or patr6n terminology, and are therefore
both culturally and linguistically unacceptable to some
native speakers. Wexler recognized that the Aymara of
the informants probably showed heavy Spanish influence,
but he was evidently unaware of the social dimension of
their dialect--its evangelical cast--although he did
recommend further research with monolingual speakers.
The book also suffers from problems of translating Andean
Spanish into English. For example, wank'u (Wexler
wanc'u) is translated 'rabbit' instead of ‘guinea pig',
probably because the Andean Spanish for guinea pig is
conejo (Peninsular Spanish 'rabbit').
The second Aymara grammar owing much to Ross,
and the best of the missionary grammars to date, is
Lecciones de Aymara (1971-72) by Joaquin Herrero,
Daniel Cotari, and Jaime Mejia, said to be based on a
dialect from roughly the same area as that of the Ross
grammars. Herrero is a native of Spain; Cotari and
Mejia are Bolivian Aymara speakers bilingual in Spanish.
63
Developed for use at the Maryknoll Language Institute
in Cochabamba, this grammar is superior to its predeces-
sors in grammatical analysis, but it has the same charac-
teristics perceived by some native speakers as non-Aymara
or substandard. An innovation useful for students of
Spanish dialects is the provision of two translations of
each Aymara dialogue, one in Andean Spanish and the other
in Peninsular Spanish.
The alphabet used by Herrero et al. is that
adopted by the Bolivian government in 1954. It differs
from the CALA alphabet only in its use of k and q for
the velar and postvelar stops, respectively, instead
of the CALA c and qu for velar and k for postvelar. The
phonology section includes numerous minimal triplets
illustrating plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops.
The importance of morphophonemic vowel dropping is clearly
grasped and suffixes are designated as weak (retaining
previous vowel) and strong (dropping previous vowel) when
they are first introduced, helping the learner to produce
correct forms from the beginning. The book is good on
the Aymara four-person system (while not calling it that),
avoiding Ross's error, repeated by Wexler, of designating
the inclusive fourth person as dual. Full verbal inflec-
tional paradigms with affirmative and negative examples
are presented in the body of the text.
69
A much shorter, less complete grammar is Método
de aymara (1973) by Marcelo Grondin, using the same alpha-
bet as Herrero. Published in Oruro, the book mentions
certain forms as different from those occurring in La Paz
but fails to include the distinctive allomorph of the first
person possessive suffix (with velar nasal) found in the
province of Carangas, Oruro. The Aymara four-person system
is clearly grasped, vowel-dropping is understood, and the
role of sentence suffixes noted, but the Aymara is pre-
sented in short dialogues that sound nonnative. The trans-
lations of the dialogues are in Andean Spanish.
The question arises why grammars of Aymara con-
tinued for so long to reflect only missionary and patré6n
usages. The answer lies in the fact that for many years
all linguists who undertook to study Aymara in depth were
missionaries who, however well prepared in linguistic
field methods, were more concerned with translating
Scripture from Spanish or English into Aymara than in
eliciting native texts on which to base a description of
the language. Their informants, being members of the same
religious community, were ready to accept the missionaries’
authority in matters of style and content. Many missionary
linguists, notably Nida (1957:58-60), are aware of the
linguistic pitfalls inherent in their approach and try
to avoid them; but it is unrealistic to expect missionary
grammars to be completely free of the distorting influence
of translation.
70
The few nonmissionary linguists who approached
Aymara did so either through missionaries or through
mestizos and whites. In such circumstances it is re-
markable that Tschopik and LaBarre were able to elicit
native Aymara folktales free of missionary or patron
influence. Sebeok was not so fortunate; the story on
which he based his morphological analysis is in Patr6n
Aymara. When the Wexler team sought to study Aymara they
proceeded through missionary contacts and thereby unwit-
tingly acquired informants trained in that tradition.
So long as all linguistic research was conducted
with sources speaking varieties of Missionary or Patr6n
Aymara, only data reflecting such dialects could be
obtained. A new point of entry into the Aymara community
was needed.
2-4.12 Aymara-centered studies
In 1965 M. J. Hardman arrived in Bolivia as a
Fulbright lecturer in linguistics. Together with Julia
Elena Fortin, Director of Anthropology in the Bolivian
Ministry of Education, Hardman founded the Instituto
Nacional de Estudios Lingitiisticos (INEL) in La Paz for
the purpose of training Bolivians in linguistics for
national development. Hardman had already investigated
Aymara's sister languages, Jaqaru and Kawki, and had
determined their relationship as members of the Jaqi
71
language family. Hardman's Jagaru: Outline of phonological
and morphological structure (1966) is the first grammar of
a Jaqi language described in its own terms rather than
from the point of view of Spanish. A second edition in
Spanish translation is now in press in Peru. (Pre-Hardman
Peruvian sources for the study of Jaqaru and Kawki are
the writings of J. M. B. Farf&n and of José Matos Mar.)
One of Hardman's students at INEL in La Paz was
Juan de Dios Yapita, a native speaker of Aymara from the
community of Compi on the shores of Lake Titicaca. Yapita
had been educated in La Paz but maintained close ties with
monolingual friends and relatives in Compi. As the out-
come of an assignment, Yapita wrote the first phonemic
alphabet of Aymara ever produced by a native speaker of
the language and later, together with Herminia Martin and
others studying under Hardman's direction, did field work
in the provinces of Ingavi, Pacajes, Andes, Omasuyos, and
Manco Capac, department of La Paz. Hardman also did
field work in the province of Larecaja. The first pub-
lished result of this research was Martin's Bosquejo de
estructura de la lengua aymara (1969), a brief sketch of
the Aymara spoken in the town of Irpa Chico, province of
Ingavi. It is important as the first published description
of Aymara by a linguist for linguists, combining both
adequate theory and competent field investigation.
72
On the basis of Aymara research undertaken by
Hardman and associates in Bolivia, the Aymara Language
Materials Project began at the University of Florida in
1969 with support from the U. S. Office of Education of
the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. The
goal of the project was to produce teaching and reference
grammars of Aymara reflecting linguistic and cultural
realities of the language from the point of view of
native speakers. The materials were prepared by a team
consisting of Hardman, two Bolivian native speakers of
Aymara trained in linguistics and anthropology (Yapita
and Juana Vasquez, who is from Tiahuanaco), and three
graduate students in anthropology and linguistics who
assisted with the analysis and tested the teaching
materials in Aymara classes. Their work was supplemented
by extensive help from a number of other native speakers
of Aymara as well as from other University of Florida
graduate students and staff.
The primary fruit of the project is a three-volume
work by Hardman, Vasquez, and Yapita entitied Aymar ar
yatiganataki ('to learn Aymara') which appeared first in
1973 and in a revised edition in 1975. Volume 1, which
bears the title of the whole work, is a course in Aymara
for English and Spanish speakers, consisting of graded
dialogues based on rural Aymara life and drills based
on the dialogues, with translations into both Spanish and
73
English and accompanying tape recordings with English
translations. Volume 2, Teacher's manual to accompany
Aymar_ar_yatiqafataki, is keyed to the course and provides
cultural as well as grammatical explanations. Volume 3,
entitled Aymara grammatical sketch in the first edition
(1973) and Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical
structure in the second (1975), is a detailed reference
grammar which may stand alone. It incorporates University
of Florida master's theses by Laura Martin-Barber on
phonology and by Nora C. England on verbal derivational
suffixes, and my term paper on the structure of the
substantive system, as Chapters 3, 6, and 8, respectively.
The project has also produced a computerized concordance
glossary of words, roots, and suffixes.
Secondary results of the project include numerous
student papers for graduate courses in anthropology and
linguistics at the University of Florida, for example
Norman Tate's ethnosemantic study of verbs of carrying
(1970) and a paper by Andrew Miracle and Juana Vasquez
on ethnosemantic categories of feces in Aymara (1972).
Published articles related to the project include Hard-
man's on Aymara and Jaqi linguistic postulates (Hardman
1972a and in press a), Yapita's discussion of the role
of linguistics in Bolivian national development (1973b),
and Pedro Copana's recommendations concerning the educa-
tion of rural Aymara children (1973).
74
An increasing number of materials written in the
Aymara language have appeared as a result of the project.
The Aymara Newsletter has been published irregularly at
the University of Florida since 1970, originally under
the alternating editorships of Yapita and Vdsquez, who
also collaborated on a correspondence course for Aymara
speakers (Vdsquez & Yapita 1969). V&Asquez has written an
Aymara primer (1970) and is preparing another. Yapita has
edited several mimeographed Aymara literary journals,
among them Yatifiasawa (1970) and Literatura aymara
(1972-73). He has also produced materials for teaching
his phonemic alphabet in Bolivia (1973a) and a Spanish-
English-Aymara vocabulary (1974).
Former Yapita students who are members of the
Bolivian Aymara community have produced materials of their
own. Representative are articles by Vitaliano Wanka
Torres, describing results of the Aymara literacy pro-
gram he directs in Tiahuanaco (Wanka 1973a and 1973b);
an Aymara primer for adults (1974) by Francisco Calle P.,
of which a first edition of 17,000 was printed (Chaski
2:1974); and a bilingual manual on medicinal plants and
herbs (1974) by Gabino Kispi H. (Wanka and Kispi spell
their surnames, traditionally Huanca and Quispe, in
Yapita orthography. )
So far, lack of funds has precluded formal pub-
lication of more than a few of the Aymara-centered
materials that have begun to appear in growing numbers.
75
2-4.13 Sociolinguistic studies
In Peru the government has in recent years sought
the participation of missionary linguists associated with
the Summer Institute of Linguistics and of secular linguists
from academic institutions in the development of educa-
tional programs for speakers of indigenous languages
(loosely referred to as bilingual education programs).
While most publications on problems of multilingualism
in Peru focus on Quechua and the jungle languages rather
than on Aymara, several recent studies include references
to Aymara. As noted in 1-1, the two most recent Peruvian
national censuses (for 1961 and 1972) contain basic demo-
graphic data on the numbers and location of Aymara speakers
in Peru. The proceedings of a round table on problems
of Quechua and Aymara monolingualism held in 1963 have
been published in Mesa redonda sobre el monolingiiismo
quechua_ y aymara y 1a educaci6n en el Perd (1966). One
of the participants in the round table was Alberto
Escobar, a Peruvian linguist who later founded the
government- and Ford Foundation-supported Plan de Fomento
Lingiifstico (linguistic development plan) at the National
University of San Marcos in Lima and who has written
several thoughtful essays on the language problems of
Peru such as an article on literacy programs (Escobar
1972a). Escobar edited a collection of articles entitled
El_reto del multilingiiismo en el PerG which appeared in
76
1972, the year the Peruvian government inaugurated a new
policy of bilingual education. The book includes articles
by Hardman on Aymara linguistic postulates (Hardman 1972a),
by Alfredo Torero on historical background (Torero 1972b),
and by Escobar on linguistics and politics (Escobar 1972b).
Domingo Llanque Chana, a Peruvian Aymara who is
a Maryknoll priest and at present (1976) vicar general
of the Prelature of Juli, has presented in Spanish trans-
lation an interview he conducted in Aymara with a 56-year-
old Aymara man from a rural community near Lake Titicaca
(D. Llanque Chana 1973). The topic is social interaction
among the Aymara, including the way they treat outsiders
as well as each other. To my knowledge this is the first
time the topic has been discussed in print by an Aymara.
The author observes that the basic element of Aymara
interaction is mutual respect expressed primarily through
courteous speech as exemplified in greetings.
A graduate of a normal school in Puno, Justino
Llanque Chana, has given an overview of the educational
situation of Peruvian Aymara based on the results of his
1973 survey of 85 high school students in the town of
Chucuito near Puno (J. Llanque Chana 1974). The survey
revealed negative attitudes toward Aymara language and
culture which the author interpreted as confirming the
alienating effects of an educational system stressing
acquisition of Spanish skills while banning (in theory if
not in strict practice) the use of vernacular languages.
77
Meanwhile in Bolivia, where the government has yet
to give formal support to bilingual education, only one
organization has so far as I know published materials
relevant to sociolinguistics: the Centro Pedagégico y
Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba, which is supported by
the Patifio Foundation. In connection with a series of
educational conferences and seminars for Aymara and Quechua
speakers, Portales (as it is usually called) began in
1973 to publish in mimeographed form such materials as
articles by Javier Alb6 on the future of Aymara and
Quechua (which he considers to be ‘oppressed languages';
Alb6 1973a) and on Aymara and Quechua educational radio
programs in Bolivia (Alb6 1973b). Also in 1973 Portales
published the Yapita phonemic alphabet and in 1974, my
article on the Aymara four-person system (Briggs 1974a)
and a summary of Hardman's article on Aymara linguistic
postulates (Hardman 1972a).
Portales has also assisted sociolinguistic sur-
veys. In 1973 and 1974, Yapita and Pedro Plaza, the
director of INEL, conducted with Portales and Ford Founda-
tion support sociolinguistic surveys of groups of Aymara
and Quechua speakers in Bolivia using methods developed
by Wolfgang W6lck for Quechua in Peru (W6lck 1972 and
1973).
A valid contribution to knowledge of the Aymara-
speaking population of northern Potosi department is an
78
article by the British anthropologist Olivia Harris
(1974) on the Laymis and Machas (1-1.1).
2-4.2 Historical studies
Torero set forth well-grounded theories as to
the history of Aymara and its sister languages (1-2.1)
in an article entitled Lingiiistica e historia de los Andes del
Perd y de Bolivia (1972b). The relationship of Aymara and
Quechua, the other major language family of the Andean
area, is still a matter of debate. Mason (1950:196)
proposed 'Kechumaran' as a term 'to designate the yet
unproved but highly probable subphylum consisting of
Quechua and Aymara.' Also supporting a fairly close
relationship between Quechua and Aymara are Carolyn Orr
and Robert E. Longacre (1968) and Yolanda Lastra de
Suérez (1970). Hardman ascribes similarities in lexi-
con and phonology, where they exist, to geographic
proximity and overlap rather than to a genetic relation-
ship (Hardman, personal communication). Louisa Stark
(1970) has provided convincing data in support of Hard-
man's position.
2-5 Summary and Projection
The foregoing survey of representative litera-
ture on and in Aymara shows how scholarly and
79
not-so-scholarly treatment of the language has changed
in accordance with the focus of each period and the
development of more adequate method and theory. While
the production of written texts in Aymara is still meager,
it is increasing. Like the spoken language on which they
are based, these texts show dialectal variation, and they
will provide material for further dialect studies as well
as investigations of literary style.
CHAPTER 3
VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN
PHONOLOGICAL SHAPE OF MORPHEMES
3-1 Introduction
The basic phonology of Aymara has been described
by L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3, Chapter 3).
To the phonemic inventory therein described must now be
added the velar nasal, although it is of limited occur-
rence. Variations in phonological shape of morphemes
both within and across dialects are paralleled by morpho-
phonemic rules operating within dialects, to be discussed
in Chapter 4, to which this chapter is an introduction.
-*
3-2 Phonemes
3-2.] Phonemic inventory
Figure 3-1 shows Aymara phonemes in Yapita
phonemic orthography.
There are three vowels (front, central, and
back) and a phoneme of vowel length. |
The 27 consonants
are divided into voiceless and voiced. Voiceless conso-
nants are 12 stops, three affricates, and three fricatives.
80
81
Vowels: ioaeoou Vowel length:
Consonants:
bilabial
alveolar
palatal
Voiceless:
Stops
Plain p t
Aspirated p" t"
Glottalized p' t'
Affricates
Piain ch
Aspirated ch"
Glottalized ch'
Fricatives S
Voiced:
Laterals ] 1]
Nasals m n ni
Glides W y
- Flap r
postvelar
Figure 3-1. Aymara Phonemes (Yapita Phonemic Alphabet)
82
Voiced consonants are two laterals, four nasals, two
glides, and a flap. The stops occur in four positions
of articulation and three manners: plain, aspirated,
and glottalized. The three affricates are all palatal
and pattern with the stops. The three fricatives are
alveolar, velar, and postvelar. The laterals are alveo-
lar and palatal; the glides are bilabial and palatal;
the flap, which may be realized as a trill, is alveolar.
Included in the total of four nasals is the
velar nasal /nh/ ([ H 1), a phoneme in the related language
Jaqaru. The velar nasal has phonemic status in only two
Aymara dialects encountered to date, in the provinces
of Carangas (Oruro, Bolivia) and Tarata (Tacna, Peru),
specifically in the communities of Jopoqueri and Corque
(Carangas) and of Tarata and Sitajara (Tarata). Although
the phoneme occurs in few morphemes, these have a high
functional load. In both Carangas and Tarata the phoneme
occurs in homophonous allomorphs of two suffixes: /-nha/
first person possessive and /-nha/ verbal inflection of
first to third person, Future tense. In Tarata the
phoneme occurs in two more suffixes of the Future tense
(see Figure 6-3) and in at least two noun roots: anhanu
‘cheek' and panhara 'grinder.'
The two areas where the velar nasal phoneme occurs
are separated by the province of Pacajes, department of
La Paz, whose dialects were not investigated directly for
83
this study. The phoneme was not found in the Pacajes
dialects investigated in the research for Hardman et al.
(1975). Late in the research for the present study,
evidence was obtained for the existence of a relic of
the /nh/ phoneme in La Paz/Compi dialect, in one word:
the noun ch'inhi 'nit' (Spanish liendre). This con-
trasts with intervocalic /n/ and /fi/ (e. g. ch'ina ‘human
posterior' and fiufu ‘breast, teat'). Another apparent
relic of /nh/ is a velarized allophone of /fi/ occurring
in Morocomarca (4-3.21.2). It may possibly also occur
in other Aymara dialects not yet investigated. °
3-2.2 Allophones
The allophones described by L. Martin-Barber
(Hardman et al. 1975:3) exist for the dialects of Aymara
investigated for this study. The following additional
comments may be made.
3-2.21 Vowels
In Spanish-influenced dialects the mid vowel /a/
may approximate Spanish /a/ but in monolingual Aymara
(and some nonmonolingual dialects, for example in northern
Potosi, a trilingual Quechua-Aymara-Spanish area) /a/ is
more closed, being realized frequently as [A] or [a].
/i/ and /u/, as noted by L. Martin-Barber, are lowered
in the environment of postvelar consonants /q/ and /x/
84
and raised in the environment of /n/ and /y/ and word-
initially. Elsewhere intermediate or high allophones
occur. Additional study will be needed to determine the
conditioning.
3-2.22 Consonants
Most allophonic variation of consonants in Aymara
is morphophonemically conditioned, and is therefore dis-
cussed in Chapter 4.
Friction attending the velar and postvelar frica-
tives /j/ and /x/ and the flap /r/ is variable but whether
the variation is dialectal, stylistic, or idiosyncratic
is yet to be determined. Impressionistically it was
noted that some Juli speakers pronounced initial /j/ with
heavy friction whereas in other dialects initial /j/ is
more often a glottal [h]. Dialects having /j/ (Salinas,
Jopoqueri) where La Paz and other dialects have /k/, for
example in the incompletive verbal derivational suffix
-ja- ~ -ka-, articulate a somewhat prevelar, palatalized
/j/ and a clearly postvelar /x/. The difference is quite
noticeable even to a nonnative in such pairs as
Chur.j.t.wa. ‘I'm giving it to him/her/them. '
Chur.x.t.wa. ‘I gave it to him/her/them.' (Jopoqueri)
(The second example has the verbal derivational suffix
|
| Full Text |
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77-8149 BRIGGS, Lucy Therina, 193ODIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE OF BOLIVIA AND PERU. The University of Florida, Ph.D., 1976 Language, linguistics Xerox University Microfilms I Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 @Copyright 1976 by Lucy Therina Briggs
PAGE 3
DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE OF BOLIVIA AND PERU By LUCY THERINA BRIGGS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1976
PAGE 4
Thie description of dialectal variation in the Aymara language of Bolivia and Peru is dedicated to all the Aymara speakers who helped make it possible, and to the Aymara linguists of the future who will improve upon it.
PAGE 5
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is based on research conducted from 1970 through 1975 at the University of Florida and in Bolivia and Peru, under the auspices of (l) a graduate teaching assistantship (1970-71) in the Aymara Language Materials Project funded by Title VI of the National Defense Education Act, (2) a National Science Foundation graduate fellowship (1971-74), and (3) a University of Florida College of Arts and Sciences graduate fellowship (1974-75). To the sources of that support I wish to express my deep appreciation. Special thanks are due also to my parents, Ellis Ormsbee Briggs and Lucy Barnard Briggs, who gave me financial and moral support throughout my doc toral studies. My field work in Bolivia was authorized by the lnstituto Nacional de Estudios Lingilfsticos (INEL) and facilitated by the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara (ILCA). My field work in Peru was authorized by the lnstituto Nacional de Investigaci6n y Desarrollo de la Educacion (INIDE). Copies of this study are being made available to the three named entities, for whose coopera tion I am very grateful. iv
PAGE 6
The list of persons who assisted me in the research is long. I wish here to single out three per sons whose contributions were crucial to my undertaking the task and bringing it to a conclusion. They are Dr. M. J. Hardman, director of my doctoral dissertation, and two native speakers of Aymara who were my teachers at the University of Florida: Ms. Juana Vasquez, writer and artist, and Mr. Juan de Dias Yapita, founder and director of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara of La Paz and professor at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in La Paz. Whatever insights I have gained concerning Aymara language and culture are due in large measure to their knowledge and patient guidance. Without the training I received from them and their considerable help in the analysis, this study could not have been completed. Specifically, Ms. v,squez helped me review the extensive literature on Aymara, commenting on the Aymara examples contained therein. Mr. Yapita reviewed a near-final draft of the whole manuscript of this study, sometimes listening to tapes to check the accuracy of the tran scriptions of the Aymara examples. Both worked with me in the analysis of translation dialects culminating in Chapter 9. In the various stages of the work Dr. Hardman was my constant mentor, challenger, and support. The final draft also benefitted from the suggestions of the V
PAGE 7
other members of my doctoral committee, as well as those of Professor Bohdan Saciuk of the Program in Linguistics of the University of Florida, who kindly read and com mented on Chapters 3 and 4. I also wish to thank Or. Charles Palmer for preparing the final versions of the maps, and Ms. Patricia Whitehurst for typing the final draft of the manuscript. In acknowledging the help I have received, I do not wish to imply that this study is free of errors. For them I take full responsibility, trusting that researchers who follow me will correct my mistakes with ~he same zeal that I have applied to correcting my predecessors, in pursuit of the objective we all share--ever more accurate descriptions of the Aymara language. vi
PAGE 8
TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS----------------------------------iv ABSTRACT CHAPTER l 2 INTRODUCTION------------------------------l -1 1-1. l 1-1 . 2 1-1 . 3 1-2 l -2. l 1-2.2 1-2.3 l -3 l -3. l 1-3.2 1-3.3 1-3.4 1-3.5 1-3.6 Demography------------------------Number and location of Aymara speakers--------------------------Status -----------.----------------Monolingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism----------------History ----------------------------Language family--------------------Dialects ---------------------------Summary description of La Paz Aymara-----------------------------The Present Study-----------------Theoretical bases-----------------Purposes and scope----------------Methodology and data--------------Sites and sources------------~----Organization of the study---------Conventions and terminology--------A SURVEY OF THf LITERATURE----------------2-1 2-2 2-3 Introduction----------------------Colonial Period-------------------Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th Centuries--------------------------vii xiii l l l 6 7 8 8 11 l 5 18 18 22 24 29 35 36 43 43 43 52
PAGE 9
3 2-4 2-4. 1 2-4.2 2-5 Linguistic Studies----------------Synchronic studies----------------Historical studies-----------------Summary and Projection-------------Page 62 62 78 78 VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN PHONOLOGICAL SHAPE OF MORPHEMES------------------------80 3-1 3-2 32. 1 3-2.2 3-2.3 3-2.4 3-3 3-3. 1 3-3.2 3-3.3 3-4 3-4. 1 3-4.2 3-4.3 3-4.4 3-4.5 3-4.6 3-4.7 3-4.8 Introduction-----------------------80 Phonemes---------------------------80 Phonemic inventory-----------------80 Allophones-------------------------83 Canonical forms--------------------86 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence -87 Nonphonemic Phenomena--------------89 Stress-----------------------------89 Intonation-------------------------90 Spanish loans----------------------90 Phonological Correspondences Within and Across Dialects----------------91 Vowel correspondences--------------92 Consonant correspondences----------100 Correspondences of vowels and/or vowel length and nonstop consonants -127 Metathesis --------------------------132 Correspondence of final (C)CV sequence with another CV sequence or zero-----------------------------136 Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and zero--------------------------------137 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and vowel length or zero, and correspondence of final /ma/ and zero----139 Combinations of correspondences in one word----------------------------139 3-5 Conclusion--------------------------140 4 VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS---------------145 4-1 Introduction------------------------145 viii
PAGE 10
4-2 4-2. l 4-2.2 4-2.3 4-2.4 4-3 4-3. l 4-3.2 4-3.3 4-3.2 4-4 4-4. l 4-4.2 4-5 Morphologically Determined Vowel Deleting and -Retaining Rules (Morphophonemics of Suffixes) -----Phonological and morphological conditioning----------------------Morphological conditioning--------Phonological and syntactic conditioning----------------------Morphological and syntactic conditioning-----------------------Phonotactically Conditioned Rules (Canonical Form Conditions) -------Word-initial position-------------Medial position-------------------Final position in morphological word-------------------------------Final position in syntactical word General and Dialect-Specific Rules Variation in morphophonemics of suffixes---------------------------Variation in other morphophonemic rules------------------------------Conclusion -------------------------146 147 148 149 149 149 150 154 185 192 193 194 195 197 5 VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM--------------202 5-1 5-2 5-2. l 5-2.2 5-2.3 5-2.4 5-2.5 5-2.6 5-2.7 5-3 5-3. 1 5-3.2 5-3.3 5-3.4 Introduction----------------------Closed Classes of Noun Roots------Interrogatives --------------------Demonstratives--------------------Personal pronouns------------------Numbers ----------------------------Positionals -----------------------Temporals-------------------------Ambiguous noun/verb roots----------Noun Suffixes ---------------------Class of limited occurrence--------Class l suffixes------------------Class 2 suffixes------------------Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers) -----ix 202 203 203 210 215 216 222 226 243 245 245 259 274 300
PAGE 11
5-4 Summary and Conclusions-------------309 5-4. 1 Types of variation in the noun system------------------------------309 5-4.2 Dialectal patterning----------------311 6 VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM---------------317 6-1 6-2 62. l 6-2.2 6-2.3 6-3 6-3. l 6-3.2 6-3.3 6-4 6-4. l 6-4.2 6-4.3 6-4.4 6-5 6-5. l 6-5.2 Introduction-----------------------Verbal Derivational Suffixes-------Class l suffixes-------------------Class 2 suffixes-------------------Class 3 suffixes--------------------Verbal Inflectional Suffixes-------Introduction -----------------------Verbal inflectional distinctive features---------------------------Tenses ------------------------------The Verb sa.na 'to say' ------------sa.na with Simple tense------------sa.na with Future tense------------sa.na with other tenses------------Dialectal patterning----------------Summary and Conclusions------------Types of variation in the verb system------------------------------Dialectal patterning----------------317 318 321 345 374 384 384 386 389 445 447 450 453 454 455 455 459 7 SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION----468 7-1 7-2 7-2.l 7-2.2 7-3 7-4 7 -4. l 7-4.2 7-4.3 7-4.4 7-4.5 7-5 Introduction-----------------------Particles and Syntactic Suffixes ---Particles--------------------------Syntactic suffixes------------------Basic Sentence Types---------------Morphosyntactic Processes----------Reduplication ----------------------Subordination----------------------uka linker and summarizer----------~na embedding---------------------Negation ----------------------------Conclusion--------------------------X 468 469 469 473 508 509 509 517 562 564 576 587
PAGE 12
8 VARIATION IN SEMANTICS--------------------592 8-1 8-2 82. 1 8-2.2 8-2.3 8-2.4 Introduction----------------------Linguistic Postulates-------------Four-person system----------------Human/Nonhuman --------------------Directly/Indirectly acquired knowledge (data source) -----------A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural ---592 593 594 597 631 634 8-3 Semantic Variation in Roots and Suffixes---------------------------643 8-3. 1 Noun system------------------------643 8-3.2 Verb system------------------------654 8-4 Metaphor---------------------------667 8-5 Summary and Conclusion-------------672 9 MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA------675 9-1 9-2 9-3 9-4 9-5 9-6 9-6. 1 9-6.2 9-7 Introduction Phonology-------------------------Morphophonemics -------------------Morphology------------------------Morphosyntax and Syntax------------Semantics -------------------------Linguistic Postulates--------------Other semantic peculiarities-------Summary and Conclusion-------------675 679 680 681 683 693 693 706 712 10 CONCLUSION--------------------------------716 10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara------716 10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and Features---------------------------718 10-2. l North e r n group : La Paz , J u 1 i , Sacca, Huancan~ --------------------722 10-2. 2 Southern group : Jo po q u er i ( and/or Corque), Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala) --------------------------724 xi 'i
PAGE 13
10-2.3 10-2.4 10-2.5 10-2.6 10-2.7 10-3 10-4 APPENDICES Intermediate dialects: Calacoa and Sitajara ---------------------Peripheral (as distinguished from central) dialects----------------Cross-regional features----------Cross-dialectal perceptions------Attitudes toward Aymara language and culture-----------------------Interpretation of Research Results and Their Implications------------Directions for Future Research----727 728 733 735 736 739 746 A ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND SENTENCES---------------------------------752 B ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES--------------------782 C REGIONAL VERSIONS OF GREETINGS AND COMMON EXPRESSIONS------------------------784 D REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING AND A RIDDLE------------------------------------803 E INDEX OF SUFFIXES-------------------------811 REFERENCES-----------------------------------------835 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH--------------------------------847 xii
PAGE 14
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE OF BOLIVIA AND PERU By Lucy Therina Briggs August, 1976 Chairman: M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista Major Department: Linguistics The Aymara language is spoken on the high Andean plains of Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake Titicaca to the salt flats south of Lake Poop6. South west of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the upper reaches of some of the river valleys that descend to the Pacific coast and to the east it extends into the subtropical Yungas valleys, but its domain is primarily the altiplano. The total number of speakers approaches two million, of whom about one and a half million live in Bolivia and the rest in Peru. There are also a few speakers in northern Chile. Predominantly farmers or herders, the Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area, Aymara women playing a major role in regional marketing of agri cultural produce. xiii
PAGE 15
Aymara belongs to the Jaqi family of languages whose other extant members are Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken in the department of Lima, Peru. The relationship of Aymara to Quechua, the other major Andean language, is undetermined. Dialects of Aymara have not hitherto been systematically studied, although dialectal variation has been known to exist since colonial times. The present study was conceived to begin the task of determining the extent and character of dialectal variation in Aymara. Based on research in ten Aymara communities and incorporating data from a survey of the literature from colonial times to the present, this study examines regional variation in phonology, morphophonemics, mor phology, syntax and morphosyntax, and semantics, and three translation dialects not specific to any one region: Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara. The appendices include the elicitation list used in fieldwork, a list of onomatopoeic particles, regional versions of greetings, a brief dialogue, a saying, and a riddle, and an index of suffixes. The study confirms that all dialects share the basic structures attributed to two La Paz dialects in earlier studies by M. J. Hardman and associates at the University of Florida. Aymara is a polysynthetic language in which suffixes play not only morphological but also 1 xiv
PAGE 16
syntactic roles and retain or lose their own or preceding vowels according to complex morphophonemic rules. All dialects also have certain linguistic postulates: a system of four grammatical persons, a distinction of human and nonhuman reference, and a distinction of direct and indirect knowledge. All dialects are mutually (though not equally) intelligible. Regional differences occur primarily in phonology and morphophonemics. Two dialects have a phoneme lacking in the others, and there is considerable variety in phono logical shapes in morphemes stemming from phonemic insta bility and morphophonemic variation. Regional patterning involves two overlapping distinctions: (1) a division into northern and southern dialects (with two intermediate dialects sharing some features of both), and (2) a division into central and peripheral dialects reflecting the spread of La Paz influence toward outlying areas that retain certain features La Paz has lost. The dialectal picture is further complicated by the existence of certain features shared by a few dialects without regard to regional patterning. While many La Paz innovations are attributable to Spanish influence and all dialects of Aymara appear to be adopting Spanish loans at an accelerating rate, ~ymara is a vigorous language that will survive due to natural population increases for at least several genera tions. In the long run the future of the language will xv
PAGE 17
depend on many factors, not least of which will be the extent to which its speakers succeed in fostering its use as a vehicle of literature and education. xvi
PAGE 18
1-1 Demography CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1 . 1 Number and location of speakers Aymara is spoken on the high Andean plains of Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake Titicaca to the Uyuni salt flats south of Lake Poop6 (see Figure 1-1). Southwest of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the upper reaches of some of the many river valleys that descend to the Pacific coast, and to the east it extends into the subtropical Yungas valleys, but its domain is primarily the altiplano. The majority of native speakers of Aymara today are Bolivians and constitute approximately a third of the Bolivian population (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). As the total estimated population of Bolivia in 1973 was 5.3 million (U. S. Department of State 1974:1), Bolivian Aymara alone may account for well over a million and a half speakers. In Peru, according to the national census of 1961, persons for whom Aymara was the first (maternal) language l
PAGE 19
5 i. /JI? <1 , \_ p A).(_~ O ( .............. __ <., / .l., "i \ / ,_., '-•., \ . . / -\ , I / . I . ...._ __ _ . '. / . \ ,. \ : / \ ) / ' C' '..... 1 ..,..,Lima b C,chuy (Kawki ( \ (J -, .-•-.,., Huan,m M ho'• //~~\_ --( I A . ''Q ;,,.'. //. c< <'f 0Aya
PAGE 20
made up only 3.5% of the population five years old and older, or 290,125 out of a total of 8,235,220 (Republica del Pera 1966:4-45). According to the 1972 Peruvian census, their number had grown to 332,593, although this then constituted only 2.9% of the total population five years old and older (Repablica del Peru 1974:2.646). Allowing for the inclusion of Peruvian Aymara children under five, the total of Aymara speakers in Bolivia and Peru today may be estimated as nearing two million. The 1961 Peruvian census gave breakdowns of Aymara speakers by department and province. Unfortu nately, such figures are not yet available for 1972. The 1961 census indicated that of the total 290,125, 83.9% were in the department of Puno, in the provinces of Puno, Chucuito, and Huancane. Of the rest, 8.4% were in the interior highlands of the departments of Moquegua (province of Mariscal Nieto) and Tacna (province of Tarata), with the remaining 8.5% scattered in the departments of Arequipa (provinces of Arequipa and Islay), Puno (provinces of Sandia and San Rom~n), Lima, and Cuzco. For Bolivia, reliable statistics on numbers and location of Aymara speakers are not available. The majority of speakers are generally considered to be in the departments of La Paz and Oruro. There are also Aymara in the northern and western parts of the department
PAGE 21
4 of Potosf and (Javier Alb6 and Walter Penaranda, personal communications) along the western border of the department of Cochabamba. The presence of Aymara throughout the department of La Paz is well known although the north eastern provinces beyond the Cordillera Real (Larecajas, Munecas, Bautista Saavedra, and part of Camacho) are shared with Quechua speakers, some villages being pre dominantly Quechua, others Aymara. The situation in eastern Oruro is similar, with a preponderance of Quechua as one approaches the Potos, border. In northwestern Potos, between the departments of Oruro and Cochabamba the linguistic situation is complex. The mining centers just east of the Oruro Potosf border are Quechua speaking, but surrounding towns, such as Calacala and Morocomarca (see Figure 1-1) are often Aymara. In some of these, as in Calacala, the younger generation is bilingual in Spanish and Quechua rather than Aymara. Although persons over 15 are capable of telling stories in Aymara they obviously prefer to use Quechua; children under 12 do not understand Aymara. The situation is like that noted by 0. Harris (1974) in some other communities in the province of Bustillos and in the province of Charcas, where Aymara is spoken only at home; its use in public is met with embarrassment, if not sham~ and Quechua is used primarily in public or with strangers. This situation suggests a kind of
PAGE 22
5 diglossia, perhaps a relic of an earlier time when general languages coexisted with the particular languages used in each locale. Harris has also noted, however, that many areas of Potosi traditionally considered to be Quechua speaking are inhabited by Aymara-speaking groups for whom Quechua does not appear to be becoming the dominant language. For example, the valleys of San Pedro de Buena Vista in northern Potosf and the area of Llica in western Potosf near the Uyuni salt flats are Aymara speaking. In some cases, according to Harris, the designation of a given ayllu (clan group) as Aymara or Quechua speak ing is inappropriate; language cuts across ayllu lines. For example, Harris found that the Machas, who live near the border of Chuquisaca department and are generally considered to be Quechua speaking, speak Aymara in the most remote part of their valley, near Carasi, province of Charcas. The situation of the Laymis, on the other hand, is the reverse: in the high puna near Unc1a they all know Aymara while in the remote parts of their valley they speak Quechua. These are examples of the complexities that need further study to determine the exact areas where Aymara is spoken today. The mobility of the Aymara must also be taken into account. Predominantly farmers or herders, the Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area.
PAGE 23
6 Aymara women play a ffiajor role in regional marketing of agricultural produce. Aymara families that move to the cities maintain close ties with their villages and frequently own agricultural property at several ecologi cal levels, a system of vertical archipelagos that has existed since prehistoric times (Murra 1968 and 1972). Aymara is also spoken in the environs of Arica, Chile, and is taught at the Universidad del Norte in that city (Juan de Dias Yapita, personal communication). It may also be spoken along the Chilean border of the Bolivian department of Oruro. Whether the Aymara popula tion of Chile is native or predominantly of recent Bolivian or Peruvian Aymara settlers also needs further clarifi cation. 1 1 . 2 Status Both Bolivia (in 1970) and Peru (in 1971) have recognized Aymara as a national language, together with Quechua and Spanish, but this action has failed to alter the social fact that monolingual Aymara speakers are effectively barred from active participation in national life (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). This situation is offset by the efforts of small but active groups of Bolivian Aymara speakers to educate other Aymara and the public at large on Aymara language and culture and to stimulate the production of written literature in the language.
PAGE 24
7 These efforts received considerable impetus from the participation of members of the Bolivian Aymara community in the Aymara Language Materials Project at the Univer sity of Florida (see 2-4.12) and have continued under the leadership of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara (ILCA) and the Instituto Nacional de Estudios LingUfsticos (INEL) in La Paz. The Centro Pedag6gico y Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba has promoted the development of teaching materials in Quechua and Aymara and is involved with ILCA and INEL in sociolinguistic surveys to determine speaker attitudes toward education in the two languages. The government of Peru has recently embarked on an educational development plan which includes primary education in vernacular languages for those who do not speak Spanish. Programs in Aymara have yet to be developed but the government is financing the translation into Spanish of the Aymara teaching and reference grammar produced at the University of Florida (Hardman et al. 1975) for use in training teachers of Aymara children. 1 1 . 3 Monolingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism Figures for Aymara monolingualism, Spanish-Aymara bilingualism, or multilingualism of other types are either lacking or untrustworthy. The 1961 Peruvian census indicated that of the total of 290,125 speakers J •,
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8 of Aymara five years or older, 162,175 said they did not speak Spanish when asked if they did and that 96% of these were in Puno (RepQblica del Pera 1966:2-3). Other official Peruvian sources differentiate coordinate and subordinate bilingualism but the application of these terms to actual cases varies. Redefinitions and refine ments of the terms monolingual and bilingual are needed for the Andean situation, which includes such complexi ties as those of northern Potosi (l-1.1). Some persons encountered in this research who were designated by other Aymara speakers as monolingual appeared to have a receptive if not productive competence in the Spanish language within a narrowly defined set of topics. Other persons who on first acquaintance appeared to be fairly fluent in Spanish later proved to have many difficulties in comprehension and production. The role of cultural and social factors must also be taken into account. (See the remarks for bilingualism of sources, 1-3.3. Present-day Aymara dialects that show heavy Spanish influence are discussed in Chapter 9.) 1-2 1-2.l History Language family Aymara is a member of the Jaqi language family (Hardman 1975) which Torero (1972b) prefers to call the
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9 Aru family. Other extant members of the family are Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken in Tupe and Cachuy, respectively, in the highland province of Yauyos about 150 miles south of Lima, Peru. Jaqaru is still vigorous but Kawki is dying out. Citing historical and toponymical evidence, Torero (1972b) has established the probable extension of this language family in the 16th century as from the area of two present provinces of Lima, Huarochiri and Yauyos, south to what is now southern Bolivia. Aymara occupied the most extensive area, south and southeast of the River Pampas basin in southern Huancavelica and northern Ayacucho departments, while the other Jaqi languages were spoken in a more restricted area to the north. Hardman (1966:15) has reported evidence for the existence of a Jaqi language in the valley of Canta north of Lima in the early 1900's. According to Torero the language family entered its expansive phase with the rise of Huari (Ayacucho) and Aymara has since moved south, taking over territories of other languages such as Puquina. Torero has cited his and Hardman's glottochronological calculations as indicating approxi mately 1,490 years of minimal divergence between Jaqaru and Aymara beginning in approximately A. D. 480. By this reckoning Kawki and Aymara are 1,130 years apart, having diverged around A. D. 840.
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10 On the basis of these dates and linguistic evi dence from Hardman of a closer linguistic relationship between Kawki and Aymara than between Jaqaru and Aymara, Torero has posited the following phases in the expansion of the language family: (1) a first split in the fifth century A. D. or before, (2) a second split in the ninth century, and (3) a proto-Aymara period a few cen turies before the establishment of the Inca empire. Tying these in with archaeological evidence, Torero has identified the first phase with the beginning of Nazca influence in the region of Ayacucho and the second phase as occurring during the Vinaque culture centered in the city of Huari, which controlled the area from Yauyos in Lima to southern Cuzco and Arequipa between A. D. 500 and 1000. The third phase coincided with the third stage of the Middle Horizon after the decline of the important Vinaque centers (Torero 1972b:92,94,97). With respect to the expansion of Aymara on the altiplano, Torero has calculated the date of divergence between the dialect of Moho in the province of Huancan~, department of Puno, and that spoken near La Paz, Bolivia as about A. D. 1550. While holding that a comparison of these dialects with one from southern Bolivia would show a longer period of separation, he has tentatively suggested that Aymara penetrated the area around Lake Titicaca during the 13th century A. D. in the latter part of his third phase (Torero 1972b:62-63).
PAGE 28
l l 1 -2. 2 Dialects According to colonial and later sources cited by Tschopik (including Cieza de Leon, Bertonio, Rivet, and Markham1 the following were independent Aymara states existing before the Inca conquests and in Tschopik's view probably also dialect groups (Tschopik 1946:503). Name Canchi Cana Colla Lupaca Collagua Ubina Pacasa or Pacaje Caranga or Caranca Charca Location Vilcanota valley between Com bapata and Tinta (department of Cuzco, Peru) Between Tinta and Ayaviri (department of Puna, Peru) On the plains of the Pucara and Ramis rivers as far as the city of Puno, Peru On the southwestern shore of Lake Titicaca between Puno and the Desaguadero River North of Arequipa (Peru) on the upper course of the Colca River East of Arequipa in the upper drainage of the Tambo River (department of Moquegua, Peru) South of Lake Titicaca along both banks of the Desaguadero River (Bolivia) South of the Desaguadero River to Lake Coipasa (Bolivia) Northeast of Lake Poop6 near Chuquisaca (Bolivia)
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Quillaca or Quillagua Omasuyo Collahuaya l 2 Southeast of Lake Poop6 (Bolivia) East of Lake Titicaca (Bolivia) Provinces of Munecas and Caupolic~n (Bolivia) Aymara is spoken today in the areas attributed to the Lupaca, Pacasa or Pacaje, and Caranga or Caranca, and in parts of the areas attributed to Omasuyo and Collahuaya, other parts of which, like the other regions cited above, are now largely Quechua speaking. Other areas where Aymara is spoken today are not included above, e.g. the present region of Mariscal Nieto province of Moquegua and of Tarata province of Tacna, Peru. In any case, determining where the early Aymara groups were located is complicated by the ancient Andean system of maintaining vertical archipelagos of colonies at differ ent ecological levels (Murra 1968 and 1972). For example, the report of the administrative inspection (visita general) by Garci Diez de San Miguel of the Lupaca controlled Chucuito province in 1567 cited the names of towns subject to Chucuito but located in the valleys sloping westward to the Pacific and eastward to the Yungas and the valley of Cochabamba. Among these towns were the following, most of which have modern counterparts: Moquegua and Torata (department of Moquegua), Sama and Tarata (department of Tacna), Larecaja (department of
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13 La Paz, east of the Cordillera Real), Chicanoma (Chicaloma is a modern town in Sur Yungas province, La Paz department), and Capinota (western Cochabamba department) (Diez de San Miguel 1964:14,17,27,203; modern departments and correspondences supplied). According to the Relaciones geograficas de Indias (colonial geographic reports), the Pacaxe (sic) also had colonies interspersed among those of the Lupaca near the Pacific coast (Jimenez de la Espada 1881:1.338). The only detailed information so far available as to the size of any Aymara-speaking population during the colonial period is also for the Lupaca. The earliest figures date from the visita general of 1549 which gave a total of 18,032 heads of household in Chucuito province (Diez de San Miguel 1964:202-203). The 1567 visita found a total of 63,012 persons, children and adults, of whom 15,047 were Urus; the figure of 63,012 was said to include the population of the Chucuito colonies mentioned above. Of the total, 15,404 were identified as taxpayers. The principal cacique of the province, Martin Cari, claimed an additional 5,000 taxpayers, b u t Di e z de San Mi g u e 1 d i s put e d th i s c 1 a i m, say i n g that the original figure of 15,404 already included 'many Indians that the said caciques and heads of ayllus declared they had in Potos, and La Paz and the province of Charcas and other parts of these Kingdoms' (Diez de
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14 San Miguel 1964:204-206). It may be hoped that as addi tional visitas from the colonial period become available to scholars (Murra 1970), more details for the populations of the other Aymara nations may come to light. With respect to the linguistic situation in Chucuito and its colonies, Diez de San Miguel gave little information. He used the term aymaraes to refer to the people but not their language, recommending that priests sent to the area remain long enough to learn 'la lengua calla' (Diez de San Miguel 1964:227). Originally the name of one Aymara nation, Colla acquired a wider connotation under the Incas after they designated their southernmost province Collasuyu. According to Tschopik (1946:503), Cieza de Le6n's Cr6nica, written about 1550, used the terms Colla and Callao indiscrimi nately, and the use of the term Aymara to designate a language first appeared in a relation of Polo de Ondegardo of 1559. The term apparently did not come into general use until the 17th century, however. It is not clear from the visita of 1567 whether the Urus, who were considered a separate ethnic-cultural group from the Aymara, were nevertheless native Aymara speakers. Torero believes the Urus spoke a language related to Chipaya but also spoke one or more of the general languages of the area (Torero 1972b:60). Urus living among the Aymara would speak Aymara but to what
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l 5 extent or degree of native fluency is unknown. There is some evidence that the Urus constituted a servant class (Hardman, personal communication). Differences among Aymara dialects have always been considered minor from colonial times to the present. The priests who went to the mines in Potosf to preach and hear confessions had no trouble understanding Aymara speakers from different provinces, according to the Jesuit missionary Ludovico Bertonio (1612, A 2). Bertonio (1603b and 1612) occasionally identified certain forms as preferred by the Lupaca but not until recent times have compilers of Aymara word-lists or grammars some times indicated the geographical origins of the forms cited. The published literature gives no indication whatever of social differentiation of dialects as dis tinguished from regional variation. 1-2.3 Summary description of La Paz Aymara The most complete and accurate ethnographic and grammatical description of Aymara to date, based on that spoken in Compi and Tiahuanaco, two communities near La Paz, Bolivia, is contained in Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical structure by Hardman et al. (1975:3). The Outline describes Aymara as a polysynthetic language in which suffixes and retention or loss of vowels perform almost all grammatical functions.
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16 Suffixes have complex but usually regular morphophonemics. Some suffixes require a preceding consonant, others require a preceding vowel, and others allow either; some suffixes also determine the retention or loss of their own final vowel. Syntactic units are signalled by final suffixes and by morphophonemic vowel loss or retention. Suffix order is usually fixed, as is word order within the noun phrase; otherwise word order is fairly free although some orders are preferred. The phonemic inventory consists of three vowels, vowel length, and 27 consonants, including plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops and affricates, as well as fricatives, nasals, laterals, glides, and a flap or trill. Morpheme form classes are roots and suffixes which together form stems. Root classes are nouns, verbs, particles, and a class of interrogatives cutting across the others. Suffix classes are noun (derivational), verb (derivational and inflectional), independent nonfinal (occurring before inflection on verbs and before final suffixes on nouns and particles), and final suffixes (occurring on any word, after all other suffixes). Verb roots are bound; nouns and particles are free. Class change through verbalization and nominalization (a special kind of derivation) is extensive and recursive, creating verb and noun themes. Inflection, defined as
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17 closing a root, stem, or theme to further derivation, is limited to verbs and to one noun 'suffix', zero complement vowel drop; noun case suffixes permit further derivation. Accumulation of suffixes on one stem is common. Morphosyntactic subordination is accomplished by nominalization and use of final suffixes to mark dependent clauses. Syntactic processes include use of the demonstrative uka 'that' as linker and summarizer, and sentence embedding with the reportive verb sa.na 1 tosay 1 Apart from these features, Aymara shares with the other Jaqi languages certain linguistic postulates. Hardman (in press a) has defined linguistic postulates as ... recurrent categorizations in [a] language ... the most tightly tied to the perceptions of the speakers .... The most powerful ... are those involved in the obligatory grammatical system .... Typically, a postulate is realized at several levels . morphologically, syntactically, and in the semantic struc ture. The principal Jaqi linguistic postulates according to Hardman (1972a) are a four-person system, a distinction of human and nonhuman, and a distinction of direct and indirect knowledge with respect to data source. These three postulates are marked throughout Aymara structure in morphology, syntax, and semantics.
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1-3 13. l The Present Study Theoretical bases 18 Theoretical bases for this study are two: one concerning the nature of language, and the other concern ing scientific description of a language. A language or dialect is a system of interlocking contrasts, or rules, used in social and cultural inter action by a given community. Like all natural phenomena language is always changing. At any moment certain con trasts are being neutralized; certain rules are being suspended temporarily or broken; new rules are being created as people adapt language to their own needs. Some rules are more resistant to change than others; these include the linguistic postulates. But language variation is a major fact of the nature of language: variation within one idiolect, within one dialect, or in a group of dialects. The extreme of language varia tion is the proliferation of languages that are mutually unintelligible although perhaps still related and sharing a number of rules. The point at which dialects become separate languages is arbitrary, usually determined by political rather than strictly linguistic considerations. To investigate variation within a language is to seek a more complete description of that language. In a praiseworthy attempt to go beyond one-dimensional,
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19 single-dialect descriptions of English, Labov and his followers have developed the concept of variable rules and a methodology to collect and analyze data reflecting them, using statistical measurements. There is an obvious need for such studies of other languages con ducted by native speakers trained in linguistic field methods. In early stages of research, however, what is needed are structural descriptions upon which to base later studies in greater depth. Such descriptions, while limited in accuracy and completeness and relatively informal in presentation, may be considered scientific if they meet certain criteria. These are (1) use of sound field methods for gathering and recording not only linguistic, but also relevant social and cultural data; (2) collection of sufficient data to insure the identi fication of significant features; and (3) adherence to analytical methods that respect the structure of the target language or dialect and that base the description on that structure. The last criterion implies a willingness to experiment with different models and to select models that best fit the data, while avoiding the temptation to choose for description only those aspects of a language or dialect that lend themselves to description in terms of currently popular models, or worse, to force the data into a distorting mold. Ideally, this approach
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20 requires the analyst to know how to use a variety of models. Traditional phonemic, generative, or stratifi cational models might be used for phonology and morpho phonemics; structuralism or tagmemics might be appropriate for morphology; generative or interpretive semantics, case grammar, or Chafian models might be used for syntax and semantics. Unfortunately, questions of time and expediency, as well as personal taste, limit the linguist's access to different models. Moreover, theories and models have a way of evolving into dogmas with schools of more or less fanatic leaders and disciples who demand commitment to one model, one terminology, one faith. The linguis tics scholar wishing to try different models must learn to switch philosophies and metalanguages with the skill of a simultaneous interpreter. Even then, he or she often finds that communication across theoretical boundaries is difficult, if not impossible. Theoretical schools tend to draw circles to shut each other out; few draw circles to take each other in (Edwin Markham, Outwitted). But different languages and different parts of a given language may call for different theoretical approaches. For the best results different models should be kept in mind at every stage of analysis. For early stages of the investigation the discovery procedures
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21 developed by Pike and Nida are still unsurpassed; Hockett's item and arrangement and item and process models are still relevant. Generative grammar has refined the item and process model, enabling it to account more adequately for relationships among rules. The generative phonology model, focusing on distinctive features that underlie or compose phonemes, can illumi nate and show in an easily grasped notation aspects of phonology and morphophonemics that structural phonemics is not so well prepared to handle; case grammar or Chafian semantics may offer similar advantages lacking in earlier models. Having a repertory of models or conventions to choose from in presenting the rules discovered enhances the likelihood that the linguist will choose the model best reflecting the rules• operation. This point of view does not reject the existence or the importance of language universals or the need to search for ultimate truth. It merely holds that at present, linguistic diversity, whether among languages or within one language, is more interest ing than linguistic uniformity. By the same token, it favors the encouragement of theoretical diversity as ultimately leading to more accurate and therefore more scientific language description.
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22 1-3.2 Purposes and scope As noted above, the existence of dialectal vari ation in Aymara was known in the 17th centur although differences were dismissed as insignificant. The Aymara examples cited by Hardman et al. (1975) include some cases of dialectal variation between Campi and Tiahuanaco (La Paz) but other contemporary published references to Aymara-dialectal variation are extremely rare. This study was conceived to carry forward the task of describ ing such variation and thereby to increase knowledge of the language as a whole. Using the description by Hardman et al. (1975) as a basis for comparison, I decided to sample selectively the Aymara spoken over a wide area (approximately that shown by the shaded area of Figure 1-1), investigating phonological, morphological, morphophonemic, syntactic, and semantic variation with a view toward seeking answers to the following questions: What is the extent of dialectal variation in Aymara? it affect intelligibility? Is it indeed minor, or does In what parts of the grammar does variation occur? Does it occur within as well as across dialects? What kinds of variation are most preva lent and/or significant? What are the major features distinguishing dialects and the major dialect groups identifiable on the basis of them? What of interdialectal
PAGE 40
23 attitudes: are some dialects more prestigious than others? What of the effects of the dominant language, Spanish: is Aymara an 'oppressed language' showing signs of decline, as suggested by Alb6 (1973a), or is it vigorous and growing? Apart from their intrinsic interest for linguis tics, answers to such questions would have a number of practical applications. A full description of variation in Aymara is needed for reconstruction of proto-Aymara and of proto-Jaqi, a task already begun by Hardman. Descriptions of areal features in conjunction with information contained in colonial documents may enable historians to reconstruct past population movements and relationships among areas (Murra 1970:20). And now that programs of bilingual education are being undertaken or considered in Peru and Bolivia, there is a growing demand for detailed descriptions of Aymara and other indigenous languages to be used for developing teaching materials. The field work for this study was conducted from July to September 1972 and from March 1973 to January 1974. After returning to the University of Florida, I reviewed the literature on Aymara from the 17th century to the present, incorporating into the analysis of field materials Aymara texts and grammatical information of relevance to the present study. However, the focus of this study is on Aymara as presently spoken in Peru and Bolivia.
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24 1-3.3 Methodology and data Methodology for the present study was based on that of Pike (1947), Nida (1965), and Samarin (1967) as interpreted and applied by Hardman. Two complementary kinds of data were sought: (1) free texts recorded on tape, and (2) materials obtained through an elicitation list of words, phrases, and sentences presented orally in Spanish to Aymara-Spanish bilinguals for translation into Aymara. Free texts included messages of greeting; tradi tional folk tales, riddles, songs, and sayings; and con versations among native speakers, or monologues, on such topics as life in the community, festivals, local agri culture, education, illness, and other personal experi ences. Recordings were also made of a Baptist sermon in Aymara, of Baptist and Catholic hymns, and of several Aymara radio broadcasts in La Paz. The elicitation list in Spanish was developed to obtain a body of data readily comparable from one site to another. Based on the longer Swadesh list, it , •, included words, phrases, and sentences originally elicited in Aymara or one of the other Jaqi languages in earlier research by Hardman and associates and sub sequently translated back into Spanish as spoken in the Andean area. In the course of the field work for this stud these materials were modified in order to elicit
PAGE 42
25 already-identified Aymara grammatical categories and syntactic structures, and individual lexical items show ing dialectal variation. Eventually the list was refined to eliminate material not showing variation and to focus on areas of differences. In areas having the velar nasal phoneme,Jaqaru words containing it were added to the list in an effort to elicit Aymara cognates. Although the use of Spanish in the elicitation list sometimes resulted in Aymara translations that reflected Spanish syntactic patterns, this drawback was minimized by deliberate inclusion of Andean Spanish examples already paralleling Aymara structure, and balanced by analysis of free texts recorded in Aymara. Grammatical structures were also elicited directly in Aymara. For example, verb tense paradigms were elicited by changing subject and complement pronouns once an example of a verb with person/tense suffix had occurred. Because the purpose of the investigation was to elicit variation, it was important to encourage use of local forms which sources might tend to suppress if La Paz dialect forms were used to elicit them; the use of Spanish avoided this problem. For example, using Spanish made it possible to elicit in each site a brief selection of common remarks (see Appendix C). A somewhat abbreviated version of the elicitation list is given in Appendix A. ..., ___________ _
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26 The free texts provided examples of previously unattested forms or variations which were then sought elsewhere. Although no attempt was made to obtain the same folktales in different places, a few occurred more frequently than others, providing readily comparable data complementary to that obtained through the elicita tion list. All free texts were tape-recorded; in most cases translations of the elicitation list were not. A total of approximately five hours of tape-recordings, plus another five hours of data transcribed directly without recording, constitutes the basic corpus of this study. (Included in the total are approximately 30 minutes kindly recorded on my behalf in Torata, Moquegua by Francisco Gangotena and Carlos Saavedra.) Another five hours of tape-recorded texts were used as background only. (Included were some recordings made in Oruro and northern Potosi by Javier Alb6 and generously made available to me.) Several hundred hours were spent in reviewing original transcriptions with one or more native speakers, whenever possible the source of the text or another resident of the same community. (A text recorded in a trilingual area of Potos, was checked with a Quechua speaker from Llallagua to see whether a certain unusual form might be a Quechua loan, but no formal attempt was made to compare Aymara texts with Quechua.) Some texts were later checked with
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27 speakers from other areas, revealing further dialect similarities or differences. Transcriptions were then exhaustively analyzed with regard to phonology, morphology, morphophonemics, syntax, and semantics, including linguis tic postulates. The key factor making possible my entry into and acceptance in the several Aymara communities where I conducted research was my previous training in field methods and study of Aymara language and culture under Hardman and the Bolivian Aymara linguists Juana V~squez and Juan de Dias Yapita. Carter (1972) has noted that ethnographic research in a given community can succeed only if it is desired by a leading member of the community; this is true of linguistic research also. As the first native speaker of Aymara to receive formal linguistics training and to teach Aymara at universities in Bolivia and in the United States, Yapita is such a leader. In 1972 he founded the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara (ILCA) in La Paz to encourage the development of scholarly research conducted by and for members of the Aymara community. My initial field work in Bolivia was under taken with his approval and support and with the help of persons who had been his students or were otherwise associated with him; subsequently my work contacts ex tended to persons who knew him only by reputation.
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28 In order to facilitate my research in Peru, where his work was not known, Yapita provided me with a two-minute tape-recorded message in Aymara conveying his greetings on behalf of ILCA and the Bolivian Aymara community. This message, supplemented by my explanation of the purposes of my research and by my assurances that its results would be made available to ILCA to advance the study of Aymara language and culture, served to create a very favorable climate for cooperation among the Peruvian Aymara I met. Although my command of spoken Aymara was rudi mentary, making it necessary for me to rely heavily on Spanish as a contact language, my familiarity with Aymara grammar and culture and my association with community leadership enabled me to accomplish most of my research goals. Questions of ethics and the sources' rights to privacy were considered during the research. In most cases recordings were made with the participants' knowl edge; in the few cases when participants were not aware that they were being recorded, the recordings were later played for them with the offer to erase anything unac ceptable; this was never requested. Typed transcripts of some of the recorded stories were later provided to the tellers, and some have been published through ILCA or the Aymara Newsletter (2-3. 12) with due credit given
PAGE 46
29 the authors. In order to respect sources' privacy, recorded texts or transcriptions containing information of a personal nature will not be made public without the source's permission. 1-3.4 Sites and sources Communities mentioned in this section may be found in Figure 1-1, except as noted. In Peru I collected data in the following com munities: Huancane (province of Huancane, department of Puna) Juli (province of Chucuito, department of Puna) Calacoa (province of Mariscal Nieto, depart ment of Moquegua) Tarata and Sitajara (province of Tarata, department of Tacna) In addition, I recorded in Puna examples of the Aymara of Sacca (province of Puno). In Bolivia I collected data in the following communities: Corque (province of Carangas, department of Oruro) Salinas de Garci Mendoza (province of Ladislao Cabrera, department of Oruro)
PAGE 47
30 Calacala (province of Bustillos, department of Potosi) Campi (province of Omasuyos, department of La Paz) Achocalla (province of Murillos, department of La Paz; just south of the capital, and not on Figure 1-1) In addition, in Bolivia I obtained examples of Aymara from the following communities although I did not visit them: Jopoqueri (Carangas) Morocomarca (Bustillos) Jesas de Machaca, San Andr~s de Machaca, and Taraco (province of Ingavi, department of La Paz) Yapita and V~squez furnished additional data from their own dialects representative of the communities of Campi and Tiahuanaco (Ingavi), respectively, as modified by many years of residence in the city of La Paz. As Aymara translator for the American Universities Field Staff Film Project, V~squez also provided examples from the dialect of Vitocota (near Ayata in the province of Munecas, department of La Paz) from the sound tracks of four films made there in 1972.
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31 Serendipity was largely responsible for choice of sites; weather conditions, in particular as they related to the state of the roads, determined the timing of visits. In Peru I intended to visit areas of greatest Aymara concentration as indicated in the 1961 census. While attending a meeting of the International Linguistic Association in Arequipa in March 1973, I met three young Aymara men who responded to Yapita's recording and my description of research interests. One was originally from Juli and provided me with a letter of introduction to his family there. Another was a school teacher in Lima, originally from Huancan~; I interviewed him in Lima and visited his family in Huancane. The third was from Sacca, near Puna; although I was unable to visit there, I did obtain several texts from him in Puna. After the Arequipa meeting I went to Tacna hoping to visit Aymara-speaking areas in Tarata province. An Aymara taxi driver encountered by chance in Tacna took me to the town of Tarata, where he helped me find and interview Aymara speakers. Some months later, after roads became passable, he took me to visit his mother in the nearby town of Sitajara. Shortly thereafter he drove me to Moquegua, where he helped me locate an Aymara bus owner from Calacoa who arranged for me to visit that community and stay with his wife's family.
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32 In Bolivia I hoped to collect data in areas where the Aymara was popularly thought to be different from that of the city of La Paz and its environs. The initial selection of areas to visit was made in consul tation with Yapita and with Javier Alba, an anthro pologist with many years of residence and travel in Bolivia, but as in the case of Peru, final choice of sites was fortuitous. A former student of Yapita's was my first source on the Aymara of Carangas. Through him I met a teacher who arranged a visit to his brother's family in Corque. Later, the teacher's wife invited me to accompany her on a visit to her mother in Salinas de Garci Mendoza (hereafter referred to as Salinas), a trip postpnned some months because of impassable roads. With the help of a young woman related to the teacher, I made contact with Aymara speakers in the Quechua mining town of Llallagua, in northern Potos,, who invited me to visit the nearby town of Calacala. In Unc,a, near Llallagua, I met through the local parish priest a young Aymara man from the village of Morocomarca and inter viewed him in Unc,a as time did not allow a visit to Morocomarca. As in the case of choice of sites, the selection of sources (the term source is being used here in pref erence to the somewhat negatively loaded term informant) was random. An attempt was made to obtain data from both
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33 sexes, of different ages and educational levels ranging from illiteracy to completion of several years of uni versity study. Occupations included market seller, certi fied school teacher, bus driver, farmer, student (ele mentary, secondary, normal school, or university), taxi driver, housewife, university professor, administrator of community development programs, and Baptist minister. All sources 40 and under were bilingual in the sense of being able to carry on an intelligible conversation in Spanish, although in some cases their phonology was heavily Aymara (see 1-1.3). Below is a chart showing sex, age, and (for sources over 40) knowledge of Spanish, the latter determination based usually on a speaker's self-evaluation. Ages shown are approximate as age was not obtained for all sources. An average of six sources was consulted for each major site, the numbers ranging from one to l 3 . M F 0 19 3 7 20 39 16 13 40 59 60+ +Sp -Sp +Sp -Sp 5 5 l? 2 l 2 Totals 25 30 55 (The question mark refers to a speaker who was not heard to speak Spanish and was not asked if he did.)
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34 As may be seen, a preponderance of sources were under 40 and hence by definition bilingual in Spanish. (Sources from Calacala and Morocomarca were trilingual in Spanish, Aymara, and Quechua.) Monolinguals were relatively less accessible to me than were bilinguals primarily because lack of time and difficulties of travel prevented visits to remote communities where monolingualism is reportedly widespread and secondarily because most monolinguals encountered in the communi ties visited were elderly and infirm, often with missing teeth and consequent faulty diction. Determination of the location of communities with a high proportion of monolinguals of different ages must await future research, preferably with the participation of native speakers trained in linguistic field methods. With regard to training of native speaker linguists, an informal attempt was made throughout this research to instill in sources the basic concepts of anthropological linguistics and field methods, by example if not in formal classes. For example, two young women from urban centers were taken on field trips to act as interpreters and to learn the basics of informant-investigator relations. One source who already had a firm grasp of the Yapita phonemic alphabet (3-2) was asked to transcribe a tape-recorded story from a dialect other than his own, at whose telling he had
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-------35 been present. His mistakes in transcription were sig nificant in showing points of difference between the two dialects and, when brought to his attention, made him aware of the ways that one's own language or dialect grid may structure one's perception. Throughout the research I maintained and encouraged in all persons with whom I worked an attitude of respect or even enthusiasm toward the diversity that became apparent, noting, however, their occasional linguocentric comments (see 10-2.6). 1-3. 5 Organization of the study This study is organized into chapters on the following topics: a survey of literature on Aymara from the colonial period to the present; variation in phonemics and in phonological shape of morphemes within and across dialects; variation in morphophonemics, in cluding rules general to all dialects and rules limited to certain dialects; variation in the noun system, in the verb system, and in morphosyntactic and syntactic structures and processes; variation in semantics, including a section on the nonvarying linguistic postulates; three translation dialects: Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara; and a conclusion summarizing kinds of variation, identifying regional dialect groups on the basis of sig nificant variation, and offering suggestions for future research. Following the chapters there are Appendices
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36 as follows: (A) the elicitation list used in field work; (B) a list of onomatopoeic particles; (C) regional versions of greetings and certain common expressions; (D) regional versions of a saying and a riddle; and (E) an index of suffixes. 1-3.6 Conventions and terminology In this study the following conventions are observed, conforming in most cases to those used by Hardman et al. (1975). Aymara examples are usually written in the Yapita phonemic alphabet (see 3-2) modified by the use of a colon (:) rather than a dieresis mark (-) for vowel length in order to permit separation of morphemic length from the vowel it occurs on. Occasional examples are given in phonetic transcription within square brackets ([]). Place names are spelled as they appear on maps for ease of reference although users of the Yapita alphabet prefer to spell them according to its rules, e.g. Qumpi for Campi. Aymara examples from published sources other than Hardman and associates are usually converted to Yapita orthography. All examples not attested by Hardman et al. (1975) or later reported by V~squez, Yapita, or me are preceded by a raised + cross ( ); morphemic as well as phonemic analyses of such forms are mine. An asterisk (*) before an example means it is unattested; context will indicate whether it is
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37 rejected by native speakers or presumed to exist on the basis of other evidence. Periods separate morphemes within a word, e.g. uta.xa 'a/the/my house. 1 Unsuffixed bound roots (verbs) are followed by a hyphen, e.g. juta'come. 1 In citation form, suffixes which may close a construction are pre ceded by a hyphen, e.g. the final suffix -xa. Other suffixes are preceded and followed by a hyphen, e.g. the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. Recurrent submorphemic partials are placed within hyphens and within slants, e.g. /-pa-/. A lowered v before a suffix indi cates it must be preceded by a vowel; a lowered v after a suffix indicates it must retain its own final vowel when followed by another suffix; a lowered c before a suffix indicates it must be preceded by a consonant; a lowered c after a suffix indicates it must drop its final vowel before a following suffix and/or when it occurs word-finally. For example, in most dialects the possessive/locational suffix ~v~c is preceded by a vowel but drops its own vowel word-finally and before following suffixes, e.g. uta.n, uta.n.xa 'in/of the house.' When a suffix may be preceded by either a vowel or a consonant the more common (or base) occurrence is indicated above a tilde (~) and the less common below the tilde, e.g. ~vja first person possessive suffix. C A similar notation after a suffix indicates it may in
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38 some circumstances keep and in others lose its own final vowel. If no subscript v or c follows a suffix, either other factors determine the retention or loss of the final vowel or the rule has not yet been determined. Grammatical persons are indicated by the numbers l, 2, 3, and 4, usually followed by a p, e.g. -ja lp possessive suffix, -ma 2p possessive suffix. Verbal inflectional suffixes have the subject person on the left and the complement person on the right of a right pointing arrow, e.g. 1+2 means lp subject, 2p complement. Verb tenses are sometimes abbreviated as S (Simple), F (Future), I (Imperative), RDK (Remote Direct Knowledge), RIK (Remote Indirect Knowledge), D-1 (Desiderative), D-2 (Remonstrator), IF (Inferential), and NI (Non-Involver). Aymara examples are underlined when treated as base forms or words (that is, as morphemes or combina tions thereof): juma.mpi 'with you' juma 2p pronoun -mpi 'with' ... the suffix -jama and variants . Jupa.x wali suma jaqi.wa. 'He/she is a good person. 1 Aymara examples are placed between slant lines when treated as allomorphs:
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39 1 ... /-mpi/ occurs in La Paz, /-nti/ in Salinas ... The suffix -jama has the allomorphs /-jama/, /-:ma/, /-ja/ . What may sometimes appear to be inconsistency with re spect to this notation will be due to the fact that a morph that at the individual dialect level is a base form (morpheme) may be considered an allomorph of a mor pheme at the supradialectal level and/or in another dialect. In such cases context will dictate whether the morph is to be treated as an allomorph or as a morpheme. If there is only one invariant allomorph for all dialects, it will always be underlined unless given in phonetic transcription. If there is one allomorph that occurs almost everywhere (even if some dialects have others), it will be considered the base form of the morpheme in question and underlined, e.g. the final suffix -xa which has the allomorph /-:/ (vowel length) in some areas. If a morpheme has several allomorphs, they may all be referred to at once in alphabetical order and underlined, e.g. the suffix -mpi ~ -nti, the suffix -taki ~ -tak 11 i ~ -tay. Examples are glossed in one of two ways: (1) If the example is short or for added clarity (for example when a morpheme occurs without its final vowel) individual morphemes are glossed to the right:
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40 jani.w 1 no 1 jani 1 not 1 -wa final suffix (2) If the example is long, it will be glossed beneath and followed by a free translation of the whole example: Kuna.r un.ta.t anything look at jagi.tak p 1 inga, people shame sar.nag.ta.xa, go 2+3 around S anu.tak unra. dog honor 'How stupid you are, you are a shame to the human race, an honor to dogs.• {La Paz/Compi) (Yapita 1975:3) As shown here, examples from Yapita are identified as being from La Paz/Compi; similarly, material obtained from Vasquez is identified as being from La Paz/Tiahuanaco. Thus is noted the fact that both have lived many years in the city of La Paz although their dialects are basically those of their communities of origin. Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes are identified in either (or both) of two ways: (1) by a term describing the function of the suffix, e. g. -mpi agentive/instrumental, or (2) by a gloss, e. g. -mpi 'with, by'. Function terms are not placed with; n s i n g l e q u o t e s, w h i l e g l o s s es a re . T he f u n c t i on t er m
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41 may be a neologism like distancer (used for the verbal derivational suffix -waya-); such terms are those used by Hardman et al. (1975). Aymara sentences, defined by the presence or absence or certain final suffixes, have the first word capitalized and usually have a period, question mark, or exclamation point at the end. Often the final suf fixes in Aymara convey semantic and emotional overtones which are conveyed in spoken English by intonation and in written English by punctuation. When a question mark or exclamation point would be superfluous in Aymara they are usually omitted even though the English gloss may carry them. Aymara examples that are not sentences in Aymara may in some cases be translated by sentences in English but in such cases the Aymara punctuation will usually be adhered to in the gloss as well as in the Aymara example unless meaning would thereby be obscured. Example: kama.cha.ta.:.rak.pacha.:t 11 a 'what could have happened to me' (Sitajara) Embedded quotes are shown within angled brackets: (Jach.k.i.w) cry 3+3 s s.i.way. say 111 They are crying, 11 they say. '
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42 Spanish words occurring in Aymara sentences are written as Spanish if they were so pronounced, e. g. contento 'happy, content'. If they were phonologically adapted to Aymara (Aymarized) they are written as Aymara, e. g. kuntintu. In some cases decisions whether to treat a given word as Spanish or Aymara were arbitrary, and a few hybrids occurred, e. g. Pedru.
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CHAPTER 2 A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE 2-1 Introduction This chapter discusses the contents and merits of selected works relating to Aymara dating from the colonial period to the present. The two major biblio graphical sources for works on or in Aymara are (1) Bibliograffa de las lenguas guechua y aymar~ by Jos~ Toribio Medina (1930), and (2) the monumental four-volume Bibliographie des Langues Aymar~ et Kitua by Paul Rivet and Georges de Crequi-Montfort {1951-1956; henceforth Rivet). To my knowledge no bibliographical work specifically on Aymara has been published since Rivet's fourth volume (1956). 2-2 Colonial Period As is well known, the Spanish found no written materials in the languages of the Inca Empire. In the 16th and early 17th centuries all works published in or on Aymara were written for the purpose of spreading the Christian faith by missionaries assisted by unnamed Aymara 43
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44 converts bilingual in Aymara and Spanish. Such works consisted of catechisms and other religious tracts and of grammars to be used by missionaries wishing to learn to speak and understand the language. The earliest work known to contain Aymara is the anonymous Doctrina christiana, y catecismo para la instrucci6n de los Indios, published in Lima in 1584 (Rivet 1951:4-9). According to Rivet (1956:631) a study of the early Catholic evangelization of Peru from 1532 to 1600 and the use of Aymara and Quechua as languages of con version is Cristianizaci6n del Peru (1532-1600) by Fernando de Armas Medina (1953). Two other publications useful for information about Aymara society in the 16th century are Visita hecha a la provincia de Chucuito ... en el ano 1567 by a colonial administrator, Garci Diez de San Miguel (1567), reporting on his inspection of Chucuito province (see 1-2.2), and an ethnological appraisal of the Diez de San Miguel inspection, Una apreciaci6n etnologica de la visita by John V. Murra (1964). The first attempt at a complete grammar of Aymara was written by Ludovico Bertonio in the early 17th century. Born in 1552 in Italy, Bertonio joined the Company of Jesus in 1575. Sent to Peru in 1581, he remained there for 44 years, dying in Lima in 1625 or 1628 (Rivet 1951 :26-27). Bertonio apparently spent most
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45 of his time in Juli, capital of the Aymara-speaking Lupaca kingdom, on the shores of Lake Titicaca. There he wrote three grammars of Aymara, a Spanish-Aymara/ Aymara-Spanish dictionary, and several Aymara transla tions of religious texts. In 1603 he published two grammars, an Arte breve de la lengua aymara (1603a) and an Arte y grammatica muy copiosa de la lengua aymara (1603b). A facsimile edition of the latter was published in Leipzig in 1879 by Julio Platzmann (Rivet 1953:35). Juan de Dias Yapita owns a volume containing the first 14 pages of the Arte breve {Bertonio 1603a) bound together with pages 19 through 348 of the Arte y grammatica muy copiosa (Bertonio 1603b); the latter is missing the title pages, a section entitled Al lector, and pages 207 and 208. A photocopy of the Yapita volume is in the library of the University of Florida. In his longer grammar of Aymara (1603b), Bertonio gave a detailed description of the language in terms of Spanish and Latin. Spanish spelling is adapted (inconsistently and inaccurately) to Aymara sounds, Spanish grammatical categories are translated into the nearest Aymara equivalents, and Spanish sentences are rendered into Aymara. The grammar is valuable not only as an example of the Latinate grammars of American languages written during the colonial period but also for the wealth of material it provides on the Aymara
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46 language of the Lupaca kingdom in the early 17th century. These data and Bertonio's analyses must be carefully reinterpreted, however, in the light of techniques of contemporary linguistic scholarship and recent discoveries concerning Aymara language and culture. A review of individual forms attested by Bertonio (for example, verb derivational and inflectional suffixes) shows many forms identical with some in general use today, others in use in only one or a few present-day Aymara dialects, and still others not attested in modern Aymara but extant in other Jaqi languages. In some cases the semantics of a form have shifted since Bertonio's time, if his translations may be taken as accurate. But that is a problem: reviewing Bertonio's Aymara sentences with Juana Vasquez has revealed that most of them are unac ceptable. At best they sound translated; at worst they are perceived as simply incorrect even when archaic or unknown terms are replaced by contemporary terms. The book contains no native Aymara texts--no sentences form ing a narrative that might have been spoken in the language by native speakers--but only translations from Spanish or Latin of isolated words, phrases, or sentences. Bertonio's grammatical analysis of the language missed many important features because of its focus on Spanish categories. Nevertheless, Bertonio was a care ful observer and tireless organizer of his material.
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47 On the morphological level his analysis is often accurate in detail. For example, his grasp of the inclusive/ exclusive distinction in the Aymara person system is essentially correct (Hardman 1972b). With respect to syntax and cultural content, however, Bertonio's gram matical analysis must be characterized as distorted and inadequate. According to Rivet (1951:52-53), there exists a third Aymara grammar by Bertonio, Arte de la lengua aymara (1612), containing sentences in Aymara and Spanish and a list of Aymara words; the only known copies are repor tedly owned by the Posnansky family in La Paz and by the Biblioteca Nacional in Sucre, Bolivia. In 1612 Bertonio published his Vocabulario de la lengua aymara which has since appeared in several fac simile editions, most recently in La Paz, Bolivia in 1956. This lengthy book is a dictionary, the first part (474 pages) Spanish-Aymara and the second (398 pages) Aymara-Spanish, with approximately 50 entries to a page. A thorough study of this book with native speakers is long overdue to determine how many and which forms are in use today and to correct errors evident in a sampling of the entries. LaBarre (1948) (see 2-3) performed the useful service of culling out and repeating, with English trans lations, some categories of words in the Vocabulario such
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48 as kinship terms, diseases, and sins to be reported in confession. Checking these with V~squez revealed that many terms cited by Bertonio are perceived today as awkward translations of Spanish terms into Aymara rather than as native words or expressions. In this connection it is interesting to note that in the introductory section to the Vocabulario Bertonio indicated that he took the entries (1) from Aymara translations of the lives of Christ and the saints, sermons, comparisons of vices and virtues, and so forth written by certain Aymara brought up as Christians during the 35 years that the Jesuits had been in Juli, and (2) from similar materials collected by other priests. The entire dictionary, in other words, was based on materials translated from Spanish into Aymara, not the other way around. An example with respect to kinship is illustrative. In modern Aymara the nominalized verb apa.na 1 to carry• may also be used with the metaphorical meaning of 'con temporary•, 'of the same age• (i.e., a person carried by his/her mother at the same time as another person was similarly carried). Bertonio translated it (or the derived term apa.na.ni 'having a contemporary') as 'relative' {Spanish pariente), and used it to translate sentences like 1 If that woman is your relative you may not marry her. 1 The present-day meaning of the Aymara sentence (see 6-3.34. 13) is 'If that woman is your
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49 contemporary you may not marry her.' It seems unlikely that a semantic shift has occurred with this word since the 17th century. Rather, the Bertonio gloss probably reflects an initial difficulty in translation when the Aymara interpreter, having no one term in his language for 'relative', finally approximated it with apa.na. The bafflement of the Aymara at hearing an injunction to marry only someone older or younger may only be imagined. Other such translation errors or distortions have contributed to the development of the translation dialects Missionary and Patr6n Aymara (Chapter 9). Such errors may well have contributed to the difficulties the missionaries encountered in their efforts to convert the Aymara. Bertonio acknowledged such difficulties in the Vocabulario in a section addressed 'to the priests of the Aymara Nation'. Deny ing that Aymara was a difficult language (he said the Jesuits in Juli learned to preach in the language in a year), he conceded that students of the language tended to become disheartened, discerning in the Aymara a low capacity for learning and a strong resistance to con version . . . . they are so given to bad customs, their hearts are so full of spines and thistles, that the seed of the divine word planted there will not bear fruit ... (Bertonio 1612:unnumbered page facing A 3; English translation mine)
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50 The stubborn refusal of the Aymara to be con verted, in spite of the best efforts of gifted and ener getic priests like Bertonio, was attributed then and later to incapacity coupled with sheer cussedness. Recent discoveries with respect to Aymara linguistic postulates (see 8-2) have put the Aymara recalcitrance in a new light. In any event, negative stereotypes of the Aymara character had by the end of 35 years become fully accepted among the colonizers and were to persist well into the 20th century (see 2-3). Very similar to Bertonio's work although shorter is a grammar by another Jesuit assigned to Juli, Diego de Torres Rubio, whose Arte de la lengua aymara appeared in 1616. A photocopy, the original of which belongs to the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara in La Paz, is in the University of Florida Library. The photocopy and the original lack pages 65 through 68 and pages 72 through 77. The volume contains following the Arte the complete Catecismo en la lengua espanola y aymara del Piru originally published in Sevilla (1604) on the basis of materials dating from a Provincial Council in Lima in 1583. According to Rivet (1951:75), several known copies of the Torres Rubio 1616 grammar are bound with the Catecismo in this manner. It is not known whether Torres Rubio and Bertonio collaborated or worked independently. They were almost
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51 the same age and had similar careers. Torres was born in 1557 in Spain, joined the Jesuits in 1572, and arrived in Peru in 1579. He died there in 1637 or 1638 (Rivet 1951:71). In 1967 Mario (to be distinguished from Alejandro) Franco Inojosa published a version of the Torres Rubio Arte in modern Spanish, giving the Aymara in Torres' original spellings followed by transcriptions in the official Peruvian alphabet for Aymara and Quechua adopted in 1946. After the middle of the 17th century the early fervor of missionary activity subsided and for the next hundred years little was published in Aymara except occasional sermons, few of which have survived. As described by Tovar (1961:186-194) the alternating lin guistic policies of the Spanish conquerors help explain the relative dearth of materials published in Aymara between the second half of the 17th century and the late 18th century. In 1550 it was decided to teach the Indians in Spanish. As this attempt proved unsuc cessful, in 1583 the policy of using native languages was adopted, stimulating the production of grammars and religious texts in those languages. By 1596 the earlier policy was reinstated over the missionaries' objections. The impasse was resolved in practice by the use of gen eral languages which at first included Aymara although during the 17th century it gave way to Quechua. By the
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52 late 18th century the Spanish crown had expelled the Jesuits from Peru and shortly thereafter the crown re stored the Spanish-only policy. Nevertheless, the wealth of material on New World languages which the Jesuits had gathered soon began to be published in Europe, mostly in the form of comparative vocabulary lists. From that time on the amount of published Aymara material gradually increased. 2-3 Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th Centuries Prelinguistic studies are those written without benefit of the theories or techniques of modern linguis tic scholarship or dealing primarily with other than linguistic aspects of Aymara culture. The great European philologists Hervas, Vater, Adelung, Pott, and Jehan, writing in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, included in their encyclopedic works references to Aymara taken from earlier sources and super ficial comparisons of Aymara words with those of other languages. In the second decade of the 19th century political speeches and documents relating to the inde pendence movements in South America were published in some native languages including Aymara. In 1826 appeared the first Protestant materials in Aymara, translations of the New Testament. From then
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53 on a series of such translations emanated first from the British and Foreign Bible Society and subsequently from the United States. Catholic materials (mostly by Bolivian priests) began to appear in greater numbers also. Later in the 19th century there began to appear accounts by European scholar-adventurers of their travels on the Bolivian and Pervuian altiplano. These usually included grammatical sketches of Quechua and Aymara or word lists of numbers, animals, plants, medicines and diseases, and kinship terms. The first detailed ethnographic account of the Aymara was On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru by David Forbes (1870), based on research done in Bolivia and Peru from 1859 to 1863. A British mining engineer of scholarly bent and the stamina necessary to remain for long periods at altitudes up to 15,400 feet, Forbes was best at concrete measurement and description of the activities he witnessed. His account of the Aymara was somewhat sympathetic, revealing the relentless physical hardships and social injustices they suffered, but some of his explanations for Aymara behavior suggest he may have given too much credence to tales spread by whites and mestizos based more on myth than on fact. Forbes gave Aymara names for objects, activities, and the like most of which, though deformed by an inade quate transcription, are recognizable today. His
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54 gramm,Jtical analysis of Aymara is sketchy but accurate so far as it goes. Appendix C of his book is a vocabu lary of Aymara words, including kinship terms, with English translations. Forbes cast light on the status of Aymara studies at the time in remarking on his fruit less efforts while in Bolivia to obtain a copy of a 17th century Aymara grammar or dictionary even though he had advertised in the papers that he would pay the 1 high sum of 50 dollars• (274, fn.) for it. In 1891 the German physician-turned-philologist Ernst Middendorf published Die Aimar~-Sprache, the fifth volume of his study of aboriginal languages of Peru (Rivet 1952:558). The introduction to Middendorf 1 s Aymara grammar was translated into Spanish by the Bolivian scholar Franz Tamayo in an article published in 1910 in La Paz (Rivet 1952:558). Later, the Peruvian scholar Estuardo Nunez, working from an incomplete copy of the Tamayo translation, revised and added some notes to it and published it in a volume entitled Las lenguas aborfgenes del Peru (1959) prepared under the auspices of the Univer sidad Mayor de San Marcos in Lima to commemorate the 50th anniversary of Middendorf 1 s death. The following section refers to that volume (1959:96-102). Middendorf indicated that his grammar was based on Bertonio 1 s and on the dialect then spoken in La Paz, which he visited on several occasions. He stated that at
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55 that time both whites and mestizos spoke Aymara but in most cases only as a lingua franca for communication with Aymara servants or sellers in the marketplace. Middendorf was able to find only a few persons with enough knowledge to teach him the language. Like Forbes, he found no one who possessed a Bertonio grammar, adding that no one had even heard of such a book, not even the President of Bolivia or members of his cabinet. Middendorf was finally able to find some lawyers who had lived among rural Aymara and claimed to know more of the language than the city-dwellers. With them Middendorf reviewed a copy of the Bertonio grammar in his possession, comparing forms then in use with earlier ones, noting both, and using them to draw up rules of sentence formation. In the introduction to his Aymara grammar he devoted several paragraphs to Aymara vowel-dropping, giving examples of inflected verbs, and commented on Aymara verbs of going and carrying. It is to be hoped that someday Middendorf's grammar of Aymara may be translated into Spanish. In 1917 another Aymara grammar based largely on Bertonio's appeared, by Juan Antonio Garcfa, a Bolivian priest. Subsequently, etymologies and word lists for such topics as kinship, place names, and musical instru ments proliferated, and a number of Aymara stories, poems, and legends were written by self-styled Aymara scholars
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56 (aymar61ogos). Novels on Indian themes, such as Alcides Arguedas' Raza de bronce (1945~ contained some Aymara phrases. There was a continuous spate of dictionaries or handbooks of Aymara, Quechua, and Spanish words and phrases, as well as both Catholic and Protestant publica tions. The matter of a standardized alphabet for Aymara and Quechua has engaged the sporadic attention of scholars and governments for years. In 1939 the Twenty-Seventh International Congress of Americanists proposed an alphabet for Aymara and Quechua which was adopted by offi cial Peruvian government decree in 1946 (Rivet 1956:265). In 1954 the Bolivian government adopted a virtually identical alphabet approved earlier that same year by the Third Inter-American Indigenist Congress (Rivet 1956: 675). Catholic missionaries on the altiplano adopted this alphabet. It represents an improvement over earlier ones in that it shows phonemic vowel length; distinguishes plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops and an affricat~t in the proper articulatory positions; and distinguishes the velar and postvelar fricatives. But it uses the five Spanish vowels to represent the three phonemic Aymara vowels and allophones of two of them which are not always predictable from the environment, unnecessarily confusing the transcription.
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57 Meanwhile, Protestant missionaries developed a variation which employs some Spanish letters, such as c and .9.!! to represent the Aymara velar stop, in the belief that their use makes it easier for the Aymara to learn Spanish. This alphabet, known as the CALA alphabet for the first initials of the Comisi6n de Alfabetizaci6n y Literatura Aymara (Aymara Literacy and Literature Com mission), was adopted as official by Bolivian government decree in 1968, apparently without rescinding support of the earlier alphabet. Since then the two official Bolivian alphabets have coexisted in uneasy competition. Beginning in the 1930s American anthropologists turned their attention to the study of Aymara society. The Aymara (1946} and The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru 1. Magic (1951) by Harry Tschopik and The Aymara Indians of the Lake Titicaca Plateau, Bolivia (1948) by Weston LaBarre are generally considered classics, but research in the last decade has shown them to be deficient in important respects, based as they were on data obtained through mestizos and whites. A more balanced account is The Aymara of Chinchera, Peru: Persistence and change in a bicultural context (1964) by John Marshall Hickman, reporting on a Peruvian Aymara community near that studied by Tschopik 20 years earlier; Another look at Aymara personality (1966) by John S. Plummer questioned earlier negative assessments of the Aymara character. William E.
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58 Carter has conducted extensive studies among the Bolivian Aymara in the department of La Paz. His Bolivia, a profile (1971:89-91) brought together the various expressions of the Aymara negative stereotype and put them in historical perspective. The Bolivian Aymara (1971) by Hans C. and Judith-Maria Buechler is a somewhat superficial network analysis of the community of Campi on Lake Titicaca. The languages of South American Indians (1950) by John Alden Mason contains a short section on the Aymara language, but it is full of inaccuracies, not only with respect to the supposed relationship of Aymara to other languages, but also to identification of Aymara-speaking areas and dialects. Catalogo de las lenguas de Am~rica del Sur (1961) by Antonio Tovar represents a slight improvement in the information provided but the work is still incomplete and inaccurate and the brief grammatical description of Aymara is very weak. Other publications on Aymara well into the 1960s testify to the sorry state of scholarship with respect to the language. Characteristic are the many virtually identical handbooks or catalogues of common expressions in Aymara, Quechua, and Spanish published in Bolivia, Peru, and even Chile from the middle of the 19th century to the present. (The latest to come to my attention is dated 1971, but new editions have probably appeared since then.) These little books contain the kind of Aymara spoken by
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59 white and mestizo landowners who learned to speak the language imperfectly as children and whose attitude toward the Aymara people and their language ranges from kindly but patronizing to contemptuous. This kind of Aymara is referred to as Patr6n Aymara (from the Spanish patr6n 'owner') by Bolivian Aymara native speakers. In the catalogues individual forms may be correctly trans lated but Spanish phrases are translated word for word into Aymara that is usually discourteous if not insulting, and often incorrect. Moreover, chaotic spelling reflects a very inadequate grasp of Aymara phonology. (See Chapter 9 for examples.) A variation on the catalogue is Gramatica del kechua y del aymara (1942) by German G. Villamar. It contains short grammatical descriptions of Quechua and Aymara, a brief three-way dictionary of words from those two languages and Spanish, and sections on history, myths, and superstitions. Insofar as the Aymara is concerned, the book is deficient in every respect, with incorrect material poorly arranged. Another variation on the cata logue is Vocablos aymaras en el habla popular pacena (1963) by Antonio Paredes Candfa, containing Aymara words purported to occur in colloquial La Paz speech. Accord ing to Vasquez, who reviewed the book with me, many of the Aymara forms are incorrectly translated and in any case are terms used by whites or mestizos in the city
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60 rather than by rural Aymara. The book is useful primarily to show what the white or mestizo understands by certain Aymara words. Usually the context is not culturally Aymara and the tone is patronizing when not actually insulting. Two works which avoid the condescending tone of the foregoing are a short Spanish-Aymara dictionary by Mario Franco Inojosa, Breve vocabulario castellano aymara (1965), and a more complete dictionary, Diccionario breve castellano-aymara aymara-castellano (1970), by Pedro Miranda. Mario Franco Inojosa, who updated the Torres Rubio grammar {1616), uses the official Aymara alphabet adopted by the Peruvian government in 1946. Most terms he cites are the same as those used in La Paz, making it useful for quick reference for that dialect; however, the book is cheaply printed and has many typographical errors. The Miranda dictionary {1970) is more complete and better printed, and employs the official Bolivian alphabet adopted in 1954. Although it reflects patr6n and missionary usages, by far the best of -the prelinguistic grammars of Aymara is Gram~tica y diccionario aymara {1965) by Juan Enrique Ebbing. This reference gramma~ was modeled on Bertonio's longer grammar (1603b) and like it contains a wealth of detail, although the geographical origins of the forms attested are not given. The author's method
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61 is to explain a Spanish grammatical category and then to give its translation equivalent in Aymara. This makes for a repetitious presentation as the same Aymara form may translate several different Spanish forms, and the method skews Aymara structure into a Spanish mold as in the case of Bertonio's grammars. While some of the Aymara examples are acceptable to native speakers, much of the Aymara sounds translated and the book suffers from a generally patronizing tone. The phonology is better than most but confuses velars and postvelars. In spite of its faults, however, this grammar shows an understanding of certain aspects of Aymara usually overlooked such as the fact that certain suffixes are essential to the Aymara sentence, and although given to stating general rules to which exceptions must then be made, Ebbing at least in cludes the exceptions, making up in accuracy of data for loss of economy in presentation. As a handbook for study ing Aymara, his grammar is useful as a source of Aymara glosses of individual Spanish forms. Translations of Spanish sentences should be checked with Aymara native speakers, however, as they are written in a style asso ciated with Catholic priests {for examples see Chapter 9). The nadir in prelinguistic grammars of Aymara was reached in Suma lajjra aymara parlana {1969) by Erasmo Tarifa Ascarrunz. Another example of Patr6n Aymara, this book contains a wealth of material, but so badly
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62 analyzed and presented as to be very difficult to use. As usual in prelinguistic grammars, the Aymara sounds as if it were translated from Spanish. On the other hand, the Spanish translations of the Aymara (or Spanish sentences from which the Aymara was translated) are in the popular Spanish of the Andean area which reflects Aymara structure to a considerable extent even in the usage of monolingual Spanish speakers. In all, the book is an interesting compendium of fact and misconception which should be checked with native speakers before any of its contents are accepted as valid. 2-4 2-4. 1 Linguistic Studies Synchronic studies As far as I am aware, the first linguist to note in print that Aymara has a threerather than a five-vowel system was Bertil Malmberg (1947-48). Kenneth Pike, in his Phonemics (1947:153), included an Aymara problem with data that clearly implied a three-vowel system, although Pike left this conclusion to the reader. Tschopik (1948) and LaBarre (1950) ~rovided partially phonemic renditions of Aymara folktales with English translations but without grammatical analysis. Although transcribed with five vowels and no indication of vowel length or of syntactic final vowel dropping, the texts
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63 appear to be otherwise phonologically accurate native Aymara. (The informants are identified as monolingual.) These texts are useful for the dialectal variants they contain and for comparison with present-day dialects from the same areas for the purpose of identifying changes during the past 30 years. The first morphological analysis of Aymara was made by Thomas Sebeok {1951a). However, it was based on an Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood translated from Spanish, rather than on a native Aymara folktale, and the text is an example of Patr6n Aymara. Sebeok (1951b) also collected data for an Aymara diction ary, using data from Tschopik, LaBarre, Villamar, Pike, and Floyd Lounsbury as well as his own. Each entry consists of a set of Aymara words sharing the same root morpheme, with English (or in the case of Villamor's data, Spanish) translations. 2-4. 11 Missionary grammars and associated studies The first attempt at a fairly complete grammatical description of Aymara by a linguist using the methods of modern scholarship was made by Ellen M. Ross, whose Rudimentos de gram~tica aymara (1953; second edition 1963) was published by the Canadian Baptist Mission in La Paz with an introduction by Eugene Nida. The preface indicates that the Aymara of Huatajata {department of
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64 La Paz) is the dialect on which the grammar is based and that it is similar to that of the city of La Paz. Three Aymara native speakers collaborated with Ross in producing the grammar, a trilingual textbook for English-speaking missionaries and Spanish speakers. Making use of aural/ oral language-teaching methods, the book presents graded Aymara dialogues and drills with translations into Spanish and grammatical explanations in Spanish and English. The grammar includes cultural notes such as a comment on the importance of greetings among the Aymara. While it has an index of grammatical forms and topics (in Spanish), it lacks a table of contents and thus cannot easily be used as a reference grammar. In any case, although it represents a tremendous i m p r o v em e n t o v er i t s pre d e c e s s or s, Ru d i me n to s cont a i n s frequently inaccurate grammatical analyses. More impor tant, the text still reflects, in the tradition of earlier Aymara grammars,the usage of missionaries and their fol lowers. For this reason the Ross grammar should be used with caution by persons not wishing to be identified with or as missionaries. Also, the CALA writing system used presents the learner with certain difficulties, especially with respect to the postvelar fricative symbolized as jj and reduplicated as the unwieldy and confusing cluster jj_j__j__.
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65 A reference grammar for native speakers of Aymara is Ross's Manual aymara para los aymaristas (n.d. [con siderably after Ross 1953]). Its purpose is to enable Aymara speakers already bilingual and literate in Spanish to learn to read and write Aymara and to become aware of differences between Aymara and Spanish structure which create difficulties for Aymara monolinguals wishing to learn Spanish. As indicated earlier, the CALA writing system used by Ross is designed to familiarize Aymara speakers with Spanish spelling with a view to facilitating their learning to read and write in that language. Accordingly, Spanish loans, even those which entered Aymara hundreds of years ago and are completely adapted to Aymara phonology, are spelled as Spanish and the five vowels of Spanish are used even though Ross recognized that Aymara has a three-vowel system. Evidence that the CALA alphabet does in fact accomplish the objective of making it easier for Aymara monolinguals to learn Spanish is lacking. The Ross Manual is in effect a contrastive study of Spanish and (Missionary) Aymara, often describing Aymara in terms of Spanish, although this is warned against (n.d. :65). The manual is also prescriptive, for example in Lesson IX on punctuation. The grammatical analysis is lacking in some important respects; for instance, the four-person system is not completely
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66 understood. The distinction of personal and nonpersonal knowledge is recognized, however, for the first time. The importance of morphemic vowel length and morphopho nemic vowel dropping is also understood and the reader is urged to write as he speaks, although this injunction is not always followed in the examples given in the text. The role of sentence suffixes (called enclitics) is well covered. But while the Manual has its strengths, never theless the message conveyed by the book is that learning to read and write Aymara is merely a means toward learning to be fully literate in Spanish and not a worthy end in itself. This attitude is clear in a discussion of the embedding of direct quotes in Aymara: the reader who wishes to write a more involved style is urged to consult a good Spanish grammar or to observe the style of writers in that language (Ross n.d.:121). Two subsequent teaching grammars of Aymara owe much to Ross. Paul Wexler and his associates attempted in Beginning Aymara: A course for English speakers (1967) to write a linguistically sound pedagogical grammar of Aymara specifically for English speakers. Intended for Peace Corps volunteers, this grammar was based on research carried out in Bolivia by three American field workers who spent a short time there aided by three Aymara native speakers from La Paz who were bilingual in Spanish. It is of value primarily as an example of what happens when
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67 linguistic researchers fail to take cultural as well as linguistic factors into account in spite of their obvious importance in a grammar designed for foreigners proposing to live and work in an unfamiliar society. While care fully organized into graded dialogues and drills on topics generally relevant to altiplano life, the Aymara sentences in the book sound translated from Spanish, often using missionary and/or patr6n terminology, and are therefore both culturally and linguistically unacceptable to some native speakers. Wexler recognized that the Aymara of the informants probably showed heavy Spanish influence, but he was evidently unaware of the social dimension of their dialect--its evangelical cast--although he did recommend further research with monolingual speakers. The book also suffers from problems of translating Andean Spanish into English. For example, wank'u (Wexler wanc'u) is translated 'rabbit' instead of 'guinea pig', probably because the Andean Spanish for guinea pig is conejo (Peninsular Spanish 'rabbit'). The second Aymara grammar owing much to Ross, and the best of the missionary grammars to date, is Lecciones de Aymara (1971-72) by Joaquin Herrero, Daniel Cotari, and Jaime Mejfa, said to be based on a dialect from roughly the same area as that of the Ross grammars. Herrero is a native of Spain; Cotari and Mej1a are Bolivian Aymara speakers bilingual in Spanish.
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68 Developed for use at the Maryknoll Language Institute in Cochabamba, this grammar is superior to its predeces sors in grammatical analysis, but it has the same charac teristics perceived by some native speakers as non-Aymara or substandard. An innovation useful for students of Spanish dialects is the provision of two translations of each Aymara dialogue, one in Andean Spanish and the other in Peninsular Spanish. The alphabet used by Herrero et al. is that adopted by the Bolivian government in 1954. It differs from the CALA alphabet only in its use of k and~ for the velar and postvelar stops, respectively, instead of the CALA c and .9_!! for velar and l for postvelar. The phonology section includes numerous minimal triplets illustrating plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops. The importance of morphophonemic vowel dropping is clearly grasped and suffixes are designated as weak (retaining previous vowel} and strong (dropping previous vowel) when they are first introduced, helping the learner to produce correct forms from the beginning. The book is good on the Aymara four-person system (while not calling it that), avoiding Ross's error, repeated by Wexler, of designating the inclusive fourth person as dual. Full verbal inflec tional paradigms with affirmative and negative examples are presented in the body of the text.
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69 A much shorter, less complete grammar is Metodo de aymara (1973) by Marcelo Grondin, using the same alpha bet as Herrero. Published in Oruro, the book mentions certain forms as different from those occurring in La Paz but fails to include the distinctive allomorph of the first person possessive suffix {with velar nasal) found in the province of Carangas, Oruro. The Aymara four-person system is clearly grasped, vowel-dropping is understood, and the role of sentence suffixes noted, but the Aymara is pre sented in short dialogues that sound nonnative. The trans lations of the dialogues are in Andean Spanish. The question arises why grammars of Aymara con tinued for so long to reflect only missionary and patr6n usages. The answer lies in the fact that for many years all linguists who undertook to study Aymara in depth were missionaries who, however well prepared in linguistic field methods, were more concerned with translating Scripture from Spanish or English into Aymara than in eliciting native texts on which to base a description of the language. Their informants, being members of the same religious community, were ready to accept the missionaries• authority in matters of style and content. Many missionary linguists, notably Nida (1957:58-60), are aware of the linguistic pitfalls inherent in their approach and try to avoid them; but it is unrealistic to expect missionary grammars to be completely free of the distorting influence of translation.
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70 The few nonmissionary linguists who approached Aymara did so either through missionaries or through mestizos and whites. In such circumstances it is re markable that Tschopik and LaBarre were able to elicit native Aymara folktales free of missionary or patr6n influence. Sebeok was not so fortunate; the story on which he based his morphological analysis is in Patr6n Aymara. When the Wexler team sought to study Aymara they proceeded through missionary contacts and thereby unwit tingly acquired informants trained in that tradition. So long as all linguistic research was conducted with sources speaking varieties of Missionary or Patr6n Aymara, only data reflecting such dialects could be obtained. A new point of entry into the Aymara community was needed. 2-4.12 Aymara-centered studies In 1965 M. J. Hardman arrived in Bolivia as a Fulbright lecturer in linguistics. Together with Julia Elena FortQn, Director of Anthropology in the Bolivian Ministry of Education, Hardman founded the Instituto Nacional de Estudios LingUfsticos (INEL) in La Paz for the purpose of training Bolivians in linguistics for national development. Hardman had already investigated Aymara's sister languages, Jaqaru and Kawki, and had determined their relationship as members of the Jaqi
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71 language family. Hardman's Jagaru: Outline of phonological and morphological structure (1966) is the first grammar of a Jaqi language described in its own terms rather than from the point of view of Spanish. A second edition in Spanish translation is now in press in Peru. (Pre-Hardman Peruvian sources for the study of Jaqaru and Kawki are the writings of J. M. 8. Farf~n and of Jos~ Matos Mar.) One of Hardman's students at INEL in La Paz was Juan de Dias Yapita, a native speaker of Aymara from the community of Campi on the shores of Lake Titicaca. Yapita had been educated in La Paz but maintained close ties with monolingual friends and relatives in Campi. As the out come of an assignment, Yapita wrote the first phonemic alphabet of Aymara ever produced by a native speaker of the language and later, together with Herminia Martfn and others studying under Hardman's direction, did field work in the provinces of Ingavi, Pacajes, Andes, Omasuyos, and Manco Capac, department of La Paz. Hardman also did field work in the province of Larecaja. The first pub lished result of this research was Mart1n 1 s Bosguejo de estructura de la lengua aymara (1969), a brief sketch of the Aymara spoken in the town of Irpa Chico, province of Ingavi. It is important as the first published description of Aymara by a linguist for linguists, combining both adequate theory and competent field investigation.
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72 On the basis of Aymara research undertaken by Hardman and associates in Bolivia, the Aymara Language Materials Project began at the University of Florida in 1969 with support from the U. S. Office of Education of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. The goal of the project was to produce teaching and reference grammars of Aymara reflecting linguistic and cultural realities of the language from the point of view of native speakers. The materials were prepared by a team consisting of Hardman, two Bolivian native speakers of Aymara trained in linguistics and anthropology (Yapita and Juana Vasquez, who is from Tiahuanaco), and three graduate students in anthropology and linguistics who assisted with the analysis and tested the teaching materials in Aymara classes. Their work was supplemented by extensive help from a number of other native speakers of Aymara as well as from other University of Florida graduate students and staff. The primary fruit of the project is a three-volume work by Hardman, Vasquez, and Yapita entitled Aymar ar yatiqanataki ( 1 to learn Aymara•) which appeared first in 1973 and in a revised edition in 1975. Volume 1, which bears the title of the whole work, is a course in Aymara for English and Spanish speakers, consisting of graded dialogues based on rural Aymara life and drills based on the dialogues, with translations into both Spanish and
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73 English and accompanying tape recordings with English translations. Volume 2, Teacher's manual to accompany Aymar ar yatiganataki, is keyed to the course and provides cultural as well as grammatical explanations. Volume 3, entitled Aymara grammatical sketch in the first edition (1973) and Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical structure in the second (1975), is a detailed reference grammar which may stand alone. It incorporates University of Florida master's theses by Laura Martin-Barber on phonology and by Nora C. England on verbal derivational suffixes, and my term paper on the structure of the substantive system, as Chapters 3, 6, and 8, respectively. The project has also produced a computerized concordance glossary of words, roots, and suffixes. Secondary results of the project include numerous student papers for graduate courses in anthropology and linguistics at the University of Florida, for example Norman Tate's ethnosemantic study of verbs of carrying (1970) and a paper by Andrew Miracle and Juana Vasquez on ethnosemantic categories of feces in Aymara (1972). Published articles related to the project include Hard man's on Aymara and Jaqi linguistic postulates (Hardman 1972a and in press a), Yapita's discussion of the role of linguistics in Bolivian national development (1973b), and Pedro Copana's recommendations concerning the educa tion of rural Aymara children (1973).
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74 An increasing number of materials written in the Aymara language have appeared as a result of the project. The Aymara Newsletter has been published irregularly at the University of Florida since 1970, originally under the alternating editorships of Yapita and Vasquez, who also collaborated on a correspondence course for Aymara speakers (Vasquez & Yapita 1969). Vasquez has written an Aymara primer (1970) and is preparing another. Yapita has edited several mimeographed Aymara literary journals, among them Yatinasawa (1970) and Literatura aymara (1972-73). He has also produced materials for teaching his phonemic alphabet in Bolivia (1973a) and a Spanish English-Aymara vocabulary (1974). Former Yapita students who are members of the Bolivian Aymara community have produced materials of their own. Representative are articles by Vitaliano Wanka Torres, describing results of the Aymara literacy pro gram he directs in Tiahuanaco (Wanka 1973a and 1973b); an Aymara primer for adults (1974) by Francisco Calle P., of which a first edition of 17,000 was printed (Chaski 2:1974); and a bilingual manual on medicinal plants and herbs (1974) by Gabino Kispi H. (Wanka and Kispi spell their surnames, traditionally Huanca and Quispe, in Yapita orthography.) So far, lack of funds has precluded formal pub lication of more than a few of the Aymara-centered materials that have begun to appear in growing numbers.
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75 2-4. 13 Sociolinguistic studies In Peru the government has in recent years sought the participation of missionary linguists associated with the Summer Institute of Linguistics and of secular linguists from academic institutions in the development of educa tional programs for speakers of indigenous languages , (loosely referred to as bilingual education programs). While most publications on problems of multilingualism in Peru focus on Quechua and the jungle languages rather than on Aymara, several recent studies include references to Aymara. As noted in 1-1, the two most recent Peruvian national censuses (for 1961 and 1972) contain basic demo graphic data on the numbers and location of Aymara speakers in Peru. The proceedings of a round table on problems of Quechua and Aymara monolingualism held in 1963 have been published in Mesa redonda sabre el monolingUismo guechua y aymara y la educaci6n en el Pera (1966). One of the participants in the round table was Alberto Escobar, a Peruvian linguist who later founded the governmentand Ford Foundation-supported Plan de Fomento LingUfstico (linguistic development plan) at the National University of San Marcos in Lima and who has written several thoughtful essays on the language problems of Peru such as an article on literacy programs (Escobar 1972a). Escobar edited a collection of articles entitled El reto del multilingUismo en el Pera which appeared in
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76 1972, the year the Peruvian government inaugurated a new policy of bilingual education. The book includes articles by Hardman on Aymara linguistic postulates (Hardman 1972a), by Alfredo Torero on historical background (Torero 1972b), and by Escobar on linguistics and politics (Escobar 1972b). Domingo Llanque Chana, a Peruvian Aymara who is a Maryknoll priest and at present (1976) vicar general of the Prelature of Juli, has presented in Spanish trans lation an interview he conducted in Aymara with a 56-year old Aymara man from a rural community near Lake Titicaca (D. Llanque Chana 1973). The topic is social interaction among the Aymara, including the way they treat outsiders as well as each other. To my knowledge this is the first time the topic has been discussed in print by an Aymara. The author observes that the basic element of Aymara interaction is mutual respect expressed primarily through courteous speech as exemplified in greetings. A graduate of a normal school in Puno, Justino Llanque Chana, has given an overview of the educational situation of Peruvian Aymara based on the results of his 1973 survey of 85 high school students in the town of Chucuito near Puno (J. Llanque Chana 1974). The survey revealed negative attitudes toward Aymara language and culture which the author interpreted as confirming the alienating effects of an educational system stressing acquisition of Spanish skills while banning (in theory if not in strict practice) the use of vernacular languages.
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77 Meanwhile in Bolivia, where the government has yet to give formal support to bilingual education, only one organization has so far as I know published materials relevant to sociolinguistics: the Centro Pedag6gico y Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba, which is supported by the Patino Foundation. In connection with a series of educational conferences and seminars for Aymara and Quechua speakers, Portales (as it is usually called) began in 1973 to publish in mimeographed form such materials as articles by Javier Alb6 on the future of Aymara and Quechua {which he considers to be 'oppressed languages'; Alb6 1973a) and on Aymara and Quechua educational radio programs in Bolivia (Alb6 1973b). Also in 1973 Portales published the Yapita phonemic alphabet and in 1974, my article on the Aymara four-person system (Briggs 1974a) and a summary of Hardman's article on Aymara linguistic postulates (Hardman 1972a). Portales has also assisted sociolinguistic sur veys. In 1973 and 1974, Yapita and Pedro Plaza, the director of INEL, conducted with Portales and Ford Founda tion support sociolinguistic surveys of groups of Aymara and Quechua speakers in Bolivia using methods developed by Wolfgang Walck for Quechua in Peru (Walck 1972 and 1973). A valid contribution to knowledge of the Aymara speaking population of northern Potosi department is an
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78 article by the British anthropologist Olivia Harris {1974) on the Laymis and Machas (1-1.1). 2-4.2 Historical studies Torero set forth well-grounded theories as to the history of Aymara and its sister languages (1-2.1) in an article entitled LingUistica e historia de las Andes del Peril y de Bolivia {1972b). The relationship of Aymara and Quechua, the other major language family of the Andean area, is still a matter of debate. Mason {1950:196) proposed 1 Kechumaran 1 as a term 'to designate the yet unproved but highly probable subphylum consisting of Quechua and Aymara. 1 Also supporting a fairly close relationship between Quechua and Aymara are Carolyn Orr and Robert E. Longacre (1968) and Yolanda Lastra de Suarez {1970). Hardman ascribes similarities in lexicon and phonology, where they exist, to geographic proximity and overlap rather than to a genetic relation ship {Hardman, personal communication). Louisa Stark {1970) has provided convincing data in support of Hard man's position. 2-5 Summary and Projection The foregoing survey of representative litera ture on and in Aymara shows how scholarly and
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79 not-so-scholarly treatment of the language has changed in accordance with the focus of each period and the development of more adequate method and theory. While the production of written texts in Aymara is still meager, it is increasing. Like the spoken language on which they are based, these texts show dialectal variation, and they will provide material for further dialect studies as well as investigations of literary style.
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CHAPTER 3 VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN PHONOLOGICAL SHAPE OF MORPHEMES 3-1 Introduction The basic phonology of Aymara has been described by L. Martin-Barber {Hardma~ et al. 1975:3, Chapter 3). To the phonemic inventory therein described must now be added the velar nasal, although it is of limited occur rence. Variations in phonological shape of morphemes both within and across dialects are paralleled by morpho phonemic rules operating within dialects, to be discussed in Chapter 4, to which this chapter is an introduction. 3-2 3-2. l Phonemes Phonemic inventory Figure 3-1 shows Aymara phonemes in Yapita phonemic orthography. There are three vowels (front, central, and back) and a phoneme of vowel length. 1 The 27 consonants are divided into voiceless and voiced. Voiceless conso nants are 12 stops, three affricates, and three fricatives. 80
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81 Vowels: i a u Vowel l er:igth: Consonants: bilabial alveolar velar palatal postvelar Voiceless: Stops Plain p t k q Aspirated p" t" k" q" Glottalized p' t' k' q' Affricates Plain ch Aspirated ch 11 Glottalized ch' Fricatives s j X Voiced: Laterals 1 11 Nasals m n n (nh) Glides w y Flap r Figure 3-1. Aymara Phonemes (Yapita Phonemic Alphabet)
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82 Voiced consonants are two laterals, four nasals, two glides, and a flap. The stops occur in four positions of articulation and three manners: plain, aspirated, and glottalized. The three affricates are all palatal and pattern with the stops. The three fricatives are alveolar, velar, and postvelar. The laterals are alveo lar and palatal; the glides are bilabial and palatal; 2 the flap, which may be realized as a trill, is alveolar. Included in the total of four nasals is the velar nasal /nh/ ([ ]) , a phoneme in the related language Jaqaru. The velar nasal has phonemic status in only two Aymara dialects encountered to date, in the provinces of Carangas (Oruro, Bolivia) and Tarata (Tacna, Peru), specifically in the communities of Jopoqueri and Corque (Carangas) and of Tarata and Sitajara (Tarata). Although the phoneme occurs in few morphemes, these have a high functional load. In both Carangas and Tarata the phoneme occLlrs in homophonous allomorphs of two suffixes: /-nha/ first person possessive and /-nha/ verbal inflection of first to third person, Future tense. In Tarata the phoneme occurs in two more suffixes of the Future tense (see Figure 6-3) and in at least two noun roots: anhanu 'cheek' and panhara 'grinder. 1 The two areas where the velar nasal phoneme occurs are separated by the province of Pacajes, department of La Paz, whose dialects were not investigated directly for
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83 this study. The phoneme was not found in the Pacajes dialects investigated in the research for Hardman et al. (1975). Late in the research for the present study, evidence was obtained for the existence of a relic of the /nh/ phoneme in La Paz/Compi dialect, in one word: the noun ch 1 inhi 1 nit 1 (Spanish liendre). This contrasts with intervocalic /n/ and /n/ (e. g. ch 1 ina I human posterior• and nunu 'breast, teat•). Another apparent relic of /nh/ is a velarized allophone of /n/ occurring in Morocomarca (4-3.21.2). It may possibly also occur in other Aymara dialects not yet investigated. 3 3-2.2 Allophones The allophones described by L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3) exist for the dialects of Aymara investigated for this study. The following additional comments may be made. 3-2.21 Vowels In Spanish-influenced dialects the mid vowel /a/ may approximate Spanish /a/ but in monolingual Aymara (and some nonmonolingual dialects, for example in northern Potosf, a trilingual Quechua-Aymara-Spanish area) /a/ is more closed, being realized frequently as [A] or [a]. /i/ and /u/, as noted by L. Martin-Barber, are lowered in the environment of postvelar consonants /q/ and /x/
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84 and raised in the environment of /n/ and /y/ and word initially. Elsewhere intermediate or high allophones occur. Additional study will be needed to determine the conditioning. 3-2.22 Consonants Most allophonic variation of consonants in Aymara is morphophonemically conditioned, and is therefore dis cussed in Chapter 4. Friction attending the velar and postvelar frica tives /j/ and /x/ and the flap /r/ is variable but whether the variation is dialectal, stylistic, or idiosyncratic is yet to be determined. Impressionistically it was noted that some Juli speakers pronounced initial /j/ with heavy friction whereas in other dialects initial /j/ is more often a glottal [h]. Dialects having /j/ (Salinas, Jopoqueri) where La Paz and other dialects have /k/, for example in the incompletive verbal derivational suffix -ja~ -ka-, articulate a somewhat prevelar, palatalized /j/ and a clearly postvelar /x/. The difference is quite noticeable even to a nonnative in such pairs as Chur.j.t.wa. 'I'm giving it to him/her/them.' Chur.x.t.wa. 'I gave it to him/her/them.' (Jopoqueri) (The second example has the verbal derivational suffix
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85 -xacompletive.) The amount of friction attending both /j/ and /x/ in those dialects seems impressionistically about the same; it is the relative fronting and backing which is distinctive, as in the case of Aymara vowels. The front and back vowels lower in the environment of postvelar consonants by assimilation, thereby assisting the nonnative speaker of Aymara in distinguishing the velar and postvelar consonants. Examples: 'he/she/it/they sleep(s)' (all dialects) igigu [EqEq::>] 11 mischievous spirit' (all dialects) sar.j.i i sarx~] u u u u [p~k~ p~k~] V 'V VV 'small owl' (Juli) pug.u [p::>q::>] 'it produces, ripens' {Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala) p"isi .xa i i [ II p ~s~Ja ~ II> i [p"~sxa] I i i p 11 ~s~xa] I I< 'my cat' {San Andr~s de Machaca) 'the/a cat' (San Andr~s de Machaca)
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86 In the related language Jaqaru the velar and post velar fricatives are allophones of the same phoneme (Hardman 1966). Their distinct phonemic status in Aymara is attested by the minimal pairs cited above. In certain dialects, however, there are cases of one morpheme having variants with both the velar and postvelar fricative, which may indicate that the distinction between the two is neutralized in those morphemes or that the phonemic split into /j/ and /x/ is still underway in Aymara, having yet to occur in certain morphemes. 3-2.3 Canonical forms These do not vary dialectically. As noted by L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3.69-70) most roots have the canonical form CVCV(CV}; another productive form is CVCCV with a reduplicative subclass of the form c 1 v 1 c 2 c 1 v 1 . Noun suffixes are of the form CV(CV), VCV, or c 1 c 2 v (c 1 nasal, c 2 stop} except for the verbalizer -pta~ which is unique among the noun suffixes in that it consists of two stops followed by a vowel. Verbal deri vational suffixes have the shape c 1 V((C 2 )V) except for a few c 1 c 2 v in which c 1 is a nasal and one c 1 c 2 v(c 3 )v, -rpaya ~ -rpa: (VV = V:). Verbal inflectional suffixes, except for the Simple and to an extent the Future tense, which have suffixes of the form (C)V and c 1 VC(V), are more complex, containing recurrent submorphemic partials
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87 (see 6-3.2). Nonfinal independent suffixes {7-2.21) and final sentence suffixes (7-2.22) are of the form CV(CV). Verb subordinating suffixes (7-4.2) take the form (V)CV(CV) in which the first V, if any, is /i/. 3-2.4 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence 3-2.41 Individual phonemes The postvelar fricative /x/ occurs in root-initial position in only a few dialects and very rarely. The examples are xaxchi.na noun/verb xarsa.ni.na Jupa.x xarsa.n.i.w. 1 bobbin, already threaded; to wind thread on a bobbin 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 1 to have asthma, be out of breath 1 (vitocota) 'He's out of breath.' (Vitocota) A phoneme that does not occur initially in native Aymara roots is /r/. (A voiced fricative allophone of Spanish or Quechua /r/ may occur initially in loanwords.) The velar nasal may occur initially in suffixes but not initially in roots, even in the dialect where it is attested in roots. Evidence for the nonexistence of roots with /nh/ in Carangas, where suffixes with the phoneme do occur, is the pronunciation given by a speaker from Jopoqueri to the following Jaqaru
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88 noun roots containing the velar nasal phoneme. Jaqaru inhatza 'agricultural worker' kanhara 'dried maguey cord' Aymara (Jopoqueri) *inhatsa [irJgatsa] *kanhara [kar:igara] That is, the speaker did not pronounce the velar nasal intervocalically in the two (to him) nonsense words given above but rather inserted a voiced velar [g] after the velar nasal, as did other speakers bilingual in Spanish (as he was) who had no velar nasal phoneme in their dia lects. Below are shown Jaqaru-Aymara cognates in which the Jaqaru has /nh/ while the Aymara (also of Jopoqueri) has /nq 11 /, /n/, /y/, or /yn/. (Jaqaru words, like those above, are from Hardman, personal communication.) Jaqaru Aymara manha 'down' mang 11 a 'down, inside' anhnatza 'down' aynacha 'down' anhshish~ta 'to quarrel 1 ayni.si.na 'to quarrel 1 yanha 'comrade, to help' yana~.ta.na 'to help' 3-2.42 Phoneme sequences Germinate (reduplicated) vowels may occur as vowel length, but sequences of different vowels
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89 (diphthongs) do not occur. Vowel-glide and glide-vowel sequences do occur; the former are phonetically (but not phonemically) diphthongs. As noted above, two consonant clusters occur medially in roots and initially in some suffixes. The first consonant is usually not a stop, while the second usually is. 4 Clusters of two or more consonants may occur word-medially in all dialects as the result of suffixa tion accompanied by obligatory morphophonemic vowel deletion. Such clusters may also occur word-initially or -finally in certain dialects under certain conditions (see 4-3. 12. l, 4-3.32, and 6-4). 3-3 Nonphonemic Phenomena Nonphonemic phenomena include stress, intona tion, and the adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara. Subphonemic voicing of prevocalic stops is discussed in 4-3.21.3. 3-3. l Stress In all dialects stress occurs nonphonemically on the penultimate vowel of a word having more than one vowel. (A word in Aymara may be defined as a free form having at least one vowel, t~!! is, a root, stem, or theme.) Stress may appear to fall on a final vowel if the
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90 final vowel is long. sara.: [sar~] 'I will go.' I : I 1+3 F Stress may also appear to fall on the final syllable if after stress placement has occurred, the final vowel of the word is devoiced or dropped. sar.1.wa ---> sar.1.w(a) 'he/she/it/they went' 0 Vowel restoration affects stress placement in the case of certain verbal inflectional suffixes (see 4-3.33). 3-3.2 Intonation No attempt was made in this study to assess vari ation in intonation patterns. Certain morphemes and syntactic units in all dialects carry intonation patterns that appear to adhere to them in all or almost all environ ments. Impressionistically the range of intonation levels appears flatter in La Paz than in dialects distant from the capital. Otherwise, differences in intonation seem to be primarily stylistic, but further study of the pat terning is needed before definite statements of condition ing may be made. 3-3.3 Spanish loans Spanish loans have entered and continue to enter Aymara, especially in urban areas. L. Martin-Barber has
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91 described adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara phonology (Hardman et al. 1975:3.81-88). Depending on the extent of the speaker's knowledge of Spanish phonology, such loans may be more or less 'Aymarized'. As will be noted in examples in other chapters, certain speakers incor porate Spanish loans that preserve some Spanish phonemes (for example /b/ or /g/) while other speakers adapt such loans to Aymara phonology. The whole process of entry of Spanish loans into Aymara merits a study of its own taking into account sociocultural factors. (See Chapter 9 for a discussion of heavily Spanish-influenced Aymara dialects. Aymara influence on Bolivian altiplano Spanish is now being investigated by H. Martfn and Laprade.) 3-4 Phonological Correspondences Within and Across Dialects One morpheme (the base form) may have a slightly different phonemic shape in one dialect (or idiolect) than in another. Usually differences of one or two pho nemes are involved. Some phonological correspondences within or across dialects parallel morphophonemic varia tion within certain dialects: the rules that change one phoneme to another or delete or retain phonemes in certain morphemes in certain environments. These morpho phonemic rules are discussed in Chapter 4.
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92 The dialectal phonological correspondences to be discussed here will be treated by type of phoneme (vowels, consonants) and by morphological class of the morphemes in which they occur. The tilde (~) will be used between phonemes that correspond intraor crossdialectally, and between forms which are in free variation within a dialect. 3-4. l Vowel correspondences 3-2. 11 /a/~ /i/ Nouns: 'old man• •toasted corn• 'beautiful 1 'down, inside' /achachi/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) /achichi/ (Sitajara) /jamp'i/ (Calacoa) /jampi/ /jimp Ii/ (Morocomarca) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara) /k 11 us.9i (Socca) /k 11 usif (Calacoa) /kusa/ (La Paz/Compi) /manq 11 a/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri) /manq 11 i/ (Huancane, Sitajara) /mang 11 ~ ~ manq 11 i/ (Calacoa)
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93 'last year' /mi!,Y.mara/ /mj_y.mara/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (Sitajara) /mi!,Y.mara ~ mjy.mara/ (La Paz) 'hair cutting' /rutuch~ /rutuchi/ (La Paz) (Socca) Verbs: 'wild duck' /qanqata/ /qanqati/ 'other' /yaq 11 ~a/ /yaq 11 _ipa/ /ch 11 aqa.na/ (San Andres de Machaca) (Socca) (Vitocota) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (Salinas) (elsewhere) 'to meet' /j~ki.si.na/ (Juli, Socca) /jj_ki.si.na/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Salinas, Sitajara, Calacoa) 'to toast in oven' /jamp'i.na/ /jimp'i.na/ (La Paz, Calacoa) (Jopoqueri) 'what to do' /kami.cha.na/ (Salinas) /kam~.cha.na/ (elsewhere)
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94 Suffixes: Verbal derivationals: 'on top of, up to' distancer /-xita.;./ /-xata-/ /-wa-/ /-wi-/ (Salinas) (elsewhere) (Juli, Huancane, Sacca, Calacoa, Calacala) (Jopoqueri) /-w~a~ -w~:-/ (La Paz) /-wjya-/ (Salinas) /-w~a~ -w~:~ -wa-/ (Sitajara) /-wjya~ -wi-/ (Morocomarca) /-w~a~ -wjya-/ (Corque) Verb subordinator: 3-4. 12 /a/~ /u/ Nouns: 'night, morning' 'evening' 'night' /-s~na/ /arama/ /arama/ /aruma/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala) (elsewhere} (Jopoqueri) (Salinas) (La Paz, Juli, Huancane, Calacoa)
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'night, morning, midnight to dawn' 'morning' 'chicha maker' 'blindness' 'cloud' Verbs: 'to remember' 'to cover a pot' Suffixes: 95 /aruma/ /ar~ia/ /ch~ira/ /ch!!_pira/ /ch 11 arpu/ /ch".!!_: rpu/ /qinaya/ /qinay!!_I /amtasi.na/ (Morocomarca) (Sitajara) (Sitajara) (Sacca) (Sacca, Jopoqueri) (Sitajara) (La Paz/Campi) (Huancane) (La Paz) /amt.!:!_.si.na/ (Juli) /q 11 ~.t•a.na/ (Jopoqueri, Moracomarca) /q"!!_P.t'a.na/ (La Paz/Campi) Verbal derivationals: 'away, off' /-much~-/ /-much.!!_-/ (Salinas) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
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96 'placer' /-nuqa-/ (all dialects) /-nuq~~ -nu(l!!-/ (Jopoqueri) Verbal inflectionals: 3-+4 Desiderative 3-+4 Remonstrator RDK 3-+4 RDK /-istE.spa ~ -istuspa/ (La Paz) /-istasapa:na ~ -ist.!!_sapa:na/ (La Paz) /-ituna/ +/-itana/ (La Paz) (Ebbing 1965:146) /-istana ~ -ist.!!_na/ (La Paz) /-stana ~ -st.!!_na/ {La Paz) Verb subordinator: 3-4. 13 /i/ ~ /u/ 5 Nouns: 'today' /-ip.!!_na/ [ieuna] /-ip~na/ (Calacala) (elsewhere) /j.!!_ch 11 u:ru/ /jich 11 u:ru/ (Ac hoc a 11 a) (elsewhere)
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'around' Verbs: 97 /tuq.!!f /tuqi/ {Morocomarca, Calacala) {elsewhere) Stems based on the verb ina.na ~ una.na 'to see'. 'to wait for' 'to look at' 'to know' Other stems: 'to water' 'to hate' /ina.s.t'a.na/ {Morocomarca, Calacala) /una.s.t'a.na/ {Calacoa) /iria. si. na/ {Morocomarca) /ina.si.na ~ !!_na.si.na/ {Jopoqueri) /una.si.na/ /in• t I a• na/ /un.t'a.na/ /k I ayi. na/ /k I ay!!. na/ /ini.si.na/ /uni. si. na/ {elsewhere) {Morocomarca, Calacala) (Salinas, La Paz) (Calacoa) (Sitajara) (Salinas, Jopoqueri) (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa)
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98 Suffixes: Verbal inflectionals: 3+1 RIK 3+4 RIK Final suffix: reiterator 3-4.14 /a/~ /i/ ~ /u/ /-itutu ~ -it!!_:tu/ (La Paz) /-itutu/ /-it!!_:tu/ (Morocomarca) (Salinas) /-ititu ~ -ti:tu/ (Sitajara) /-tj_:tu/ (Jopoqueri) /-ist!!_tU ~ -stutu ~ -ist!!_:tu/ (La Paz) /-i st!!_: tu/ (Salinas) /-istutu/ (Morocomarca) /-tj_: stu/ (Jopoqueri) (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Sacca) /-pi~ -pi:/ (Sitajara) /-pj_ ~ -p!!f (Jopoqueri, Salinas) /-p!!_ ~ -p!!_:/ (Corque) Examples are two verbs and one independent suffix.
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'to cook' 'to wash clothes' 99 (La Paz, Salinas, Calacoa) /p 11 ~a.na ~ p 11 jya.na/ (Jopoqueri) /t I aXS~. ria/ /t'axs1.na/ (Morocomarca, Calacala, Huancane) (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Juli, Sitajara, Calacoa) (Salinas) /t'axs~.na ~ t'axsi.na ~ t'aXS!!_.na/ (La Paz) Independent suffix: 'really' /-p~ni/ /-pj_ni/ 3-4. 15 /a/~ /u/ and /a/~ /i~ (Jopoqueri) (Juli, Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) (Huancane, Socca, Calacoa) (La Paz) This occurred in one verbal derivational suffix: 'sustained action' 3-4.16 Vowel ~ Nouns: 'a while ago' /-ch'!!_k_i-/ /nink"ara/ /nink"ra/ (Sitajara) (elsewhere) (La Paz, Salinas) (Morocomarca)
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100 4p pronoun /jiwsa/ /jiwasa/ Suffixes: (Calacoa, Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b) (elsewhere) Verbal inflectional: See the examples for Remonstrator and RDK tenses, 3-4. 12. Another example: 3+4 Future /-j_stani ~ -stani/ (La Paz) /-stani/ /-sitani/ /-j_stani/ Verb subordinators: (Calacoa, Sitajara) (Socca) (elsewhere) /-ipana ~ -ipna/ (La Paz) /-sina ~ -sna/ (La Paz, Juli, Sacca) /-sana/ /-sina/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, (elsewhere) 3-4.2 Consonant correspondences 3-4.21 Correspondences of plain, aspirated and glottalized stops and affricates These will be discussed in the following order: bilabials, alveolars, palatals, velars, and postvelars. 3-4.21.l Bilabials 3-4.21.11 /p/ ~ /p 11 / Nouns: 'quinoa' / j u.e_a/ (Morocomarca)
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l 01 1 quinoa 1 /ju~ 3p pronoun /ju~ 1 day after tomorrow' 'five' 'nest' Suffixes: /ju.e_a/ /jur_i~_i/ /jur~ /jur.2_u:ru/ / jur.P.:_ u: ru/ /.2_isqa/ /.P.:_isqa/ /tap_a/ /t 11 a.2_a/ (elsewhere) (Morocomarca) (elsewhere) (Jopoqueri) (Calacoa) (La Paz) (Juli) (Salinas; also Bertonio 1603b) (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri) (La Paz/Campi} (Salinas, Morocomarca, Juli) (Jopoqueri, Calacoa) Verbal inflectionals: Socca has /p 11 / where others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+3, 3+1, and 3+4 Imperative inflections. Morocomarca has /p 11 / where others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+1 and 3+4 Desiderative and Remonstrative tenses (see Figures 6-5 and 6-6).
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3-4.21.12 /p/ ~ /p'/ Noun: 'toasted corn' 102 /jamE_i/ /jamLi/ /jimLi/ (Morocomarca) (Calacoa) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara) 3-4.21.13 /p/ ~ /p"/ ~ /p'/ 3-4.21.2 Noun: 'evening' /jayE_u/ /jay~u/ /jayLu/ Alveolars /t/ ~ /t"/ (Huancane, Sitajara) (Morocomarca) (La Paz, Jopoqueri) (No examples occurred of correspondences between /t/ or /t"/ and /t'/.) Nouns: 'this morning' 'flea 1 /jich"armanti/ (Juli) /jich 11 arman!_ 11 i/ (La Paz) /k'u!i/ (La Paz/Campi} (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco)
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Suffixes: Noun suffix: 'of, from' 103 /-!_a/ /-ta ~ -~a/ /-~a/ (La Paz) (Juli, Huancane, Calacoa, Jopoqueri) (Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca) Verbal inflectionals: 1+3 Simple 1+3 Desiderative and 1+3 Remonstrator 1+3 RDK 1+3 RDK 1+3 RIK /t 11 a / c-v /t 11 a / CC (La Paz, Huancan~, Calacoa) (Calacoa) (elsewhere) ending in /-ta/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancane) ending in /-~a/ (elsewhere) /-:~a/ /-ya:~a/ ending in ending in /-ta/ (La Paz) (elsewhere) (La Paz) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (La Paz, Huancan~, Sacca) /-~a/ (Juli, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
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104 3-4.21.3 Palatal affricates 3-4. 21. 31 /ch/ ~ /ch 11 / Nouns: 'pig' /k 11 uchi ~ k 11 uch 11 i/ (La Paz) 1 daughter 1 Noun suffix: 'the one which' /p 11 ucha/ (La Paz) /p 11 ucha ~ p 11 uch 11 a/ (Huancane) /-chapi/ (Huancane; also Bertonio 1603b) (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) 3-4.21.32 /ch/~ /ch 11 / ~ /ch'/ Moun: 'chick' Noun suffix: /chiwi/ (Socca) /chiwli ~ ch 11 iwli ~ ch 11 iwchi /-chi/ (La Paz, Tiahuanaco) (San Andres de Machaca) (La Paz, Calacoa, Juli, Sitajara) (Jopoqueri)
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105 (Salinas} /-chi~ -ch'i/ (Morocomarca, Huancane} 3-4.21.4 Velars 3-4.21.41 /k/ ~ /k"/ Nouns: 'fly' /ch"ich"illanka ~ ch"ich"illan~a 'beard' Verbs: 'to count' 'to carry on donkey' Particle: 'fast' (La Paz} /sunka/ (Calacoa} /sunta ~ sun~a/ (Sitajara} /sun~a/ /jatu.na/ / ja.r'._u. na/ (La Paz/Compi} (Calacoa} (La Paz, Sitajara, Socca} /kumu.si.na/ (Juli} /~umu.nta.na/ (Salinas} [nda] /~um.t'a.wa.na/ (Sitajara} / .r'._ umu. na/ /ma.r'._i / (Calacoa, La Paz} (La Paz} (Calacoa}
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106 Suffixes: Verb derivationals: 'across' /-kata~ -k 11 ata-/ (La Paz) 'sustained action' /-~ata-/ /-ch'a~a-/ /-ch'uii/ Verbal inflectionals: 1+3, 1+2, and 3+2 Remonstrator /kll/ /k/ (See Figure 6-6.) 3-4.21.42 /k/ ~ /k'/ (Jopoqueri) (Sitajara) (elsewhere) (Morocomarca) (La Paz, Socca, Huancane, Calacoa) The only example occurred in a nonminimal pair; see the fourth example given under 3-4.21.6. 3-4.21.5 Postvelars 3-4.21.51 /q/ ~ /q 11 / Noun: 'spindle' /g_apu/ /~apu/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) (Calacoa) /g_apu ~ ~apu/ (Salinas)
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Verb: 'to dance• 107 /t"u~u. na/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa, San Andr~s de Machaca) /t 11 uq 11 u.na ~ t 11 !!9._U.na/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Salinas) 3-4.21.52 /q 11 / ~ /q'/ Noun: •worm' /la~u/ /1 a~u/ (Calacoa) (Sitajara, Salinas Jopoqueri) 3-4.21.53 /q/ ~ /q"/ ~ /q'/ 3-4.21.6 Noun: •sweet' /musg_a/ /mus~a/ (Huancane) (Jopoqueri) /mus~a ~ mus~a/ (Salinas, San Andr~s de Machaca) Combinations of plain, aspirated, and glottal ized stops and affricates Nouns: 1 brooch 1 (San Andr~s de Machaca, Jopoqueri) (Calacoa) /~ich 1 i ~ Lich 11 i/ (Salinas)
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l 08 'thorn' /ch 11 a.E!_i ~ ch'i.E!_a/ (Calacoa) /ch 1 a~i/ (Morocomarca) (Jopoqueri) /ch'a.E!_i ~ ch 1 a~i/ (Salinas) •ant' /si.E!_ilan~a/ (Sitijara) /siQ.'.._i l anka/ 'rooster• (Calacoa) (Calacoa) (Jopoqueri) 3-4.22 Correspondences of stops or affricates with fricatives or glide /y/ The velar and postvelar stops and the palatal affricates enter into correspondences with the fricatives. There are also correspondences of velar stops and frica tives plus /i/ (/ki/ or /ji/) with the front glide /y/. Correspondences of /k/ and /j/ and of /ch/ and /s/ are paralleled by certain morphophonemic rules that change the stop or affricate to the fricative under certain con ditions in certain dialects (see 4-3.22.23 and 4-3.22.25). 3-4.22. l Stops and fricatives 3-4.22.11 /k/ ~ /k"/ ~ /j/ Correspondences of velar stop and fricative occur in a number of morphemes including some that have a high
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109 functional load like the verbal derivational suffix -ka~ -k 11 a~ -ja-. Nouns: 'big' 'same, identical 1 Verbs: 'to die' Particle: 'fast' Suffix: /1ach I a/ /_j_ach'a/ /ki1pa/ /kijpa/ /1iwa.na/ /_j_iwa.na/ /mali/ /ma :ii/ /ma:ji/ (Juli) (elsewhere) (La Paz) (Jopoqueri) (Juli) (elsewhere) (Calacala) (La Paz) (Calacoa) (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) Verbal derivational: incompletive, 'ahead' /-ka-/ (La Paz, Juli, Morocomarca) /-ja-/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) /-ka~ -k"a-/ (Salinas) 6
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110 3-4.22. 12 /k/ ~ /k 11 / ~ /j/ ~ /s/ These correspond in the /iri/ forms of the Desidera tive and Remonstrator tense inflectional suffixes (Figures 6-5 and 6-6) as summarized below. Clusters of stop fricative, fricative-stop, or fricative-fricative alternate with single phonemes. Desiderative Remonstrator /s/ /sk/ {La Paz) /k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Juli) /k/ ~ /j/ /k/ (Socca) /s/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /ks/ (Huancane) /k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Calacoa) /j/ ~ /js/ /j/ ~ /js/ {Sitajara) /j/ /j/ {Jopoqueri) /j/ ~ /s/ /j/ ~ /s/ {Salinas) /k 11 / ~ /s/ /k/ ~ /k 11 / (Morocomarca) 3-4.22. 13 /q/ ~ /x/ Noun: 'dog' /anuqara/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Huancane, Vitocota) /anu~ara/ (Sitajara)
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111 Verbal derivational suffix: 'completive' (Calacala) (elsewhere) 3-4.22.2 Velar stop and/or velar fricative plus /i/, and /y/ (or vowel length or zero) 3-4.22.21 /ki/ ~ /y/ Noun suffix: 'for' /-tayj /-taki/ (Sitajara) (elsewhere) 3-4.22.22 /ki/ ~ /ji/ ~ /y/ Independent nonfinal suffix: 'just, only' /-ki/ /-ki ~ -ji/ /-ki ~ -y/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri) (Morocomarca, Salinas) (Sitajara) 3-4.22.23 /ki/ ~ /k"i/ ~ /ji/ ~ /y/ ~ /:/ ~ /'/JI Independent nonfinal suffix: 'aggregate, cautionary' /-raki/ (Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Huancan~7, La Paz, Jopoqueri) /-raki ~ -raji/ (Calacala, Morocomarca) /-raki ~ -raji ~ -r.!5_ ~ -ray} (Sitajara) / k . k". . . / -ra_, ~ -ra_, ~ -ra.J..:!.. ~ -ra-=-~ -ra (Salinas) 8
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11 2 3-4.22.3 Affricates and fricatives 3-4.22.31 /ch/~ /s/ Nouns: 1 beard 1 1 small 1 'happy' 1 five 1 3-4.22.32 /ch 11 / ~ /s/ ~ Verb: 'to lead animal (e. g. cow)' 'to lead one small animal' /chunk 11 a/ /sunk 11 a/ /chiq 11 a/ l.?..iq' a/ /i.?..k I a/ (Salinas) (Sitajara) (La Paz/Compi) (Jopoqueri) (Juli, Calacoa) V V /ichk 1 a/ [ick'a ~ isk'a] (Sitajara) /ku.?..i/ /k'uchi/ /pichq 11 a/ /pi.?..q"a/ /j/ /ch 11 ik 11 a.na/ /j_ik 11 a.na/ f.?..ik 11 a.wa.na/ /j_i k 11 a. na/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas) (Juli, Sitajara) (Calacala) (Huancane) (Jopoqueri) (La Paz/Campi) (Calacoa) (Jopoqueri)
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113 The verb 'to ask' displays correspondences of affricates and fricatives in initial position and of the velar stop and fricatives in medial position. In most of the following examples the verbal derivational suffixes -t'amomentaneous and -sireflexive/reciprocal occur in the stems. /chik.t'a.si.na/ /ch'ij.t'a.si.na/ /chi~.t•a.si.na/ /j_i~.t•a.si.na/ /jisk"i.na/ /ji~. t a. na/ /~i~.t•a.na/ (Salinas) ( Jopoqueri ) (Jopoqueri; a different speaker from the above) (La Paz, Sitajara) (Sitajara) (Juli) (Juli) /~.i~t•a.si.na ~ ~i!_.t'a.si.na/ (Morocomarca) 3-4.22.3 Affricate /ch/ and fricative-stop /st/ Verb: 'to come out' /michu.na/ /mistu.na/ (Calacoa) (elsewhere)
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114 3-4.23 Correspondences of fricatives, nasals, glides, laterals, and flap 3-4.23.l Fricatives /j/ and /s/ Noun: 'door' /j_ist'ana/ /~it 'aria/ (La Paz, Morocomarca) (Salinas) /j_ist'ana ~ ~it'ana/ (Jopoqueri) /~ist 1 ana/ (Calacoa) See also the correspondences shown under 3-4.22.32 and the discussion of the verb sa.na (6-4). 3-4.23.2 Fricative /j/ and nasals 3-4.23.21 /j/ ~ /m/ Verb: 'to select {grapes from a bunch, chuno from a pile, etc.)' /j_amu.rpaya.na ~ mamu.rpaya.na/ 3-4.23.22 /j/ ~ /n/ Noun: 'a while ago' /j_ink"ara/ /.!J..ink"ara/ (La Paz, Tiahuanaco) (Jopoqueri) (La Paz, Salinas)
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115 3-4.23.23 / j / ~ /n/ Noun: 'ugly, disgusting' /jaxt'ana/ (Sitajara) /liaxt'ana/ (Salinas) 3-4.23.24 / j / ~ /nh/ Noun: 'face' /anhanu/ (Sitajara) /ajanu/ (elsewhere) 3-4.23.3 Fricative /j/ and glides 3-4.23.31 / j / ~ /w/ Noun: 'straw' /j_i ch''u/ (Sitajara, La Paz/Compi) /wich"u/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacoa) Verbs: I to fly' /j_ala.na/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) /~ala.na/ (Calacoa) 'to run' /jala.na/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
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'to count' 3-4.23.32 /j/ ~ /y/ Noun: 'other' 3-4.23.4 Laterals Nouns: 'all, completely' 'stone deaf' 'brother' 116 /jaku.na/ /jak 11 u.na/ /wak 11 u.na/ /jaq 11 apa/ /yaq 11 apa/ /yaq 11 ipa/ /liju ~ lliju/ /liju/ /luxt'u/ /.lluta/ /jila/ /j ill a/ (Calacoa) (La Paz, Sacca, Sitajara) (Jopoqueri, Salinas) (Sitajara) ""< (Vitocota) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (Salinas) (La Paz, Calacoa) (Morocomarca, Huancan~) (Sitajara) (all dialects) (Jopoqueri; one source) 3-4.23.5 Laterals and nasals 3-4.23.51 /1/ ~ /n/ Nouns: 'flower' /kalawila ~ kalawi.!!_a/ (Calacoa)
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'eye, before' Verbs: 'to cause to burn' 'to revive' 3-4.23.52 111 ~ /nl Noun: 'hair' 3-4.23.53 1111 ~ /n/ Noun: 'ant' 117 /layra/ /nayra/ /lak"a.ya.na/ /nak"a.ya.na/ /tulura.na/ /tunura.na/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (elsewhere) (Salinas, Jopoqueri) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (Sacca) (Sitajara) /lak'uta ~ nak'uta/ (Jopoqueri) /lak' uta/ /nak' uta/ /nik'uta/ /]link'i/ /nink'i/ (Morocomarca) (Salinas) (La Paz/Campi, Sitajara, Calacoa) (La Paz/Campi) (Jopoqueri)
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118 3-4.23.6 Lateral /11/ and glides 3-4.23.61 /11/ ~ /y/ Nouns: 1 boy 1 /}luqalla ~ yuqalla/ (several dialects) 1 rain 1 Final suffix: pol itive 3-4.23.62 /11/ ~ /w/ Noun: /jaJj_u/ /jayu/ /-Jj_a/ /-ya/ /-Jj_a ~ -ya/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacoa) (La Paz) (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Juli, Socca, Calacala) (La Paz, Morocomarca) (Sitajara, Huancane, Calacoa) 'wind instrument ensemble' /Jj_ichiwayu/ (Corque/Jopoqueri) /wichiwayu/ 3-4.23.7 Laterals and flap /r/ 3-4.23.71 /1/ ~ /r/ Nouns: 1 north 1 /alaxa/ /ar_axa/ (La Paz/Compi) (La Paz/Compi) (Jopoqueri)
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'youngest child' 'naked' 'day before yesterday' Noun suffix: 'on account of' , __ . .,., .. 3-4.23.72 /11 / ~ /r/ Noun: 'flower' 3-4.23.8 Nasals 3-4.23.81 /ml ~ /n/ Nouns: 'three' 119 /ch'uli/ /ch'uri/ /q'alanchu/ /q'a.r_anchu/ /waluru/ /walu:ru/ /waruru/ /maruru/ /-.r_ayku/ /-layku/ /p 11 anq"al]_i/ /panqara/ /p 11 aq"ara/ /ki!!_sa/ /kimsa/ (Sacca) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, La Paz/Campi) (La Paz/Campi) (Calacoa) (Sitajara, Calacoa) (La Paz, Juli) (Jopoqueri) (Morocomarca) (Morocomarca) (elsewhere) (Jopoqueri) (La Paz) (Morocomarca) (Morocomarca, Calacala, Salinas) (elsewhere)
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•curve• Noun suffix: 1 wi th 1 , agentive Verbal derivational •away, off 1 3-4.23.82 /n/ ~ In/ Noun: 1 back 1 120 /irama/ /irana/ /-~pi/ /-nti/ [ndi] /-!!!Pi~ -nti/ suffix: /-mucha-/ /-muchu-/ /-muku-/ /-!!_uchu-/ /-.!!_uku-/ /jik 11 i!!_a/ /ji k 11 ana/ /ji k 11 a!!_i/ /jik 11 ana/ /ji k I i.[a/ (La Paz/Campi) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Huancane, Calacoa, Sitajara) (Salinas) (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala) (Salinas) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b) (La Paz) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, La Paz/Campi) (La Paz/Campi) (Sitajara) (Calacoa) (Salinas) (Morocomarca)
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'behind, west' 'already' 1 hoe 1 l 21 /k 11 ina/ l.!!_iya ~ na/ /1 ijwana/ /liwk'ana/ 3-4.23.9 Nasals and glides 3-4.23.91 /m/ ~ /w/ Nouns: 'woman, wife' /!!!_armi/ /'!!._armi/ 'last night' /!!!_asayp'u/ (Jopoqueri) (all dialects) (Juli, La Paz) (Salinas) (Sitajara; also Berton io 1603 b) (elsewhere) (Juli) /masayp 1 u ~ wasayp'u/ (La Paz) 'yesterday' 'day before yesterday' /masu:ru/ /masuru/ /masawru/ (Juli, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (Calacoa, Sitajara) (Huancane) /!!!_asu:ru ~ '!!._asu:ru/ (La Paz) /maruru/ /waruru/ (Morocomarca) (Jopoqueri)
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3-4.23.92 /n/ ~ /y/ Noun: 'evil, bad one• 3 4 . 2 3 . 1 0 G 1 i des /w/ ~ / y / Nouns: 'how much/many' 'freeze-dried oca' 'uncle' 'mother's brother' Verb: 'to weave• 122 /nanq 11 a/ /y_anq 11 a/ /q .. a~q .. a/ /q 11 ay_q 11 a/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (La Paz; heard by La Paz/ Tiahuanaco source) (Huancan~, Jopoqueri) (Salinas) /api 11 k 11 aya/ (Jopoqueri) /apill k 11 awi/ (Salinas) /k 11 awi/ (Morocomarca) /kaya/ (La Paz/Campi) /tiwula/ /tiy_ula/ /tiwula/ /sa_iu.na/ /sawu.na/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Jopoqueri) (Morocomarca) (Sacca, Morocomarca)
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123 3-4.23. 11 Glide /y/ and flap /r/ Verb: 'to speak' /parla.na/ /payla.na/ (most dialects) (Calacoa)
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Nouns: 'this' 'river' 'small' 'ugly' Verbs: 'to run' 'to be born' 'to spend the night' 124 /aka~ j_aka/ (Morocomarca) /aka/ /awira/ /jawira/ (elsewhere) (Juli) (elsewhere) /isk'a ~ jisk'a/ (Juli, Calacoa) /ichk'a/ /jisk'a/ /naxt'ana/ /jaxt'ana/ /axt'ana/ /jala.na/ / j a 1. t ' a. na/ /al.ta.na/ (Sitajara) (La Paz, Huancane, Morocomarca, Jopoqueri) (Salinas) (Sitajara) (Juli) (La Paz) (Juli, Calacoa) (Sitajara) /(j_)iki.nuqu.na/ (Jopoquer,) /ik.nuqa.na/ (Juli) /ik.nuqa.na/ (La Paz/Campi)
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125 Bertonio (1603b) gave a number of examples of nouns and verbs beginning with /j/ or a vowel (or either) which in present-day La Paz Aymara have the opposite form or only one of them. (Bertonio 1603b) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'evening' + /aypu/ /j_ayp'u/ 1 bird 1 +/amachi/ /j_amach' i/ 'meat' +/jaycha/ /aycha/ 'to drink' +/juma-/ /uma.na/ 'to take people' +I.. I .J_1rpa/irpa.na/ 'to come' + . / 1_uta ~ uta/ /juta.na/ Similar correspondences are found between examples of Puno Aymara given by M. Franco Inojosa (1965) and corre sponding terms in La Paz Aymara. Within one dialect, however, especially in verbs, there is little free varia tion in initial /j/ and 0 since two different verbs may differ solely in the presence or absence of initial /j/. The following minimal pairs are from La Paz/Tiahuanaco: a_}'.'.. ta. na_ 'to pick up a a_}'.'.t.su.na 'to rinse a pot' cylindrical object 1 ja_}'.'..ta.na 'to leave' ja_}'.'.t.su.na 'to abandon'
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126 3-4.25.2 /x/ ~ /'/JI Noun: 'stone deaf' /luxt 1 u/ (Huancane, Morocomarca) /lluta/ (Sitajara) 3-4.25.3 /ml ~ /'/JI Noun: 'girl 1 /)B_imilla/ (Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b:200) /imilla/ (elsewhere) Verbal inflectional suffix: 1+2 Future /-mama/ (Calacoa) /-ma:ma/ (Sitajara) /-:ma/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) /-mama~ -:ma/ (Juli, Socca, Huancan~) 3-4.25.4 /n/ ~ I '/JI Nouns: 1 a while ago' /ni.!!_k 11 a: ra/ (La Paz, Compi) /ni.!!_k 11 ara/ (Salinas) /nik 11 ira/ (Sitajara) /nik 11 iri/ (Socca)
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'flower' Noun/verb: 'food/to eat' 3-4.25.5 /n/ ~ /'/JI (See 3-4.25.1, 3-4.25.6 /y/ ~ /'/JI Noun: 'much' 3-4.25.7 /w/ ~ If/JI Noun: 'smoke' 127 /panqara/ (La Paz) /p 11 anq 11 alli/ (Jopoqueri) /p 11 aq 11 ara/ (Morocomarca) /manq'a/ /maq'a/ 'ugly'.) /ay_ncha/ /ancha/ /jiwq Ii/ /jiq'i/ (La Paz, Huancan~, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Calacoa) (Salinas, Morocomarca) (Corque) (La Paz) (la Paz/Compi) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 3-4.3 Correspondences of vowels and/or vowel length and nonstop consonants 3-4.31 Correspondence of plain and/or lengthened vowel and vowel-glide-vowel This type of correspondence is paralleled by a morphophonemic rule (4-3.22. 14) that reduces sequences of
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128 vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain vowel in certain mor phemes under certain conditions. Nouns: lp pronoun 'over there' 'way over there' 'black' Verbs: 'to carry a long, rigid object' 'to come' /naya/ /n~ ~ na:/ (La Paz) (Huancane, Sitajara) /n~ ~ na: ~ naya/ (elsewhere) /k"a:/ /k"aya/ (Calacoa) (elsewhere) /k"_!! ~ k"u:/ (Salinas) /ch'~ra/ /ch 1 ~ra/ /a:.xaru.wa.na/ /~.na/ /j_!!ta.na/ /jawuta.na/ (Huancan) (Morocomarca) (Sitajara) (elsewhere) (Calacoa) 9 (elsewhere) (most dialects) (San Jesas de Machaca)
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'to cook' 'to be born' (human) 129 /p 11 ~. na/ /p 11 ~.na/ (Sitajara) (La Paz, Salinas, Calacoa) /p"~na ~ p 11 ~. na/ (Jopoqueri) /yuri.na/ /yawri. na/ (Calacala, Morocomarca, Huancane) (Juli, parts of La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Verbal derivational suffixes: 'multiple action' 'causative' 1 distancer 1 /-rp~-/ /-rp~-/ (Sitajara, Salinas, Jopoqueri, Corque; also Bertonio 1603b) (elsewhere) (Calacala, Morocomarca) I-.::_~ -~-/ (Huancane) /-~-/ (elsewhere) /-wa-/ (Juli, Huancane, Sacca, Calacoa, Calacala) /-wa~ -wa:~ -waya-/ (Sitajara) /-waya~ -wa:/ (La Paz) Similar correspondences occur in the lp possessive suffix and in the 1+3 Future suffix (see 3-4.32) and in the 3+3 RIK suffix (see Figure 6-10).
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130 3-4.32 Correspondences of nonstop consonants and vowel length Correspondences of nonstop consonants and vowel length occur in initial position in three suffixes, all of very frequent occurrence: the lp possessive noun suffix (5-3.24), the 1+3 Future verbal inflectional suffix (Figure 6-3), and the attenuator/topic final suffix (7-2.22.12). The lp possessive and 1+3 F suffixes have correspondences of velar and postvelar fricatives, palatal and velar nasals, palatal glide, and vowel length. The palatal lateral occurs initially in the lp possessive allomorph of one dialect (Vitocota). In all dialects vowel length occurs as an allomorph of 1+3 F; vowel length as an allomorph of lp possessive occurs in only two dia lects (Sacca, La Paz/Tiahuanaco). The allomorphs of the lp possessive and 1+3 F suffixes in one dialect are not necessarily identical; the 1+3 F suffix has more allo morphs than does the lp possessive. Only the postvelar fricative and vowel length correspond in the attenuator/topic suffix. 3-4.32. 1 /j/ ~ /x/ ~ /11/ ~ /n/ ~ /nh/ ~ /y/ ~ /:/ Noun suffix: lp possessive 10 /-ja/ {Juli, Huancane, Sacca, Calacoa, Campi, San Andres de Machaca, Vitocota)
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131 /-xa/ (La Paz city, La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) /lla/ (Vitocota) /-na/ (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) /-nha/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) + /-ya/ (Ross 1963) /-:/ (Sacca, La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 3-4.32.2 /j/ ~ /x/ ~ /n/ ~ /nh/ ~ /y/ ~ /:/ Verbal inflectional suffix: 1+3 Future 11 /-:ja/ (La Paz) /-ja:/ (Juli, Sacca, Huancan~, Calacoa) /-ja/ (Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa) /-:xa/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa) /-na ~ -na:/ (Salinas) /-nh(a)/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) /-ya~ -ya:/ (Morocomarca, Calacala) /-ya:/ (La Paz, Sacca) /-:/ (all dialects) 3-4.32.3 Final suffix: attenuator/topic /-:/ /-: -xa/ (Morocomarca) (Sitajara, Juli, Calacoa, Salinas)
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3-4.4 Metathesis 132 /-xa/ (elsewhere; as this ap pears to be the most corrmon allomorph, the suffix is usually re ferred to as -xa final suffix) This is a common process in Aymara both within and across dialects and even within idiolects. It most often occurs in nouns. There are two main types: (1) reversal of two phonemes in sequence, and (2) transposition of features, of vowels, or of consonants. 3-4.41 Reversal of two phonemes in sequence 3-4. 41. l Stops Noun: 'same, identical 1 3-4.41.2 Lateral-glide Nouns: 1 cage 1 1 gull 1 1 fish 1 /kip_!$_a/ (Sitajara) /kip_!$_a ~ ki~a/ (La Paz) /jalwa ~ jawla/ (La Paz)
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3.4.41.3 Nasal-glide Noun: 'egg' 133 /k I anwa/ /k' awna/ (Salinas) (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa) Verbal inflectional suffix: 3+3 RIK 3-4.41.4 Glide-flap Nouns: 'quinoa' 'needle' '11 ama 1 'cold wind' /-ta.Y.!!_a ~ ta.!ll_a/ [tana] (La Paz, Calacoa) /jiwra/ (Sitajara, Calacoa) /jirwa ~ jiwra/ (Socca) /yarwi/ /yawri/ (Salinas) (Sitajara, La Paz) /qarwa ~ qawra/ (Jopoqueri, La Paz) /qarwa/ /q"arwa/ /q 11 awra/ (Salinas) (Morocomarca) (Sitajara) /way.r_a ~ war:t_a/ (La Paz) /way.r_a/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
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3-4.41.5 Vowel-fricative Noun: 1 small 1 134 /isk 1 a/ /sik 1 a/ (Juli, Calacoa) (Jopoqueri) Verbal inflectional suffixes: 3+4 Simple 3+4 Future 3-4.41.5 Vowel-glide Nouns: 1 dry grain' 1 quinoa 1 3-4.41.6 Vowel-nasal Noun: 1 already 1 /-istu/ /-situ/ /-sitani/ (La Paz, Huancane, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (Socca) (La Paz, Huancane, Jopo queri, Salinas, Moroco marca) (Socca) /j!JY__ra/ [juira] (La Paz/Compi) /j~ra/ [juira] (Jopoqueri, Salinas) / j iwra/ [j 'fura] (Sitajara, Calacoa, Socca) /_!!j_ya ~ .i!!,ya/ (Jopoqueri)
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135 3-4.42 Transposition of features, vowels, or consonants 3-4.42.l Features 3-4.42. ll Aspiration and plainness Noun: 1 five 1 Verb: 1 to dance• /p.'.'._isqa/ /pisq.'.'._a/ /tuq_'.'._u.na/ /t.'.'._uqu.na/ (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, Sitajara) (Huancane, Morocomarca) (Juli) (La Paz, Salinas) 3.4.42. 12 Aspiration and glottalization Noun: 1 brooch 1 3-4.42.2 Vowels Nouns: 1 thorn 1 1 morning 1 1 skunk 1 /p.'.'._ich~i/ (Jopoqueri) /p~ich_'.'._i ~ p_'.'._ich~i/ (Salinas) /ch 11 ~i ~ ch 1 i_py (Calacoa) /arumarji ~ arumirjy (La Paz) /anut 11 ~a/ /an~t 11 _!!Ya/ (Juli, Salinas) (Huancan~)
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136 3-4.42.3 Consonants 3-4.5 Nouns: 1 ant 1 /sik~mira/ (Salinas, Morocomarca) /k'isimira ~ sik'imira/ (La Paz/Compi) 1 cap 1 /ch'ullu ~ lluch'u/ (La Paz) Correspondence of final (C)CV sequence with another CV sequence or zero In the following three-vowel nouns the final (C)CV may be a frozen suffix that is no longer productive. 3-4.51 /nku/ ~ /ya/ 1 skunk 1 /anat 11 unku ~ anat 11 uEf (Socca) /anat 11 U.Y2_ ~ anat'um (Huancan~) /anut 11 am (Juli, Salinas) 3-4.52 /qa/ ~ /qu/ ~ /chu/ 'alpaca' 3-4.53 /qa/ ~ /la/ 'partridge' /all pa~ /alpa~ /alpachu/ /pisa~ /pisa.:@/ (La Paz) (Jopoqueri) (Sitajara, Salinas) (Jopoqueri~ Salinas) (Sitajara, Calacoa)
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137 3-4.54 /chu/ ~/chi/~ 0 'guinea pig' /wank'uchu/ (Calacoa} /wank'uchi/ (Vitocota} /wank'u/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara} 3-4.55 /ta/ ~ 0 'sandal 1 /wisk 11 uta/ (Vitocota} /wisk 11 u/ (elsewhere} 3-4.56 /wa/ ~ 0 3-4.6 'slingshot' /q'ura/ /q'urawa/ (Sitajara} (elsewhere} Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and zero Verbal inflectional suffixes: 3+3 Imperative /-pa~ -pan/ (La Paz) /-pa/ (Huancane) /-pan/ (Sitajara, Salinas) Jopoqueri, /-pana/ (Juli) /-p 11 ana/ (Socca) /-sapa:na/ (Calacoa) 3+3 Desiderative /-(:)sp 11 a ~ -(:)sp 11 ana/ (Morocomarca) /-spa/ (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~, Calacoa, Jopoqueri, Salinas)
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4+3 Desiderative 2+1 Desiderative 1+2 RDK 3+2 RDK 138 /-sna ~ -snan/ (La Paz) /-sna/ /-sna/ (HuancanE:?) (elsewhere) /-itasma ~ -itasman/ (La Paz, Juli) /-itasma/ /-:sma/ /-:sna/ /-sma:na/ /-sma:'fll /-:tam/ /-:tama/ /-tama:na/ /-tma:na/ (elsewhere) (La Paz, Socca) (HuancanE:?) (Jopoqueri) (Morocomarca) (La Paz) (Sacca) (Jopoqueri) (Morocomarca) Independent nonfinal suffix: 'really' /-pani/ /-pini/ /-puni/ (Jopoqueri) (Juli, Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca) (HuancanE:?, Socca, Calacoa) /-pini ~ -puni/ (La Paz) /-pini ~ -pi/ (Calacala)
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3-4.7 3-4.8 139 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and vowel length or zero, and correspondence of final /ma/ and zero Noun/independent suffix: 1 like' /-jama ~ ja:ma ~ -ja/ (La Paz) /-jama ~ -ja/ (Juli, Huancan~, Sitajara) /-ja:ma ~ -ja ~ -k 11 a ~ -:ma/ (Jopoqueri) /-ja ~-:ma~ -:mu/ (Salinas) /-ja:ma ~-:ma~ -vma/ (Morocomarca) /-ja/ (Calacoa, Sacca) Combinations of correspondences in one word Several of the examples already given display dif ferent kinds of correspondences. Two unusually variable morpheme sets are the following nouns: 'a while ago' 'sweet' /jink"ara/ (Jopoqueri) /nik"ira/ (Sitajara) /nik"iri/ (Sacca) /nink 11 ara/ (Salinas, La Paz) /nink"a:ra/ (La Paz) /nink 11 ra/ (Morocomarca) /misk'i/ (Calacala, Morocomarca) /musq'a ~ musq 11 a/ (Salinas) /misk'i ~ musqa ~ muxsa/ (Huancane) (continued)
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140 1 sweet 1 (cont.) /muxsa/ (Calacoa, Sitajara) /musq 11 a ~ muxsa/ (San Andres de Machaca) /musq'a/ (Jopoqueri) 3-5 Conclusion As shown by the evidence presented in this chapter, the only dialect division that can be made for Aymara on the basis of phoneme inventory alone is the division between the two dialects having the velar nasal phoneme (Carangas and Tarata) and all the rest. Apa-rt-from this distinction all Aymara dialects share canonical form restrictions on shapes of roots and suffixes, a basic word stress pattern, and rules for the adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara. Cross-dialectal phonemic correspondences and free variation within dialects show that in Aymara as a whole certain phonemes are more stable than others. Vowel in stability is evident in the considerable number of cross dialectal vowel correspondences that occur and in processes of vowel deletion and devoicing (see Chapter 4). Of the consonants the stops are the most stable although aspira tion and glottalization rather easily shift from one stop or affricate to another in a word, or may be absent in one allomorph and present in another. The velar stop and to a lesser extent the postvelar stop are less stable than the other stops, corresponding in some allomorphs to
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141 the velar or postvelar fricatives, respectively. The affricate is also unstable, corresponding often to frica tives, which is not surprising in view of its fricative offset. The velar and postvelar fricatives and the voiced nonstop consonants are the most unstable Aymara consonants. Summarizing, the unstable phonemes of Aymara are the sonorants (the vowels and voiced consonants), the affricates, and the fricatives. They all have in common the articulatory feature nonstop, permitting passage of air throughout or at some stage of the articulation. (The term continuant used by Pike to refer to nonstop consonants is being avoided here since in contemporary usage it excludes nasals.) Phonological correspondences alone do not permit grouping of dialects. Still, some dialectal patterning of phoneme correspondences occurs. La Paz tends to have /k/ in a number of morphemes where other dialects may have /j/, and this dialect gives an overall impression of less aspiration, partly because of the absence of aspiration on certain high-frequency morphemes that have it in other dialects. Dialects having initial nasals in the lp possessive suffix (the southern dialects Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala plus the intermediate dia lect Sitajara) may be distinguished from those having initial velar or postvelar fricatives in that suffix (the northern dialects La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Huancan~,
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142 Calacoa). Additional dialect groupings on the basis of patterning of phonological correspondences are given in the conclusions to Chapters 5, 6, and 7 and in Chapter 10. Other phonological variation that occurs in Aymara is attributable to dialect-specific morphophonemic rules affecting the phonetic realizations of phonemes (for example voicing of stops) or causing phoneme shifts or deletions. These are discussed in Chapter 4.
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143 Notes 1 vowel length often corresponds to glide plus vowel. See note 2 below. 2 vowel length corresponds to glide plus vowel in a number of cases (see 3-4.3). A lengthened vowel may act phonetically like vowel plus glide making it impos sible to tell whether length or glide is occurring when the homorganic glide follows /i/ or /u/. For example, /-pi:/ and /-pu:/ occur as variants of the final suffix -pi ~ -pi: ~ -pu ~ -pu: reiterator of known information (7-2.22.4). /-pi:/ and /-pu:/ retain vowel height before the postvelar fricative /x/, as would be the case with /piy/ and /puw/ but not with /pi/ and /pu/. Examples of /-pi:/ and /-pu:/ before /x/ (thesentence suffix -xa) are the following (see also note 10): Intinti.pi:.xa. 'She understands!?' (Sitajara) Sa.ta.pu: .xa. 'It's called.' (repeating name of place) (Corque) 3 A source from San Andres de Machaca told me that near Zepita and Desaguadero (both in the province of Chucuito, department of Puno) there is another place called Carangas where /nh/ also occurs. Whether it is in fact the phoneme or merely an allophone of another nasal needs to be determined. 4 contrary to L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3.76), /m/ may occur before stops other than the /p/ series, e. g. amta.si.na 'to remember'. 5 some Spanish loans with /i/ ~ /u/ correspondences, that occur in all dialects, entered Aymara at different times before and after the Spanish sibilant shift. According to Alonso (1967), that shift took place between 1550 and 1630 and involved a change of /s/ (spelled x) to /x/ (sp e 11 e d j ) .
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Spanish ovexa [oee~a] > oveja [oee~a] > oveja II > 144 Aymara iwisa iwija uwija {pre-1630) (early post-1630) (contemporary) The reason for the original borrowing's shift in initial vowel from the back mid /o/ (whose reflex in Aymara would be /u/) to the front /i/ is unknown; it may be that a vowel harmony rule was then in effect in Aymara (see 4-3.22. 11). 6 salinas has a morphophonemic rule whereby the /k/ of this suffix becomes /j/ in certain environments; see 4-3.22.23. 7 Huancane has a morphophonemic rule whereby /-raki/ becomes /-raj/ before -chi NI (see 4-3.22.23). 8 see also 4-3.22.23 and 7-2.21.4. 9 Although *a:.na did not occur in the data, the existence of a:.xaru.wa.na implies its existence, if only as an underlying form. The suffix -xarurequires a pre ceding consonant, but here the length is retained by a morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22. 15) whereby vowel length in verb roots is retained before consonant-requiring suf fixes. Bertonio (1603b) cited several verb roots with long vowel, including +a:-, the semantic equivalent of La Paz aya.na. -10speakers using /-ja/ lp possessive have no homophony with the final suffix -xa in this instance (see the examples under 3-2.3), but dialects having /-xa/ lp possessive do have homophony with final suffix -xa. Thus, in the latter the following is either 'my cat' or 'the/a cat': p 11 isi.xa. Of course, the lp suffix /-xa/ may be followed by the final suffix -xa giving p II i s i . x a . x a I my cat 1 -11 correspondences of/:/, /j/, /n/, and /nh/ occur in 2+3 Future, and of/:/, /n/, and /nh/ in 2+1 Future (see Figure 6-3).
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CHAPTER 4 VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS 4-1 Introduction Morphophonemics may be defined as the rules which determine the phonological shapes of morphemes under dif ferent phonological, morphological, and syntactic condi tions. All three kinds of conditioning occur in Aymara. All morphophonemic rules in the language are morphologically conditioned in that they apply within morphemes or across morpheme boundaries, and/or to certain morphemes or mor pheme classes and not to others. Some are also phono logically conditioned, involving (1) instability of cer tain phonemes; (2) permitted and unpermitted phoneme sequences and the effects of phonemes on each other when they occur in sequence; and (3) hierarchical ordering of phonemes (i. e. predominance of one over another). Some are syntactically conditioned by the sentence position or function of the word that is subject to the rule in question. Of overriding importance in Aymara are the re gressive and progressive vowel-deleting and -retaining 145
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146 rules, most of which pertain to suffixes. The rules for suffixes are all morphologically determined in that they apply to individual morphemes, but some are also phono logically and syntactically conditioned. Vowel-deletion and -retention in noun roots, stems, and themes are subject to syntactic considerations (position and function as head or modifier of a noun phrase, or function as subject or object of a verb) and also to phonotactics (e. g. the number of vowels in a modifier in a noun phrase). The particle root jani 'no, not' loses its final vowel in certain syntactically conditioned circumstances. Vowel-deletion and -retention in certain verb stems are also subject to phonotactic considerations. 4-2 Morphologically Determined Vowel-Deleting and -Retaining Rules (Morphophonemics of Suffixes) In addition to its classification by phonemic shape and grammatical function, each suffix in Aymara may be defined in terms of the effect it has (1) on the immediately preceding environment with respect to presence or absence of vowel or consonant, and (2) on the disposi tion of its own final vowel. Some of the conditioning is phonological and some syntactic, but it is primarily morphological and must be stated for each suffix, as is
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147 done in Chapters 5, 6, and 7. The following generaliza tions about suffix classes may be made. 4-2. 1 Phonological and morphological conditioning All suffixes starting with/:/ vowel length, /y/, and /11/ require a preceding vowel. All suffixes starting with /w/ require a preceding vowel except -wa final suffix which may take either a preceding vowel or consonant. All suffixes beginning with a vowel (always /i/) require a preceding consonant, except that the nominalizing suffix -iri when following vowel length verbalization in Huancan~ (see 4-3.22. 12) permits a pre ceding /a/, the /i/ then becoming the homorganic glide /y/. All but three noun suffixes beginning with a voiced consonant and all but two verbal derivational suffixes beginning with a voiced consonant always re quire a preceding vowel. The three noun suffixes that do not always require a preceding vowel are -layku ~ -rayku 1 0n account of 1 and -ma~ -mma (a frozen suffix) which basically require a preceding vowel but are subject to the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22. 16), and -na 1 0n in 1 -which is usually preceded by a vowel but has more complex morphophonemics in certain dialects. Verbal derivational suffixes that begin with the nasal /n/ but may be preceded by either a consonant or a vowel are -naqa'around, aimlessly' and -nuqaplacer.
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148 Verbal inflectional suffixes beginning with nasals require a preceding vowel except that one suffix beginning with /m/, 2+3 Imperative, is affected by the preceding morphological environment (see 6-3.33). Verbal inflec tional suffixes ending in nasals may be assumed to have an underlying final /a/ since it reappears before the final suffix -lla ~ -ya, and in fact all nasal-final verbal inflectional suffixes have allomorphs that end in vowels in one or more dialects. Most verbal inflectional suffixes ending in a vowel keep it before final suffixes although they may lose it word-finally, but verbal inflec tional suffixes ending in /Vna/ or /:na/ and allomorphs of 1+3 ending in /ta/ or /t 11 a/ (except in Calacoa) drop the final /a/ before following suffixes except -lla ~ -ya. The behavior of the final vowel of the 2+3 Imperative suffix -ma and of a few other suffixes also involving the 2p varies dialectically. 4-2.2 Morphological conditioning Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes specify whether a consonant or vowel will precede, but (except for certain of the noun complement/relational suffixes; see 5-3.31) do not control the retention or loss of their own final vowel. Verbal inflectional suffixes both specify the preceding environment and con trol the retention and loss of their own final vowel (within the phonological limitations indicated above).
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149 4-2.3 Phonological and syntactic conditioning Phonotactic (canonical form) considerations such as (1) the number of preceding vowels on a stem, or (2) avoidance of final consonant clusters caused by syntac tically-determined final vowel-deletion, condition regres sive vowel-deletion or -retention by certain noun and verbal derivational suffixes. (See 4-3.22. 16.on the three-vowel rule; 5-3.24 on the personal possessive noun suffixes; and 7-4.21.23 on the suffix combination -na.taki 'in order to'.) 4-2.4 Morphological and syntactic conditioning Nonfinal independent suffixes specify the pre ceding environment but allow the previous morpheme, syntactic considerations, and/or the following suffix to override their basic morphophonemics. Final suffixes (except -lla ~ -ya politive which requires a preceding vowel by phonological conditioning) allow previous mor phemes and syntactic considerations to decide their pre ceding environments. The retention or loss of their final vowels is subject to stylistic conditioning. 4-3 Phonotactically Conditioned Rules (Canonical Form Conditions) The following rules are conditioned by position of the phoneme or phoneme sequence in the word and involve
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150 loss of phonemes or phoneme sequences, addition or restora tion of phonemes or phoneme sequences, cluster reduction, allophonic variation, and phoneme shifts. They sometimes pertain only to certain morphemes or morpheme classes, sometimes or more than one class. They often result from suffix morphophonemics. A few are tied to syntactic con siderations. Most are optional, 1 but a few are obliga tory. 4-3. l Word-initial position 4-3. 11 Initial /j/ --> Optional loss of initial /j/ in rapid speech is not to be confused with existence of different allomorphs of one morpheme (either within a dialect or across dia lects), one beginning with a vowel and the other with that vowel preceded by /j/ (see 3-4.25). Initial /j/ often drops from the particle jalla 'thus' as in the common expression (j)all uka.t 'so then, thus' (Sacca) Loss of initial /j/ also occurs across juncture (word-boundary), as in qam.ir.agi < qam.ir jagi 'rich person' (Huancan~) jich 11 .ayp 1 u 2 < jich 11 a jayp'u (La Paz)
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l 51 4-3. 12 Initial (C)V deletion Optional deletion of initial fricative-vowel, palatal lateral-vowel, or vowel alone occurs after devoicing of the vowel in rapid speech. That is, the sequence is (C)V --> l 4-3. 12. l /jV/ --> (C)V --> 9L 2 3 Optional loss of initial /jV/ occurs most often in nouns, but it has also occurred in particles and in a verb. Examples: Nouns: ch".u:ru 3 < jich"a 'today' (Salinas) jich"a 'now uru 'day' ch'a.mma.la 4 < jach'a mama.la 'grandmother' (Jopoqueri) jach'a 'big' mama. la 'mother' sk'a:nu 5 < jisk'a anu 'little dog' (La Paz/Campi) jisk'a 'little' anu 'dog' ma: k'a.ta.x < ma: juk'a.ta.x 'a little' (Sitajara) ma: 'a' juk'a 'little' -ta 'from, of' < jupa.x 3p pronoun (Huancan~)
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152 Verb: k.xat.ta.tayna ~ q 11 at.ta.tayna 6 < jik.xat.ta.tayna 'he met' (Salinas) Particles: ni .w < jani .w 'no' (Salinas, Calacoa, Huancane) jani_ 'no' -wa final suffix sa.lla < jisa.lla 'yes' (Salinas) jisa 'yes' -lla final suffix sa.ya < jisa.ya 'yes' (La Paz, Calacala) :::.Y.2.. final suffix 43. l 2 . 2 / s a/ -> 0 The root saof the verb sa.na 'to say' may drop when followed by -sa subordinator suffix (7-4.23. l). sa.w s.i < sa.sa.w s.i 'saying he said' -wa final suffix -i 3+3 Simple tense 4-3.12.3 /lla/ --> 0 (La Paz, Sitajara) \ ,f The following were said by the same person in Sitajara on two different occasions.
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153 Wal k 11 ichu.si.ta.p.x.t. 'I am very unhappy.' Wal llak 11 ichu. s. t. 'I am very unhappy.' The variant without initial /lla/ was perceived by speakers from Sacca and Jopoqueri as 'archaic' (Spanish arcaico). 4-3. 12.4 /u/ --> 0 Loss of initial /u/ occurs on the demonstrative uka 'that' when suffixed by -jama 'like' in the form uk.jama (or uk 11 ama; see 4-3.22.22). k 11 ama.w ch 11 a.x < uk 11 ama.w jich 11 a.x 'so now' (Huancane) In other instances the first vowel of -jama becomes /u/ apparently through the progressive influence of the origi nal initial /u/ of uka. k"um [k"v m] < uk"am (Huancan~, Sitajara) 4-3. 13 Initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.na Optional preposition of /si/ or /ji/ to the verb sa.na 'to say' when inflected for the Simple tense occurs frequently in La Paz, less often in Juli and Sacca, and to some extent in Huancan~, to eliminate initial consonant clusters that would otherwise occur as the result of the morphophonemics of certain suffixes that require a
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154 preceding consonant, when the suffixes occur on the mono syllabic sa.na root. In view of the existence in Aymara of morphopho nemic rules for deleting initial CV and the absence of prefixing as a productive grammatical process in the language, it might be better to analyze sa.na as having the underlying root *!isawhich obligatorily loses its s initial CV when suffixed with -na (perhaps to avoid homophony with jis sa.na 'to say yes') but may keep it or lose it otherwise, depending on dialectal and stylis tic considerations. (For a full discussion of the morpho phonemics of this verb, see 6-4J 4-3.2 Medial position The following rules occur either medially in a word or across juncture in a noun phrase. 4-3.21 Allophonic variation 4-3.21. l /q'/ --> ['] Reduction of a glottalized postvelar stop to glottal stop alone occurs sporadically in the noun/verb root mag'a 'food/to eat' in Salinas, Calacala, and Moro comarca, as in the following examples: mag'a.nta.:nt [ma(q)'anda:nt] 'you will eat' (Calacala)
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155 maq'a. lla [ma(q)'alla] 'food' (Salinas) 4-3.21.2 /n/ --> [~J In Morocomarca a palatalized velar allophone of /n/, articulated with the blade of the tongue moving forward from velum to palate, may optionally occur in the lp possessive suffix allomorph /-na/ when it directly follows a postvelar, velar, or palatal consonant (except the glide /y/, perhaps because of its fronted onset) as the result of morphophonemic vowel dropping. (See 5-3.24 for a discussion of personal possessive suffix morphophonemics.) The allophone[~] also occurs after the alveolars /t/ and /r/. No examples after /s/ or /1/ were obtained. Examples: kullak.na [kutak9a] 'my sister' kullaka.nak.na [kutakanakDa] 'my sisters' After bilabials, [n] always occurs. Warm.na.wa. [warmnawa] 'She's my wife. 1 The articulation of a palatalized velar allophone of /n/ suggests a phonetic relic of the velar nasal phoneme /nh/ which does not exist as such in the Aymara of
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156 Morocomarca today although it occurs in the nearby dia lect of Jopoqueri. 4-3.21.3 Stop-voicing rules Stop phonemes are usually voiceless in Aymara. Voicing, if any, is subphonemic. It may be accompanied by frication, the stop in question changing to a homor ganic voiced fricative. 4-3.21.31 Voicing and frication of intervocalic plain stops7 This occurs optionally in all Aymara dialects in the demonstratives aka 'this' and uka 'that' when they occur suffixed. It occurs occasionally in certain other morphemes, in some dialects. It occurs before but not after a stressed vowel and most often in fast speech. Examples: aka [ ka] 1 th i s 1 (never *[~a]) (all dialects) uka [aka] 'that' (never *[Qa]) (all dialects) Kuna.rak aka.sti? [adsti] 'What is this?' (Huancan~) uka.t [u~t] 'then' uka.x [u~x] 'that' (all dialects) uka.t.raji [uatrdji] 'and then' (Calacala) An example from Calacala with uka.n 'in there, in that place' shows diphthong avoidance as well as
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157 voicing and frication of /k/. ing: padre uka.n [padre~n] •at the priest's house• Other examples in other morphemes are the followma: gala r~] at.xa.na.k.s 1 0n top of a stone• (Calacoa) LP 1 stone 1 pata 1 top 1 na.naka.x [nana~x] lp pronoun 1 we/us 1 (Calacala) -naka plural jagu.x [jax] 1 he fell 1 (Calacala) jaqu.na 1 to fall 1 > pur.ipun [purievn] 'having arrived' (Calacala) puri.na 1 to arrive• -ipuna subordinating suffix Ma: gamagi.ki.:n.wa. [qamaqe~:nwa] 1 He was just a fox. 1 (Salinas) -ki I just• In Calacala /k/ of the final suffix -ka topic/attenuator (which may sometimes be a reduced form of uka) may be realized as [] (see 7-2.22. 11).
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158 4-3.21.32 Voicing and frication of prevocalic /p/ in 3p suffix This occurred only in Calacala. The vowel follow ing /p/ is stressed. In both examples /p/ is preceded by a stop rather than a vowel as in the previous rule. ut.pa.ru V [ut ~ru] 'to his house' lak.pa.ru V [la h ~ru] 'to his mouth' In the second example the voicing and frication are also regressive, affecting the /k/ of laka 'mouth'. It is interesting to note that .:...P_! is the only personal posses sive suffix that begins with a stop; the others all begin with nonstops. Whether this fact has any bearing on the frication of /p/ in this instance is not yet determined. This may instead be a case of operation of the intervocalic voicing rule (4-3.21.31} on the underlying forms *uta.pa.ru and *laka.pa.ru, followed by operation of the rule deleting the vowel preceding~ (5-3.24}. 4-3.21.33 Prevocalic voicing after homorganic nasal or palatal lateral This rule is obligatory in Salinas within morphemes regardless of position of word stress. The rule may be tentatively written as follows as if it applied after any
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159 nonstop voiced consonant, even though the only examples available have nasals or the palatal lateral. a.art -vd +cons +stop ---> art= point of articulation cons= consonantal +vd I aart +vd +cons -stop vd = voiced +vd -cons It will be noted that in this rule frication does not occur; the stops remain stops. I n t he f o l l ow i n g exam p l e s from S a l i n a s, v o i c i n g is required as the stop in question occurs within a morpheme. .Nouns: ampara [am.Q_~ra] 'hand, arm' kunka [kaaga] 'neck' < punku [ptiagu] 'door' < tunka [ta~ga] 'ten' < tunqu [t6~go] 1 corn 1 > qunquri [qo~g6ri] 'knee' >
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160 Noun suffix: -nti [ndi] 'with' ma.nti [man.Q_i] 'again' Verbs: manta.na [mandana] 'to enter' gallta.na [qatdana] 'to begin' wangi.na [waogena] 'to wait for' Verbal derivational suffix: -nta[nda] 'into' ira.nta.na [irandana] Verbal inflectional suffixes: -nta [nda] 2+3 Future -itanta [itanda] 2+1 Future An example of an alternation between [k] and [g] within a morpheme is the following: tink.t.wa [ti~ttwa] 'I fell' tinku.na [ti~guna] 'to fall' In the first instance the voicing rule is blocked by the presence of the voiceless stop /t/ after /k/. The rule is also blocked before juncture if the stop
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161 occurs immediately before a final dropped vowel; if the vowel is not dropped (even if it is devoiced) the rule will operate: Ma.nti [mandi] ala.ni.rao.ita.11. 1 Buy it again for me. 1 -0 ma.nti 1 again 1 ala.ni.na 1 to buy• In the next example, tunqu 1 corn 1 as zero complement (4-3.31.2) loses its final vowel, blocking the voicing rule even though the following word begins with a vowel. Tunq0 [tonq] ap.j.t 11 a ampara.nti [ambarang_i] > 1 I am carrying corn in my hands. 1 tungu 1 corn 1 ampara 1 hand 1 Aspiration or glottalization also blocks voicing, as in the following: wint 11 u [win~u] 1 corner 1 wank 1 u [wa~~u] •guinea pig' Nor does voicing occur in Spanish loans that lack it. sirwinta [sirwinta] < Spanish sirvienta
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162 Nor does it occur if the nasal or lateral and the follow ing stops are not homorganic. gillga.na [qetqana] 'to write' The palatal affricate /ch/, which patterns with the stops, does not voice after the nonhomorganic alveolar /n/. (No examples of palatal /n/ followed by /ch/ have occurred in the data.) jinchu [hincu] 1 ear 1 Across morpheme boundaries within a word, voicing may optionally occur if the voiced consonant and the following stop are homorganic, unless the word stress occurs before the voiced consonant, a restriction not applying within single morphemes. Examples: mam.pa [mamQ_a] 'his mother' mama 'mother' .::.E@.. 3p possessive jan sa. :tan.ti [sa:t~n!_i] 'we will not say to him' -:tan 4+3 Future -ti negative final suffix The morpheme combination -n.ka-, composed of -na noun suffix 'in, on' plus -kaverbalizer, acts
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163 morphologically like a unit; -kaverbalizer never occurs except preceded by -na (usually reduced to the velar nasal allophone of /n/, which is homorganic to /k/). In this combination /k/ always voices in Salinas. aka.n.k.i.wa [akan.9..fwa] 'it's here' -na 1 in, of' -kaverbalizer In other cases where the sequence /nk/ occurs across mor pheme boundaries and the word stress occurs after the nasal, voicing may or may not occur depending on whether the nasal is realized as homorganic to the following velar, or not. (Nonhomorganic realizations occur in more careful speech.) Nonhomorganic: mun.ka.:na [munk~:na] 'he wanted' muna.na 'to wait' -kaincompletive alira.n.k.i [alir~nki] 'the field is sprouting' -niapproacher -kaincompletive Homorganic: tani.n.k.i:pan [tani~g1:pan] 'running' -niapproacher -kaincompletive
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164 In addition to its obligatory and optional occur rences in Salinas, voicing of prevocalic stops occurred sporadically after homorganic nasals in several other dialects. In Calacala it occurred sporadically in the following: Particle: ampi [am_p_f am.Q_f] 'right?' Noun suffix: -mpi ~ -nti [m.2_i ~ mbi ~ nti ~ n.Q_i] 'with' In Sitajara voicing occurred more often in the speech of one speaker (a woman under 30, bilingual in Spanish) than in that of another (a monolingual woman over 60) and always in suffixes, not roots. In Corque voicing occurred in songs and in a story told by a woman about 50, but it was generally less noticeable than in Sitajara, Calacala, or Salinas. In Huancane optional voicing of -n.ka(-na plus -kaverbalizer) occurred as in the following: k kawki.n.ka.s.ka.raki? [kawki~ ~ askaraki] 'Where is it?' g
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165 4-3.22 Phonemic variation 4-3.22.1 Vowels 4-3.22. 11 Predominance of /u/ over /i/ in verbs In verbs a final root vowel /u/ obligatorily predominates over an initial /i/ of a following suffix. t"ugu'dance' + -iri 'actor/purposive' > t 11 uqu.ri 'dancer/in order to dance' (La Paz) In Salinas the rule extends to the second /i/ of -iri. t"ugu.ru 'dancer/in order to dance' (Salinas) On verbs having the final root vowel /a/ it drops before i r i . chura'give' + -iri > chur.iri 'giver' The predominance of /u/ over /i/ in Aymara is limited to inflection and therefore to verbs. In the following example of a noun plus a derivational suffix beginning with /i/, the final root vowel /u/ does not predominate over the following /i/. ajanu 'face' + -itu 'little' > ajan.itu 'little face' (La Paz)
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166 4-3.22. 12 Geminate vowel sequences and vowel length Geminate vowel sequences may occur at the word boundary (juncture) between a modifier and a head in a noun phrase or as a result of suffixation with a morpheme of vowel length such as 1+3 F (see 6-3.32) or vowel length verbalization (see 5-3.41.2). Uka aru .wa. 1 It I s that word. 1 (La Paz; Hardman et al. l 97 5: 3 . 11 0) Sara. : . 1 I wi 11 go. 1 -:1+3 Future (all dialects) kawki 1 where 1 + verbalizer + iri 1 actor 1 > -v---ck k . .8 aw . 1: r, 'which 1 (La Paz) k 11 uri •way over yonder• + ::...~ verbalizer + .::.ciri 1 actor 1 > k 11 ur. i :ri 8 'that one way over yonder• (La Paz) The length may optionally reduce to simple vowel. kawkiri 'which' (La Paz) Nongeminate vowel sequences are not permitted in Aymara surface structure, and trigger other rules; see 4-3.22. 13.
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167 4-3.22. 13 Avoidance of nongeminate vowel sequences As in the case of the interrogative kawki 'where' and the demonstrative k"uri 'way over yonder', the demonstratives aka 'this', uka 'that', and k"aya 'over yonder' (see 5-2.2) may also be suffixed with-:ver balizer plus -iri 'actor/purposive'. In these cases a rule obligatory everywhere except Huancane converts the vowel sequence */ai/ to /i:/, e. g. *akairi is realized as ak.i:ri. Across juncture in certain temporal roots a similar process occurs, converting the vowel sequence */au/ to /u:/. jich"a 'now' + uru 'day'> jich"u:ru 'today' (La Paz, Juli, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) maya 'one, other' + uru 'day' > mayu:ru (Salinas) mayuru (La Paz, Jopoqueri) Other similar compound temporals consisting of a modifier root (not always free) plus uru 'day' are shown in Figure 5-1. Another example is kunu:ru 'what day, when' from kuna 'what' plus uru 'day'.
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168 In the temporal examples above, the initial vowel /u/ of the head noun uru dominates the final /a/ of the modifier. A different rule occurs with the time inter rogative kuna.wrasa 'when, what time' consisting of kuna 'what I plus urasa I hour' (from Spanish horas I hours 1 ). By this rule, which occurs in La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Cala coa, and Sitajara, the vowel sequence */au/ is realized as the vowel-glide sequence /aw/ 9 instead of reducing to /u:/ or /u/. In Huancan~ /a/ followed by /u/ is regularly realized as /aw/ rather than /u:/ or /u/, as in the following examples: kuna 'what' + uru 'day' + -sa interrogative suffix > kuna.wru.sa 'when' kuna 'what' + urasa 'hours' + -sa interrogative> kuna.wsa.sa (urasa > /usa/ > /wsa/) 'what time' jich 11 a 'this' + uru 'day' >jich 11 a.wru 'today' (also in Calacoa) sapa 'every' + uru 'day' > sapa.wru 'every day' Other examples of /aw/ for Huancane are given in Figure 5-1. In Huancane the diphthong */iu/ similarly changes
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169 to /iw/, but */ai/ may change to /ay/ or /i:/. uka 'that' + -:verbalizer + -iri 'actor'> uka.yri ~uk.i:ri 'that one there' Similar vowel sequence avoidance rules may be frozen in the 3+1 and 3+4 Remote Indirect Knowledge tense suffixes in certain dialects (see 6-3.35.2). 4-3.22.14 Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain vowe1 Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain vowel affects only a few morphemes, although they have a high functional load: certain nouns (two numbers, two demonstratives, and a personal pronoun) and a verbal deri vational suffix. In all cases but one the vowel-gli~e vowel sequence is /aya/; /uyu/ occurs in a demonstrative in one dialect. All dialects having /aya/ (or /uyu/) base forms in nouns reduce the vowel-glide-vowel sequence to long vowel when the nouns occur as modifiers. All dialects also reduce vowel-glide-vowel sequences in certain nouns before certain suffixes. The two nouns that occur in all dialects in vowel glide-vowel form are the numbers /maya/ 'one' and /paya/ 'two'. In Jopoqueri the reduced allomorphs /ma:/ and /pa:/
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170 occur not only as modifiers, as they do elsewhere, but also in compound numbers, e. g. /tunka m~.ni/ 'eleven', /tunka p~.ni/ 'twelve' (see 5-2.4). The demonstratives that have vowel-glide-vowel sequences are /k"aya/ 'over there' (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancane, Jopoqueri, Salinas), /k"ayu/ 'over there' (Cala cala), and /k"uyu/ 'way over there' (Morocomarca). All occurred in vowel length form as modifiers except /k"ayu/, for which no example as modifier is available. (For addi tional details on reduction of these demonstratives to the vowel length form, see 5-2.2.) The personal pronoun that has a vowel-glide-vowel sequence is /naya/ lp, which occurs in all dialects except Huancan~ and Sitajara. These dialects have only the re duced forms /na:/ or /na/. All dialects with /naya/ reduce it to /na/ before the plural suffix -naka. (See 5-2.3, also.) In La Paz the verbal derivational suffix -waya distancer has an optional allomorph /-wa-/ occurring before suffixes that require a preceding vowel. (See 6-2.23, also.) 4-3.22.15 Retention of long vowel in certain verb roots The verbs ama:.na 'to like, want' and p"a:.na 'to cook', which occur in Sita.jara, have in their roots vowel length which corresponds to /ya/ in the related
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171 verb root amuya.na 'to think, consider' and the cognate verb root p"aya.na 'to cook' occurring in most dialects. That this vowel length is morphophonemically like a con sonant plus vowel is shown by the fact that the length persists even before consonant-requiring suffixes. p"a:+ t'a'momentaneous' c-+ -na nominalizer > + -sireflexive p 11 a:.t 1 a.si.na 'to cook for oneself at once' On a verb root ending in plain vowel, the suffix -t'a would cause the final root vowel to drop, e. g. chura1give1 plus -t'ais chur.t'a-. When a stem ending in long vowel is followed by a suffix requiring a preceding consonant, the vowel length drops leaving a plain vowel, as in warmi.t.wa 'I am a woman', in which the Simple tense suffix ~cgc reduces verbalizing vowel length to simple vowel. If length were not there in the underlying representation, the form would be *warm.t.wa. Thus, when -t'aoccurs on the verb p 11 a:-, *p"a.t'awould be expected, the vowel length reducing to plain vowel. However, in p 11 a:.t 1 a.si.na length is clearly present, showing that verb root vowel length can block the operation of a consonant-requiring rule or to put it another way, that verb root vowel length is in fact a sequence of glide plus vowel (3-5.3).
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172 Furthermore, for the two verbs here discussed the verbal inflections for 1+3 Simple tense and for 1+3 Remote Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense fall together, since root vowel length is indistinguishable from the vowel length mark of RDK, and geminate vowel length (vowel length longer than two vowels) does not occur. That is, the following forms do double duty for 1+3 in both the Simple and RDK tenses. ama:t"a 1 ! wanted' p"a:t"a 1 ! cooked' Another kind of vowel length in a root is that occurring with the verb sa.na plus Simple tense in Jopo queri (see Figure 6-11). This length results from a rule lengthening the root vowel to avoid an initial consonant cluster. In Sitajara one allomorph of the 1+3 Simple tense with sa.na (the only irregular verb in Aymara) has a long vowel, although initial consonant clusters in sa.na are common in that dialect. 4-3.22.16 Three-vowel rule (Vowel deletion) 4-3.22. 16. 1 Nouns By a syntactically conditioned rule, noun roots having two vowels always keep the final vowel when serving as modifiers in noun phrases. (Nouns ending in a sequence of vowel-glide-vowel reduce it to long vowel; see 4-3.22. 14.)
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173 Noun roots or stems having three or more vowels lose the last vowel when occurring as modifiers in noun phrases. That is, the head noun causes the final vowel of the modifier to drop if the modifier has three or more vowels. Examples: jang'u ch'ugi l 2 ch'.:!._y~r_ ch'ugi l 2 3 tag.pach kurpu l 2 3 'white potato' (La Paz) 'black potato' (La Paz) ch'iyara 'black' 'whole body' (La Paz) tagi 'all' ~cpacha 'same' tata.la.n yap.pa 'my father's field' (Morocomarca) l 2 3 4 (see 4-4.3) -na lp possessive When the modifier ends in the possessive suffix -na, the final /a/ may or may not be retained, according to rules specific to that suffix which override the three-vowel rule in certain dialects (see 5-3.31.2). A noun phrase embedded in another may behave syntactically like a single modifier, in which case the three-vowel rule will apply.
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174 aka tug laru.n 'on this side' (Juli) 1 2 3 4 aka 'this' tugi 'around' laru 'side' < Spanish lado But successive noun phrases having a different immediate constituency from the above do not necessarily manifest the three-vowel rule; see 7-4.2 and additional examples cited by Hardman et al. (1975:3.373-374). 4-3.22.16.2 Noun suffixes In all dialects the noun suffixes -layku ~ -rayku 'on account of', -pura 'between, among', and -kama 'among, all, each, up to, as far as, until' act like heads of noun phrases, 10 requiring that modifiers having more than three vowels drop the last one, except that in cases of modifiers that are themselves noun phrases the rule is variable as indicated above. In Huancane the personal possessive suffixes and the complement/relational suffix -taki 'for' usually fol low the three-vowel rule. Examples: kuntu.ja l 2 'my story' kuntu 'story' /-ja/ lp possessive < Spanish cuento awich .ja 'my grandmother' 1 2 3 awicha 'grandmother'
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175 juma.taki 'for you' juma 2p -taki 'for' l 2 jiwas .taki 'for us' jiwasa 4p l 2 3 In the following example {still for Huancane), the possessive -ma 2p keeps a previous vowel although four vowels precede it, but loses its own vowel before a follow ing -taki, indicating that when more than one suffix sub ject to the three-vowel rule occurs on a noun, the rule applies only to the suffix occurring last on the stem. yapu.naka.m .taki 'for my fields' l 2 3 4 5 'field -naka plural The frozen suffixes -ma~ -mma and -ta~ -tta that occur on certain kinship terms in Jopoqueri {see 5-3. 11. 14 and 5-3. 11. 15) may be considered reduced forms of the noun roots mama 'mother' and tata 'father' that lost their first vowel because it was the third in sequence in the new stem. Examples: oichu.m ma 'father's youngest brother's wife' l 2 3 lari.t ta l 2 3 'uncle'
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176 When the two suffixes occur on noun stems that already have three vowels, these stems lose the final vowel by the three-vowel rule. sullk.ir .ma 11 'father's younger brother's wife' l 2 3 sullk.iri 'younger' sullk.ir .tta 'father's younger brother' l 2 3 The verbalizing suffix -kipta-, which also usually takes a preceding vowel, causes the third vowel of a three-vowel noun to drop. usu.r .kipta.na 'to become sickly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) -l 2 3 usu.ri 'sick person' Before other suffixes that require a preceding vowel (such as -ptaverbalizer) three-vowel noun roots and stems keep the final vowel. Ch'iyara.pta.s.k.i.w. 'It is turning black. 1 (La Paz) l 2 3 usu.ri.pta.na 'to become sickly' (La Paz) l 2 3
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177 4-3.22. 16.3 Verb suffixes Certain verbal derivational suffixes that normally take a preceding vowel follow the three-vowel rule on verb stems ending in the verbal derivational suffix -si frozen to the root (see 6-2.21). The suffixes are -mucha~ -muchu~ -nuku'away, off', -payahelper/mocker, and -tatascatterer. ali.s .muchu.na ~ ali.s .nuku.na 'to throw out' l 2 3 l 2 3 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ali.si.na 'to sprout' ali.s .paya.na 'to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas) l 2 3 aru.s .tata.na 'to say' (Salinas; not used in La Paz) l 2 3 -tatascatterer aru 'word, speak' The verbal derivational suffix -cha-, which can verbalize nouns, follows the three-vowel rule when it occurs on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor suffix. Normally, -charequires a preceding vowel. qullqi.n .cha.na 'to cause someone to win' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) l 2 3 gull qi. ni 'money-haver'
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178 When the verbal derivational -kipa'past a point' occurs on a two-vowel noun verbalized with -cha-, the three-vowel rule also applies although -kipausually requires a preceding vowel. uta.ch .kipa.si.ni.na 'to fix the roof of a house' l 2 3 (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) uta 'house' The examples suggest that the three-vowel rule may have applied more generally in the past than it does today. That is, the fact that some suffixes trigger the three-vowel rule on roots or stems having three vowels may reflect a stage during which the rule operated for all suffixed three-vowel stems regardless of whether the suffix in question normally required a preceding vowel or consonant. 4-3.22.2 Consonants The following rules apply after suffixation accompanied by vowel-dropping has created certain con sonant clusters. 4-3.22.21 Geminate consonant clusters Examples of geminate consonant clusters were given in 4-3.22. 16.2. They usually reduce to one. Three succes sive geminate consonants usually reduce to two.
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179 Jani.w at.t.ti [atti]. 'I can't.' {Salinas) ati.na 'to be able' -=c~ 1+3 Simple tense -ti negative final suffix 4-3.22.22 Reduction of stop-fricative clusters to aspirated stops {Neutralization) When morphophonemic vowel-dropping results in a /kj/, /kx/, or /qx/ cluster, the result is indistinguish able phonetically from /k 11 / or /q 11 /. /kx/ tends to assimilate to /q 11 /, the postvelar fricative exerting regressive influence on the point of articulation of the stop. 4-3.22.23 Frication of velar stop before consonant / k / -> / j / / [ +con s ] By this rule the velar stop /k/ changes to the homorganic velar fricative /j/. The rule occurs only in Salinas and Huancane. In Salinas the rule applies to two suffixes con taining /k/ after morphophonemic vowel dropping has created a cluster of /k/ plus another consonant {not another /k/). The suffixes are -kaverbal derivational incompletive and -raki nonfinal independent. The only consonants that have occurred after /k/ in examples noted
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180 to date are /t/ and /s/. Examples: Ni.w chur.k.i.ti. 'He/she/they didn't give it (to X). 1 no give -i 3+3 Simple tense Ni.w chur.j.t.ti. 1 I didn't give it (to X). 1 -=-c~ 1+3 Simple tense kuna.raki 'and what?' kuna.:ma.s.ka.raj.ta 12 'and how are you?' -eta 2+3 Simple tense -~ In Huancane the rule operates on -raki before the consonant-requiring verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI. Wali.ka.raj.chi.ni.t. 'It may not be good. 1 NI 3+3 F (In this example vowel length verbalization on wali is reduced to plain vowel before the consonant requiring -kaincompletive suffix.)
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181 4-3.22.24 Reduction of fricative clusters /sj/, /js/, /sjs/ --> [s] This rule operates in Salinas on the output of the rule in 4-3.22.23 when /j/ is preceded and/or fol lowed by /s/, reducing the cluster to the alveolar frica tive [s]. lura.s.j.ta [lurasta] 'you were making/doing' -sireflexive/reciprocal ta 2+3 Simple tense -C-'--V kuynt.t'.ka.raj.sma [kuyntt'karasma] 'I've told the story to you' -=-csma 1+2 Simple tense In.j.ta.s.j.sma.wa. [injtasmawa] 'I know you.' -sireflexive/reciprocal 4-3.22.25 Affricate reduction rules 4-3.22.25. l /ch/--> [s] / [-cons] [+stop] The affricate /ch/ may reduce to the fricative allophone [s] when /ch/ occurs before a stop in noun or verb roots or in the verbal derivational causative and verbalizing suffix -cha-. (As noted under 4-3.22.24,
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182 [s] also results from reduction of sequences of /s/ and /j/ in Salinas. The neutralization of /ch/ and /sj/ is evidence of the instability of the three phonemes as indi cated in Chapter 3.) In all roots and in the suffix -cha/ch/ is preceded by a vowel. V Reduction to [s] is obligatory in some morphemes, optional in others, and varies dialectally. Examples: Nouns: pachpa [paspa] 'same' (most dialects) pichq"a [picq"a] 'five' (Calacala} ichk'a [i~k'a ~ isk'a] 'little' (Sitajara) Verbs: jich'ijich.t'a 'carry grains in the hand' + t'amomentaneous > -c-V [j i ct I a] (Morocomarca) V [ji~t•a] (Salinas) (In this example /ch 1 / loses glottalization before the consonant-requiring suffix -t'a-, in rapid speech.)
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183 Noun+ -chaverbalizer: kama.cha1 what happened 1 + ta 2+3 S + -sa final suffix> -c--v kama.ch.ta.sa [kama~tasa] 1 what happened to you? 1 ( [ "'s]) La Paz/Campi; does not reduce to V [kam?~tasa] (Sacca; obligatory) When the /ch/ of -chi NI verbal inflection fol lows the /ch/ of -chaverbal derivational suffix, the geminate /chch/ reduces to one which then obligatorily reduces to[~] in La Paz. yati1 know 1 + -chacausative + chi NI + -C=-=-c~ 1+3 S > *yati.ch.ch.ta > yati.ch.ta [yati~ta] •maybe I teach 1 (La Paz) 4-3.22.25.2 /ch/--> /s/ / [+cons] __ [+cons] Reduction of /ch/ to the alveolar fricative phoneme /s/ occurs in certain restricted circumstances involving the verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI. In all dialects investigated the /ch/ of -chi NI obliga torily reduces to /s/ when it occurs before a consonant. In all available examples the consonant is /t/.
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184 yati1 know 1 + chi NI + ta 1+3 S > -C=-C---'-'C yat.s.ta [yatsta] 'maybe I know' (La Paz, Sacca) muna'want' + kaincompletive + chi NI + -c-C==ta 2+3 S + -xa final suffix> -c~ mun.k.s.ta.x [mu9kstax] 'maybe you want' (La Paz) wijita 'old lady' + xacompletive + chi NI + -c--<:==== ta 1+3 S + -xa final suffix + -~ final suffix> -c--c wijita.x.s.t.xa.y [wijitaxstxay] 'I'm an old lady already.' (Corque) wijita < Spanish viejita 4-3.22.25.3 /ch/--> /si I /xi [-cons] In Jopoqueri /ch/ reduces to /s/ when it occurs after the postvelar fricative /x/ and before a vowel. mag 1 a'eat' + -nta1 into• + xacompletive+ -c-=cchi NI + -itanta 2+1 F + -lla politive > maq'a.nt.x.s.itanta.lla [maq 1 antx~itantata] •you may eat me•
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185 The above rule does not apply in La Paz, the allophone [c] occurring whenever /ch/ is followed by a vowel, regardless of what precedes. The corresponding form in La Paz is as follows. mang'a'eat' + -nta'into' + xacompletive + -cchi NI + -ita:ta 2+1 F + ::..Y..E.._ politive > -cmang'a.nt.x.ch.ita:ta.y [manq'antxtita:tay] 'you may eat me' 4-3.22.26 /n/ --> 1111 1 111 [-cons] The palatal nasal becomes a palatal lateral after the alveolar lateral and before a vowel in the following examples from Morocomarca: mama. la 'mother' + na lp possessive + -na possessive> -cmama. l.na.n [mamatan] 'my mother's' 4-3.3 Final position in morphological word 13 4-3.31 Retention or loss of final vowel of morphological word (syntactically conditioned) 4-3.31. l Verb subjects In the basic Aymara sentence (see 7-3) the subject noun (or head of a noun phrase serving as subject) retains
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186 its final vowel before final sentence suffix(es) if any. 14 In La Paz and Sitajara (and possibly elsewheredata are incomplete) a pronoun subject of a verb inflected for the Imperative usually loses its final vowel and takes no independent or final suffixes. The vowel loss is tied to co-occurrence with certain person/tense suffixes of the Imperative, however, and the rules in La Paz differ from those in Sitajara. In Morocomarca the subject of an Imperative verb does not lose its final vowel. (For a fuller discussion of these rules see 6-3.33.) In sentences containing a main and a subordinated verb ( see 7 4 . 2 ), pronoun s u b j e ct s may l o s e or re ta i n the i r final vowels. The following example is from La Paz/Campi, with -chi NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the subordinated verb and Imperative (or Future) tense on the main verb. Jum !@L_ jan sara.n mun.k.s.ta.x sara.:. 2+3 Juma.x NI s naya.w 2p no go want lp go 1+3 F/I 1 If you don't want to go, I'll go. 1 All four of the possible combinations with and without
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187 final vowel on the subjects were acceptable, although the first example elicited had no vowel on either. The same example occurred in Juli, and similar ones occurred in Huancan~, Sitajara, and Calacoa. Without the negative, forms with final vowel are preferred, as in the following example which has -chi NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the subordinated ver~ and Imperative on the main verb. Juma.x 2p ch'ug mun.s.ta.x potato want 2+3 NI S , ma: kustal apa.n.ma. bring 2+3 I a bag 'If you want some potatoes, bring a bag. 1 (Juli) In Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, on the other hand, pronoun subjects never occur without their final vowels, though in sentences of the types here exemplified they usually occur unsuffixed. muna.sma 2+3 Juma jani sara.n D-1 uka naya sara. : 1+3 2p lp go mun.ta.ti F 2+3 s 1 If you don't want to go, I 1 11 go. I (Jopoqueri) In all dialects investigated except Morocomarca, a pronoun subject of a verb subordinated with -ipana
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188 (and other members of the paradigm, if any) occurs without a final vowel (see 7-4.22.2). 4-3.31.2 Verb zero complements A noun root or stem or a nominalized theme serving as the zero complement of a verb is marked by obligatory l o s s of t he f i n a l st em vow e be f o re f i n a l ( s en t enc e ) s u f fixe~ if any (except the final suffix -lla ~ -ya, which requires a preceding vowel; see 4-3.32.2 and 5-3.33 for examples). 4-3.31.3 Negative jani The final vowel of the negative particle jani drops when it modifies a noun root (except an interroga tive), stem, or theme, a subordinated verb, or a verb with the Imperative tense, and when it occurs in negative information questions and answers thereto. When modify ing an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. (See 7-4.53.3.) 4-3.32 Tolerance or avoidance of final consonant clusters in the morphological word 4-3.32.l Verbs Three dialects permit stem-final consonant clusters in verbs inflected with the Imperative tense: Juli, Socca, and Huancan~. Juli and Sacca permit such clusters only
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189 when the verb ends with the 2+3 Imperative inflection ~cm, while Huancane permits them in stems ending in the 3+2, 2+1, 3+1, and 3+4 Imperative inflections as well (see 6-3.33). Examples, all of 2+3 I, are Jut.m. 1 Come! 1 (Sacca) Al. t 1 a.si .w.m uk. 1 Buy that one. 1 (Huancane) Apa.n.m. 'Bring it. 1 (Huancane) 4-3.32.2 Nouns Sacca permits final consonant clusters on a noun ending in the suffix -na possessive, when the noun occurs as modifier in a noun phrase. K 11 it.n wutilla.p.s jala.ga.ya.rag.ta? whose bottle knock over 2+3 s 'Whose bottle did you knock over on purpose?' (See 5-3.31.2 for further discussion of the suffix -na.) In Morocomarca, when a final consonant cluster occurs on a noun stem ending in a personal possessive suffix as the result of syntactically conditioned vowel dropping, the vowel before the last consonant will be obligatorily restored (see 5-3.24).
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190 In all dialects morphological word-final clusters are permitted in nouns when they occur within a morpheme and as a result of final vowel-dropping. Wawa.mp apa.sma. 'You should take the baby, too.' baby take -mpi 'with, and' (La Paz/Compi) In this example, wawa.mp is a zero complement, losing its final vowel. 4-3.33 Stem-final vowel restoration (stress on ante penultimate vowel of a verb) As indicated in 3-3. l, stress in Aymara is non phonemic, always occurring on the penultimate vowel. Vowel length after a penultimate stressed vowel, or loss of a final vowel, may make the stress appear to fall on the last vowel of a word. Restoration of a final vowel /a/ to an inflected verb after stress placement may make the stress appear to fall on the antepenultimate vowel. This effect has so far been heard only in La Paz and Sitajara on verbs inflected with suffixes ending in nasals. These suffixes are the 2+3 Imperative 2 vm, 3+2 Simple ~ctam, and 4+3 Simple ~ctan. The stress pattern occurs most often on 2+3 Imperative, rarely on the others. In La Paz the pattern occurs most frequently in radio advertisements and announcements but has also been heard in sermons (see 9-3 for examples).
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191 Apart from the contexts of advertising, announcing, or preaching, the pattern occurs rarely in La Paz. In one instance it occurred with the final /a/ devoiced, in conversation. Ratu.ki apa.ni.ma. 'Bring it right away.' 0 In Sitajara both the regular and antepenultimate patterns occurred with 2+3 Imperative in a description of making chicha (a corn drink) which included exhorta tions like the following: Um~.nta.ma chicha, aka k'us um.t'a.ma.lla. 'Drink chicha, please drink this chicha! 1 Stress occurs on the antepenultimate vowel in the first word above, with a final /a/ restored to the 2+3 Impera tive inflection. The last word in the sentence has regu lar penultimate stress on the /a/ of ~vm(a), restored before the suffix -lla politive. In the first word, stress placement occurred before final vowel restoration, while in the last, vowel restoration occurred, then suf fixation with -lla, then stress placement. The two rules may be stated as follows: 1. Stress placement on penultimate syllable 2. Final vowel restoration
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192 In the case of uma.nta.ma, beginning with the base form uma.nta.m the rules apply in the order l, 2. In the case of um.t'a.ma. lla, beginning with the base form um.t'a.m the rules apply in the order 2, l with the intervening suffixation of -lla between 2 and l. Since um.t'a.ma. lla is more polite, having the politive suffix -lla, one is tempted to infer that the restoration of the final vowel to uma.nta.ma may be an attempt to soften the command by preparing the verb stem to take the politive, but since stress has already been placed, the word is closed to further suffixation. 4-3.4 Final position in syntactical word 15 4-3.41 Final vowel-dropping or -devoicing In all dialects the final sentence suffixes (for example, -wa, -xa, -lla ~ -ya, -sa, and -ti) commonly lose their final vowels phrase-finally within a sentence; -wa and -lla ~ -ya commonly lose them sentence-finally as well. Such vowel-dropping may well depend on stylistic considerations, as Hardman has suggested. Instead of dropping, final vowels may devoice sentence-finally, as in the example given in 4-3.33 above. A final vowel which must be retained because of its gram matical function, for example the verb inflection 3+3 Simple .:..i, may devoice, especially if it occurs between two voiceless consonants sentence-medially. (For an
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193 example of sentence-medial final vowel devoicing, see 4-3.21.33.) L. Martin-Barber has provided a phonetic transcription showing vowel devoicing in a story told by a speaker from Campi (Hardman et al. 1975:3.92-93). For the nonnative, it is often difficult to distinguish word-final vowel dropping from word-final vowel devoicing. A devoiced final vowel, though unde tectable to a foreigner, is still present morphophonemically and discernible to a native speaker since syntactic dis tinctions are made by presence or absence of final vowels. 4-3.42 Final consonant clusters In all dialects final consonant clusters are per mitted on nouns if they result from zero complement vowel drop followed by a final suffix. Wawa.p.x baby apa.sma. take 2+3 D-1 1 Wouldn 1 t it be nice if you took her baby. 1 .:.PE_ 3p possessive -xa final suffix (La Paz/Campi) 4-4 General and Dialect-Specific Rules The majority of morphophonemic rules in Aymara are found in all dialects, but certain rules are dialect specific.
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194 4-4. l Variation in morphophonemics of suffixes Noun suffixes {5-3) that vary in their morpho phonemics from one dialect to another are the personal possessives and the complement/relationals. While all dialects have certain noun suffixes that observe the three-vowel rule, in Huancan~ the rule also operates for -taki complement/relational and the personal pos sessives, which do not follow the rule in other dialects. In Jopoqueri the three-vowel rule extends to certain frozen suffixes. In Morocomarca, Calacala, Jopoqueri, and Salinas the personal possessive suffixes have vari able morphophonemics conditioned by final consonant cluster avoidance rules. Only two verbal derivational suffixes {6-2) have variable preceding morphophonemics: -naga'aimlessly' and -nugaplacer. These vary within as well as across dialects. Verbal derivational suffixes subject to the three-vowel rule in La Paz {and possibly elsewhere) are -chaverbalizer of nouns, -kipa'past a point,' -muchu{and variants) 'away', -payahelper, and -tata scatterer. Of the verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3), 2+3 Imperative is unique in requiring a preceding consonant in Juli, Socca, Huancan~, and Morocomarca, except when the verbal derivational suffix -kaincompletive precedes
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195 the inflection. In La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, Jopoqueri, and Salinas 2+3 I always requires a preceding vowel. 4-4.2 Variation in other morphophonemic rules 4-4.21 Rules occurring in all dialects 4-4.21.l Obligatory rules Obligatory rules occurring in all dialects are predominance of /u/ over a preceding /i/ in verb stems; vowel sequence avoidance rules {some differences occur in the rules themselves); reduction of /aya/ to /a:/ {and of /uyu/ to /u:/) in modifiers in noun phrases; the three-vowel rule {exerted by heads of noun phrases on modifiers and by certain noun suffixes on preceding stems; some dialects have additional suffixes subject to the rule); interconsonantal affricate reduction to /s/; mor phological word-final vowel retention for subjects of main verbs {except with the Imperative tense in certain contexts and dialects); morphological word-final vowel loss for zero complements; morphological word-final vowel loss on jani negative in certain environments. 4-4.21.2 Optional rules Optional rules occurring in all dialects are dropping of initial {C)V preceded by devoicing of the vowel; intervocalic stop-voicing and frication under
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196 certain conditions; geminate consonant reduction; neutrali zation of stop-fricative clusters and aspirated stops; syntactical word-final vowel devoicing and deletion. 4-4.22 Dialect-specific rules 4-4.22.l Obligatory rules Obligatory dialect-specific rules are voicing of prevocalic stops after homorganic nasals and the palatal lateral within a morpheme, Salinas; frication of velar stop before consonant in certain morphemes, Salinas; reduction of clusters of alveolar fricative plus velar fricative, Salinas; affricate reductio~ to /s/ after /x/, Jopoqueri; loss of morphological word-final vowel on verb subjects in certain environments in certain dialects; avoidance of morphological word-final consonant clusters on nouns with personal possessive suffixes, Morocomarca. 4-4.22.2 Optional rules Optional dialect-specific rules are preposition (or recovery) of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.na before Simple tense inflection, La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Socca; reduction of /q'/ to ['], Salinas, Calacala, and Moroco marca; palatalized velar allophone of /n/, Morocomarca; voicing of stop after homorganic nasal and before vowel, Calacala, Corque, Huancan~, Sitajara; voicing and frica tion of prevocalic /p/ in .:...E2. 3p suffix, Calacala;
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197 lateralization and denasalization of /n/, Morocomarca; final vowel restoration and antepenultimate stress on 2+3 Imperative and certain other person/tense suffixes, La Paz and Sitajara. 4-5 Conclusion Taken as a whole and in spite of its complexities, morphophonemics is a rather stable area of Aymara grammar, contributing to mutual dialect intelligibility (although speakers from La Paz have some difficulty with dialects having extensive stop voicing and frication). Few suf fixes differ in morphophonemics from one dialect to another, although some are affected by phonologically and syntactically conditioned rules that are dialect specific. Some dialect groups that may be identified by morphophonemic rules are as follows. 4-5. 1 Dialects preposing (or restoring) /si/ or /ji/ to sa.na La Paz {preferred); Juli, Sacca, Huancan~ (less frequent). 4-5.2 Dialects vo1c1ng stops after homorganic nasal or palatal lateral before a vowel Salinas (obligatory within a morpheme, permitted across morpheme boundaries under certain conditions; Calacala, Corque, Huancan~, Sitajara (optional).
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4-5.3 198 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have variable morphophonemics (see 5-3.24) Huancan~, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala; possibly also Juli, Sacca, and Calacoa 4-5.4 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have invariant morphophonemics, always requiring a preceding vowel La Paz (Campi and Tiahuanaco)
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199 Notes 1 An optional rule is one whose constraints are not yet fully understood. Many are probably stylistically conditioned. 2 The geminate vowel cluster /aa/ resulting from loss of /j/ reduces to /a/; see 4-3.22. 12. 3 rhe final vowel of jich 11 a drops by a vowel sequence avoidance rule; see 4-3.22. 13. 4 The first vowel of mama drops by the three-vowel rule; see 4-3.22.16. 5 This example shows that initial consonant clusters are permitted in La Paz/Campi dialect in nouns. They are usually avoided in verbs; see 4-3. 13. Geminate /a/ here results in /a:/. 6 By a regular morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22.22) /j/ or /x/ tends to reduce to aspiration following the homorganic stop. In the nonhomorganic combination /kx/ the velar /k/ tends to assimilate to the following post velar /x/, resulting in /q 11 /. 7 According to Hardman (personal communication) vo1c1ng and and frication of stops are common in Andean languages, especially in Quechua. Place names often re flect this, e. g. CochaQamQa. 8 1n the derivations of kawk.i:ri and k 11 ur.i:ri the following intervening forms may be postulated since vowel length verbalization requires a preceding vowel while -iri requires a preceding consonant or, as in these cases, reduces a preceding long vowel to one vowel. With morpheme divisions: *kawkiiiri > [kawkiiri] /kawki:ri/ kawk.i:ri *k 11 uriiiri > [k 11 uriiri] /k 11 uri :ri/ k 11 ur. i :ri
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200 The morphemic divisions are placed as if the vowel length were occurring on the first /i/ or -iri, although actually the vowel length results from two /i/'s in succession, one on the root and one in -iri. More accurate morphemic ren derings would be kawki. -:rr,-and k"uri. iri, but since geminate vowels are symbolized as vowel plus/:/ in Yapita orthog raphy, the above compromise is followed in these forms and other similar ones that occur elsewhere in this study; see 4-3.22. 12, 5-2. l, and 5-2.2. 9 The existence of the glides /w/ and /y/ as distinct from the vowels /u/ and /i/ is supported by the minimal pair uywa 'animal 1 / wiwa 'long live' < Spanish viva. (Native Aymara roots beginning with /wi/ include wila 'blood' and a number of others). Examples of /i/ or /u/ preceded or followed by the homorganic glide are chura.y.itu 'he/she caused to give to me' (all dialects) iya. na I to grind 1 (Jopoqueri) sawu.na 'to weave' (all dialects) Yapu.wa. 'It's a field.' (all dialects) 10 since in some dialects certain verbal deriva tional suffixes also follow the three-vowel rule, it might be more accurate to say that in being subject to the rule, heads of noun phrases act like certain suffixes. 11 The geminate /mm/ here reduces to /m/. 12 In Salinas the allomorph /-raji/ may optionally occur before vowel-requiring suffixes and in word-final position, so it is possible to consider it an alternate base form of the morpheme as was done in 3-4.22.23. 13 A morphological word is defined by Hardman as a free form capable of taking the sentence (final) and/or independent (nonfinal) suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975: 3.144).
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201 14 see 7-4.21.22 for examples of final-vowel retention on nouns serving as topics (or goals) of verbs nominalized with -na obligatory. 15 A syntactical word is defined by Hardman as a free form consisting of a morphological word plus inde pendent and/or sentence suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 144).
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CHAPTER 5 VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM 5-1 Introduction The noun system of Aymara consists of roots and derived roots (stems), which are all free, derivational suffixes, and zero complement vowel drop. 1 Nouns occur alone and in noun phrases as heads and modifiers; some occur modifying verbs. The open class of nouns takes in loanwords freely. Closed classes of roots do not freely admit loanwords, although they may have done so in the past. They are interrogatives, demonstratives, personal pronouns, numbers, positionals, and tempor~1s. There is also a small class of ambiguous noun/verb roots. Other closed classes are shapes used in weaving, and kinship and age terms, which were only sporadically in vestigated in this research although meriting detailed study. Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, stems, and nominalized themes. The limitations on their occur rence help define noun classes. There are three order classes of noun suffixes and a class of limited occur rence. (Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize 202
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203 nouns are discussed in 6-2. Suffixes that nominalize verbs are discussed in 7-4.21 and 7-4.22.) 5-2 5-2. 1 Closed Classes of Noun Roots Interrogatives In all dialects, interrogatives usually occur followed by the sentence suffix -sa information interroga tive with or without intervening suffixes. Interrogatives may also serve as indefinite pronouns when properly suf fixed (see 7-4.24). The inter:ogative roots are kama ~ kamisa 'how' kawki 'where' kuna 'what' k"iti 'who' gawg"a (and variants) 'how much/how many' Only the first and the last show any variation in the root. The second, third, and last enter into a number of derived formations which display some dialectal vari ation.
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204 5-2. 11 Variable roots 5-2. 11. l kama ~ kamisa The only dialect encountered so far having the allomorph /kama/ is Salinas. Elsewhere /kamisa/ occurs. In dialects having /kamisa/, /kama-/ exists only as an interrogative verb root in two verbs, the first used to inquire about someone's situation when the answer is expected to be negative and the second used to ask what someone said. kama.c ha. na -cha verbal derivational/verbalizer kam.sa.na sa.na 'to say' 5-2. 11. 2 gawq"a ~ 9 11 awqa ~ q 11 awg 11 a ~ g 11 ayg 11 a /qawq 11 a/ /q 11 awqa/ /q 11 awq 11 a/ /q .. ayq .. a/ + /qayq"a/ (La Paz, Huancane, Sitajara) (Morocomarca) (Huancane, Jopoqueri) (Salinas) (Reported to occur in parts of Ingavi [depart ment of La Paz] and in Chile) (Bertonio 1603b) It is possible that the /q 11 a/ ending certain allomorphs above may consist of /q/ plus -ja •amount, quantity' (see 5-3. 12.3).
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205 5-2. 12 Derived formations 5-2.12.l Based on kawki 1 where 1 The following gloss as 'which': kawk.iri (La Paz) kawk.i:ri (La Paz, Sacca, Huancan~, Jopoqueri) kawk.n.iri (La Paz, Juli) kawk.n.i:ri (La Paz, Juli) kawk.ch 11 api (Sitajara) kawk. p. iri (Sacca, Morocomarca) kawki.p.iri (Morocomarca) Most of the above are built with the nominalizing suffix -iri, sometimes with vowel length (see 4-3.22.12). The /n/ in two of the forms is probably an occurrence of the suffix -na possessive/locational (see 5-3.31.2). The suffix -c~ 11 api is of limited distribution. The /p/ which occurs in the last two examples above may be a reduced form of the recurrent partial /-pa-/ related to the 3p possessive suffix~ which occurs with no discernible 3p meaning in several nouns (see 5-3.24). The derived forms kawk 11 a and kayk 11 a 'what place' are believed composed of the root kawki or *kayki plus
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206 the suffix -ja 1 quantity 1 ; *kayk 11 a was not found in this research but is reported to be used in Awallamaya near Sicasica, department of Oruro. The common query Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? means rwhere are you from?' in La Paz, but elsewhere it means 'Where do you usually stay?' or 'Where are you usually?' Hardman (personal communication) found that around Puno and Chucuito it may also mean 'Where have you traveled?' Other similar queries meaning 'Where are you from?' are Kawki.ta.ta.sa? Kawki.ta.sa? Kawki.ta.raki.ta? Kawki tugi.ta.sa? (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Salinas, Juli) (Sitajara, Huancan~, Jopoqueri) (Salinas, Calacala) (Sacca) tugi 1 around 1 5-2. 12.2 Based on kuna 1 what 1 The root kuna occurs in several derived forms glossing 'why, for what reason', with the complement/ relational suffixes -ru, -ta ~ -t 11 a, and -taki (and variants) and with the independent suffix -raki (and variants), as in kuna.ru.sa (La Paz, Sitajara)
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207 kuna.ta (Juli, Salinas) kuna.t.sa (La Paz) kuna.t 11 a (Juli, Salinas, Morocomarca) kuna.ta.raki (Huancan~) kuna.t.raji (Salinas) kuna.taki.sa (La Paz) kuna.ta,Y.sa (Sitajara) With the suffix -jama 'like' and its variants, kuna glosses 'how'. In the dialects studied, these forms are more common than kamisa or kama 'how'. kun.jama.sa kun .jama. raki kuna.ma.t.sa kuna. :ma (La Paz) (Huancan~) (Calacala) (Salinas) kuna.:ma.s ~ kun.ja:ma.s (Jopoqueri) kun.ja.t.s kun.ja.sa (Sacca) (Sitajara) Another derived form of kuna glossing 'how' is kuna.lla.n.taki.rak (Jopoqueri)
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208 kamisa and kun.jama.sa occur in the same context in the following statements: Kamisa.raki.x uka.x sis.t.pi.y. (Vitocota) 1-+3 s Kun.jama. :.pacha.s uka.x sis.t.wa. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 1-+3 s 'Whatever will be, will be, I said.' The following is reportedly said in Llica, Potos1 (south of Salinas), according to a Salinas source: *kuna.ri.:na 'how was it?' Here /ri/ is probably analogous to the /-iri-/ that occurs with Remote tenses in certain areas (see 6-3.37). A similar form used in Campi in speaking to an elderly lady, is Kun.jam.iritam.s? "How did it affect you?' 3-+2 RDK La Paz Aymara today has the frozen form kunayman; 'what a lot of', as in Kunayman ch'ama.mpi.w waw uywa.si.s.k.ta. difficulty child raise 1-+3 s 'What a lot of trouble I had raising my child.'
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209 Elsewhere, it translates as 'of all kinds, whatever. 1 A form based on kuna which immediately identifies the user as belonging to a Protestant sect or as speaking as its members do is kuna. layku.ti.xa used to mean 'be cause' (see 9-5). kuna is the base for several time interrogatives all glossing 'when'. They include the temporal roots uru 'day', pacha 'time, period', and the Spanish loans urasa (from Spanish horas 'hours') and -wsa (a reduced form of urasa). Examples: kun.u:ru (Salinas) kuna.wru.sa (Huancane) kuna pacha.sa kuna.wrasa.sa kuna.wsa.raki kuna.ws.pacha.sa (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara) (Huancane) (Huancane) 5-2.12.3 Based on gawg 11 a (and variants) 'how much/many' This root combines with pacha in inquiries about time. gawg 11 a pacha 'how many times' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
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210 gaw"a pacha.ta 'since when' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) + qayq 11 a pacha 'how much time' (Bertonio 1603b: 183) + gayg"a pacha. ta 'since when 1 (Bertonio 1603b) It may also occur with personal possessive suffixes, as in these examples from Huancan~. 9 11 awg 11 a.ja.sa 9 11 awg 11 a.ma.sa 5-2.2 Demonstratives 'how many of theirs' 'how many of mine' 3p /-ja/ lp 'how many of your people' (sic) -ma 2p Demonstratives are deictic pronouns expressing four degrees of distance. They readily enter into de rived formations. In noun phrases they may modify human nouns, but their use as pronouns to refer to human beings is usually considered rude. The root demonstratives, presented in order of relative proximity to a fixed point (e.g. the speaker or writer of a sentence), are aka ~ jaka 'this, here' uka 'that, there' k 11 aya ~ k"a: ~ k 11 a ~ -k"ayu 'that over there, over there'
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211 k 11 uyu ~ k 11 u: ~ k 11 u ~ k 11 uri 5-2.21 Variable roots 'that way over yonder, way over yonder• The variant /jaka/ occurs in Morocomarca, in jak.sa tugi.t 11 a 'around here•, but has not been heard elsewhere; /aka/ occurs everywhere. A possible variant of uka, /ukaya/, occurs in Sitajara, in ukay.ti 'is it that?' (See 7-2.21. l for another analysis of this form.) In Jopoqueri and Socca, uwa sometimes occurs instead of uka in combination with -ta, sounding like [wat]. Hardman has suggested (personal communication) that uwa is probably a remnant of a proto-Jaqi demonstra tive *uwa, since the three-way distinction aka uka uwa still exists in modern Kawki and the related form watga occurs in Jaqaru. The base morpheme k 11 aya reduces to /k 11 a:/ when acting as modifier in a noun phrase (by a regular morpho phonemic rule; see 4-3.22. 14) in the following dialects: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. In Huancan~, Salinas, and Juli the reduced form with or without vowel length may also occur with complement/ relational suffixes, e. g. in Juli k 11 aya.na ~ k 11 a.na 'over there'; in La Paz only the full form occurs with complement/relationals. In Calacoa and Sitajara the
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212 only form which occurred for this root was /k 11 a:/. /k 11 ayu/ occurs in Calacala only. /k 11 uyu/ occurs in Morocomarca. Two La Paz speakers do not recognize /k 11 uyu/ as a demonstrative, but rather as the 3-+3 Simple tense of the verb k 11 uyu.na 'to whistle, to winnow grain'. Huancane has both /k 11 u:/ and /k 11 uri/; Salinas has both /k 11 u/ and /k 11 u:/. Sitajara does not use /k 11 uri/. Ber tonio (1603b) cited +/ku/ (156) and +/kuri/ (225). Ebbing (1965:64) had +/k 11 uyu/ and +/k 11 uri/. It is possible that /k 11 uri/ is a derived form built of /k 11 u(yu)/ plus verbalization vowel length plus -iri nominalizer, but if this is the case it has long been a frozen stem, inasmuch as the base /k 11 uri/ readily takes-:plus -iri (see below). The compound form k 11 a: k 11 uri 'way~ over yonder• occurs in Juli, Huancan~, and Calacoa. Huancan~ has the compound form akawkana, from aka uka.na, meaning 'large community'. 5-2.22 Derived formations Like the interrogative kawki, all demonstrative roots may take-:verbalization plus -iri nominalizer with or without a preceding /-n-/. 3 The only complete paradigms available are for La Paz, as follows: ak.i:ri 'this one here•
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213 uk. i :ri 'that one there' k 11 ay. i :ri 'that one over there' k 11 ur. i :ri 'that one way over yonder' ak. n. i: ri 'this one that's cl oser 1 uk.n. i :ri 'that one that's farther away• k 11 ay.n.i:ri 'that one over there that's farther away• k 11 ur.n.i:ri 'that one way over yonder that's farther away• (Compi) kuy.n.i:ri 'that one way over yonder' (Tiahuanaco) Both /uk.i:ri/ and /uka.yri/ occur in Huancan~ (see 4-3.22.13). aka and uka apparently combine with the suffix -ja 'quantity• in the forms ak 11 a 'this much' and uk 11 a 'that much'. The demonstratives also combine with /-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like', which is not always distin guishable from -ja 'quantity'. Spelling with II or /j/ is arbitrary. ak.ja.naka.ta 'around here' (La Paz) Uta.pa.n uk 11 a.w. 'His house is there.• (La Paz) uk.ja.11 'that one' (Sitajara)
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214 The following clearly appears to have -ja 'quantity': uk.ja tagi 1 a great deal 1 (Sitajara) Expressions of time based on demonstratives in clude the following: aka.t 9 11 ipa.ru (La Paz) j i ch II a. t. k II a: . ru . x 'from now on' (Jopoqueri) jich 11 a.t k 11 uy.sa.ru (La Paz) +aka.t.jama.tak 1 a 11 of a sudden 1 ( La Paz) (Wexler 1967:455) Interestingly, k 11 uy.sa.ru was said by a source who re jected k 11 uyu as a demonstrative, showing that a dialect may reject a root form but use a derived form. An expression of space using demonstratives is k 11 ur.sa.r ak.sa.r 'back and forth' (La Paz). The ex pression k 11 a: alaxa 1 heaven 1 is used in Calacoa. Other dialects have alax.pacha (or arax.pacha) or silu (from Spanish cielo) for 'heaven'. By far the most common demonstrative in all dia lects is uka, which occurs alone and in derived forma tions as a syntactic linker and summarizer. uka.t 'then, afterwards'
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215 u k. j ama ( u k II ama) 'thus, like that; moreover, also' uka .mpi. sa 'with that, also' The last example has quite a different meaning in the lexicon of members of Protestant sects, who use it dis junctively to mean 1 but 1 (see 9-5). In Huancan~ uka.na is used as a linker in stories, meaning 'at that', 'then'. It has not been encountered as a linker in other dialects. 5-2.3 Personal pronouns All dialects have four personal pronouns not spe cific for gender or number. The only one that shows no variation whatever is 2p juma 'you'; the others show minor phonological variations. lp 'I/me, we/us but not you' occurs as three allomorphs, /na/, /na:/, and /naya/. The allomorph /na/ occurs in all dialects before -naka plural (see 5-3.25). In other environments Huancan~ and Sitajara have /na/ and /na:/. Calacoa has /naya/ as well but uses it less than the other allomorphs. La Paz has /naya/, /na:/, and /na/, as do the remaining dialects. Juli seems to favor /na/ over the other two. In Jopo queri and Salinas /naya/ occurs before the complement/ relational suffix -ru, and /na/ before the complement/ relational suffix -na. Morocomarca prefers /naya/
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216 before those suffixes but has /na:/ as well as /naya/ when unsuffixed. To some speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in Spanish and conscious of the Spanish singular/plural distinction, /naya/, /na:/, and /na/ are always singular, 1 I/me 1 , and na.naka must be used for the plural 1 we/us but not you•. That monolinguals do not make this distinction is clear in a number of examples, as in the following from a free text recorded in Sitajara from a monolingual woman over 60. In both cases the optional verb-pluralizing suffix combination -p.xaoccurs on the verb; number concord is not required in Aymara. Alp 11 a sa.p.x.t na.x. 1 We say alfalfa. 1 Na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it ya:sta. 1 Dismiss us already. 1 3p /jup"a/ occurs in Salinas and Morocomarca; /jupa/ occurs elsewhere. 4p /jiwsa/ occurs in Calacoa, Sitajara, Surupa (a community across from Socca), and is the form cited by Bertonio (1603b); /jiwasa/ occurs elsewhere. 5-2.4 Numbers Variation in number roots is phonological only. Forms derived from numbers show some lexical variation.
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217 5-2.41 maya ~ ma: 1 one 1 and paya ~ pa: 1 two 1 In all dialects maya and~ occur singly or as heads of phrases. Like k 11 aya and naya, their /ya/ sequences reduce to vowel length form when they occur as modifiers, e. g. _/ma:/ in ma: uta 'one house'; and as already noted (4-3.22. 14), in Jopoqueri the vowel length allomorphs also occur in compound numbers. 5-2.41. l maya ~ ma: maya ~ ma: has several derived meanings and forms. In its basic form as modifier /ma:/ means 1 one 1 When modifying a pluralized noun, it translates as 1 some 1 (unos in Spanish), e. g. ma: achachila.naka.x 'some old men'. It may modify another number, as in ma: .P.E._: ch'akura 'some two stakes' (Corque). maya ~ ma: plus -mpi ~ -nti 1 with 1 has the meaning I once more, again 1 Al lomorphs are regionally predictable but will be given here to illustrate their differing phonological shapes, which can cause inter dialectal confusion. For example, a La Paz speaker did not recognize the Salinas voiced variant [ma:.ndi] and resisted accepting it as the equivalent of his /maya.mpi/. /maya.mpi/ /ma: .mpi/ (La Paz, most other dialects) (Calacoa)
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218 /ma:.mpi/ {with optional realization [ma:.mbi]) {Calacala) /ma:.mpi ~ ma:.nti/ {Jopoqueri) /ma:.nti/ [ma:.ndi] {Salinas) maya also has two derived meanings: 'suddenly, all at once' and 'another, different'. maya 'suddenly' occurs to modify a verb. Uka.t may puraka.pa.x p"alla.tata.w.j.iritayn. then stomach burst 3+3 RIK 'Then suddenly her stomach burst.' {Calacoa) It also occurs in derived formations. maya.ki 'suddenly' {La Paz) -ki 'just' may.ti 'suddenly' {Juli) -ti frozen suffix ma:. ki 'fast, quickly, at once' (Calacoa) maya.ki may.sa.r 'all at once' (La Paz) -sa 'side' -ru 'to, at' maya 'another, different' has always occurred suffixed or reduplicated or in a compound with uru 'day' in this research. It does not have an allomorph /ma:/ in dialects investigated so far.
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219 may.maya 'first one, then the other' (La Paz/Campi) maya.ki may.ja 'different, other' (Calacoa) 'different' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz) /-ja/ 'like' may.ja Jlli 'another class of person' (euphemism for dishonest person) (La Paz) may.ja. ta maya. :ma maya. :mu may. ni jagi I person 1 'in a certain way' (La Paz) /-ta/ 'of, from' 'different, other' (Morocomarca) /-:ma/ 'like' 'different, other' (Salinas) /-:mu/ 'like' 1 the other one 1 (human) ( La Paz, Sa 1 inas) -ni 'possessor' may.ni.nha 'my spouse' (Jopoqueri) /-nha/ lp possessive h ll may. n. c ap., ri 'someone, another one' (Jopoqueri) /-ch"api/ 'the one which' -iri nominalizer tagi may.ni.s 'everyone' (La Paz) tagi 'all' -sa sentence suffix may. ti 'different, suddenly' (Juli) may.kip uru 'every other day' (Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1603b:173) -kipa 'every other•
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may.u:ru 220 'another day• (all dialects); also means 'tomorrow' (Sitajara) uru 'day' (This last contrasts with ma: uru 'one day', showing that maya 'different, other' is a different morpheme from maya ~ -ma: 'one', although it overlaps with maya ~ ma: 'suddenly'.) +maya.jamu 'in one manner' (Bertonio l603b:l74) +may.s.ja 'different' (Sebeok l95la:55) 5-2.41.2 paya ~ pa: paya ~ pa: occurs in derived formations also. pa.ni 'two people' (all dialects) -ni 'enumerator' . 4 pa. n,. sa 'we (4p) two' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b) -sa 4p pay.pacha 'the two [nonhuman]' (Huancan~) pa.cha.si.na 'to doubt, be of two minds' Wexler 1967:455) -cha causative verbalizer -na nominalizer -pacha 1 all, (La Paz; also -si reflexive + h . pa.mp.pac a.n, 'the two [human]' (LaBarre 1950:42) + pay.uru 'two days' (Tschopik 1948:109) same'
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221 5-2.42 Other numbers /kinsa/ 'three' occurs in Morocomarca and Salinas, /kimsa/ elsewhere. The variants occur consistently in the compound numbers I eight', 1 thirteen 1 , etc. /p 11 usi/ 'four' occurs in Calacoa, /pusi/ else where. /pisqa/ 'five' occurs in Salinas (and is alleged by Bertonio); /p 11 isqa/ occurs in La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Jopoqueri; /pisq 11 a/ occurs in Huancan~ and Morocomarca; /pichq 11 a/ occurs in Calacala. All present-day dialects have suxta, 1 six 1 ; Bertonio cited +chuxta (1603b:167). Orinoca, a town on Lake Poop6 in Oruro, reportedly has */paqaluqu/ 1 seven 15 ; all dialects encountered in this research have pagallgu. The variants /kimsaqallqu/ and /kinsaqallqu/ 'eight' occur as indicated for /kimsa/ and /kinsa/, above. llatunka 'nine', tunka 'ten', and waranga 'thousand' are invariable in present-day dialects, except that in Salinas, where there is an obligatory rule voic ing stops after nasals and before vowels, there are distinctive phonetic realizations: [llatuDga], [tu~ga], and [wara~ga]. Bertonio gave +llallatunka for 'nine' and three different translations for 'thousand':
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222 +jachu and +junu (Bertonio 1603b:167) and later +waranga (Bertonio 1612:2. 150). 5-2.5 Positionals Positionals are a class of nouns referring to spatial orientation, real and metaphorical. They often occur as heads in phrases with each other and other nouns, but all may act as free roots occurring alone. They take -kaverbalizer (after the suffix -na) but usually do not take vowel length or -ptaverbalizer. Nouns which are semantically positionals but do not readily combine with full members of the class may be considered borderline members. There is more dialectal variety in these borderline cases than in the six regular and one defective positionals which constitute the class proper. 5-2.51 Regular positionals The six regular positionals are anga 'outside' chiga 'straight(ness), truth' mang"a ~ mang"i 'inside, below' pata 'top, altiplano' g"ipa 'after, behind' (also a temporal; see 5-2.6) taypi 'middle, midst'
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223 These are found throughout the Aymara world. All have a high functional load except anga. Bertonio cited +mang 11 a meaning 1 inside 1 and +manq 11 i meaning 1 below' (Bertonio 1603:23). Some present-day dialects have one variant and others the other. La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca have mang 11 a; Huancan~ and Sita jara have manq 11 i; Calacoa has both mang 11 a and mang 11 i for 1 inside' and mang 11 a for 'below'. 5-2.52 Defective positional The defective positional is tugi~tugu 'around, in the area of 1 It is defective in that it does not occur as a modifier in phrases, but only as head, like a clitic on the way to becoming a suffix; but it may also occur alone as a root. /tuqi/ occurs everywhere. The alternate form /tuqu/ occurs in Calacoa (the one instance was in a riddle) and in Morocomarca and Calacala. In Morocomarca only /tuqi/ was acceptable before the suffix -na possessive/locational. 5-2.53 Borderline positionals These roots will be listed in alphabetical order with examples of their occurrences and an indication of where they occurred, although their isoglosses are yet to be finally determined.
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224 alaya 'above, next• (La Paz) alay pata 1 up there• pata 1 top 1 alay sawaru •next Saturday' sawaru 'Saturday• /alaxa/ 'north' (La Paz) alax.pacha 1 sky, heaven' pacha 'space, time• /araxa/ •north' (Jopoqueri) arax.pacha 'sky, heaven' amsta 'upward' (La Paz, Huancane) awk 11 wa meaning uncertain; occurred in jich 11 a.t awk 11 wa.ru '-from now on• (Salinas) j i ch II a I now 1 -ru 1 to 1 aynacha 'descent, slope, below• (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, Jopoqueri) chaga ~ chag 11 a I around, in the area of 1 (Morocomarca) chika 'next to, beside' (Juli, Jopoqueri, Calacala, San Andr~s de Machaca) na.mp chik 1 at my side 1 (Juli) na lp -mpi 1 with 1
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225 chika.ta 'next to, beside' (Tiahuanaco) -ta 'from, of' chika 'halfway, middle' (Compi, Juli, Huancane, Calacoa; also a temporal) chika. ta 'half' (La Paz) ch'ina 6 'after, behind' (Tiahuanaco, in folk tale only; also Bertonio 1603b:223) uta ch'in.kat.xa.y 'behind the house' (Tiahuanaco) uta 'house' -kata 'across' -xa sentence suffix :::.1.2_ sentence suffix ji k"a I behind 1 (Huancan~) k"ina 'behind, west• (Jopoqueri) laru 'beside' < Spanish lado 'side' (Juli, Huancan~, Jopo queri, Salinas, Morocomarca) /layra/ 'eye, before, in front of' (Salinas, Morocomarca; also a temporal) /nayra/ 'eye, before, in front of' (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri; also a temporal) pacha 'space, time, epoch' (all dialects; also a temporal) juk'a pacha.ki 'little amount' (Morocomarca) juk'a 'little amount' -ki 1 just 1
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226 jisk'a pacha.ki 'small' (Morocomarca) jisk'a 'little size' 5-2.6 Temporals 7 This important class contains a number of roots and a few root-like recurrent partials referring to seg ments of time. In all dialects the class has taken in certain Spanish time words which pattern like the Aymara roots. 5-2.61 Full temporal roots Full temporal roots may be defined as potentially occurring as heads in phrases or compounds with jich 11 a 1 now 1 as modifier, or as modifiers in phrases or com pounds with uru 'day' as head. These two roots, which occur in all dialects, themselves belong to the class of full temporal roots as they occur in the combination jich 11 .u:ru as well as in other combinations. Full temporal roots, including those that are Spanish loans, are the following (for dialectal distribution of native Aymara temporal roots, see Figures 5-1 and 5-2): 5-2.61. l Heads with jich 11 a as modifier alwa < Spanish alba 'dawn', 'early, morning' --arama ~ aruma 'night, morning, period from midnight to dawn,before daylight'
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227 arumanti ~ arumant 11 i •morning, tomorrow, period from midnight to dawn• arumarji ~ arumirja 1 morning 1 jaypu ~ jayp 11 u jayp 1 u 'afternoon, evening' mara 1 year 1 p 11 axsi 1 month 1 g 1 alta ~ q 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow• ratu < Spanish rato 1 while 1 simana < Spanish semana 1 week 18 (Bertonio 1603b cited +qalta) tarti < Spanish tarde 'afternoon, evening, late• timpu < Spanish tiempo 1 time 1 urasa ~ -wrasa ~ -wsa < Spanish horas 1 hours 1 uru 1 day 1 By a morphophonemic rule affecting nouns with initial /jV/, jich 11 a may optionally lose its sequence /ji/ (see 4-3.12.1). 5-2.61.2 Modifiers with uru as head chika 'halfway, middle' (also borderline positional) jich 11 a ~ juch 11 a 9 1 now 1
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228 jurpi ~ jurp"i 'day after tomorrow' maya 'another' (homophonous with maya 'one') q'alta ~ q 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow' q 11 ara 'tomorrow' q 11 ipa 'after' (also a positional) wasa 'another, other' (Bertonio 1603b cited +qalta) Forms with uru as head show the operations of the different vowel sequence avoidance rules characteris tic of the dialects concerned (see 4-3.22. 13). q'alta ~ g 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow' is included here since a possibly related /qallt.uru/ 'first day (of month)' occurred embedded in a noun phrase in La Paz/ Tiahuanaco (see the end of 5-2.64), even though the first two allomorphs were not found to occur before uru. They are also included here because /q"alt'i/ modifies /jurp 11 i/ 'day after tomorrow' and pacha 'time, epoch' in Salinas. 5-2.62 Rootlike recurrent partials The rootlike recurrent partials that are members of this class occur only as modifier~ in all dialects. They are mar-~ war-~ wal'two (days) ago' (+ uru)
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229 mas-~ was'one (day) ago' (+ jayp'u and uru) They occur without final vowels, but may be assumed to have final /a/ by analogy with the root wasa, which + occurs as a free root in La Paz; masawa 'long ago' was alleged by Bertonio (1603b:50). The Spanish days of the week have been borrowed into all Aymara dialects, They occur both as heads with jich"a as modifier, and as modifiers with uru as head. They also frequently occur as heads modified by alaya 'next' and pas.ir 'last' and as modifiers of alwa, jayp'u, and probably others. The days are lunisa < lunes 'Monday' martisa < martes 'Tuesday' mi rkul i sa < mi ~rco 1 es I Wednesday 1 juywisa < jueves 'Thursday' wirnisa < viernes 'Friday' sawaru < s~bado 'Saturday' tuminku < domingo 'Sunday• 5-2.63 Restricted temporal roots Temporal roots which are more restricted in their occurrences than full temporal roots and root-like
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230 recurrent partials but formally and semantically belong in the class are alaya 'next•, modifier of days of the week and of p"axsi; a borderline positional also {all dialects) arumara 'another day• {Juli) arunta 'night' {La Paz, Calacala) kuti 'time, occurrence', modified by the interrogative gawg 11 a, demonstratives aka and uka, and numbers, as in ma: kuti 'one time' {La Paz) layra ~ nayra 'before', modifier with pacha, timpu, and frozen suffix -gata; also a borderline positional {all dialects) pacha 'time, epoch', modified by interrogatives kuna and gawg 11 a, demonstratives, layra~nayra, and g 11 alt'i; also a borderline positional {all dialects) Also classifiable as restricted temporals are the hours of the day which in all dialects have been borrowed from Spanish, e. g. una 'one o'clock', las uchu < las ocho
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231 'eight o'clock.' They answer questions with kuna.wrasa.sa 'what time'. The Spanish months of the year have also been borrowed into Aymara everywhere. They usually occur modifying p 11 axsi 'month', e. g. awril p"axsi 'the month of April'. The months are iniru < enero 'January' p 11 iwriru < febrero 'February' marsu < marzo 'March' awril < abril 'April' mayu < mayo 'May' junu < junio 'June' jullu < jul io 'July' awustu < agosto 'August' sitimri < setiembre 'September' uktuwri < octubre 'October' nuwimri < noviembre 'November' risimri < diciembre 'December' Bertonio (1603b:181-182) gave names for the Aymara months
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232 which according to Vasquez are not months, but rather descriptions of agricultural activities appropriate to different seasons. These do not correspond to fixed months, probably because the agricultural seasons in the Aymara-speaking world vary widely according to alti tude, availability of water, and quality of the soil as well as to annual fluctuations in rainy and dry cycles within areas. Below are given Bertonio's 'months' and his glosses, followed by V~squez' interpretations. + chi nu p 11 axsi I January, month of the ant 1 chinu p 11 axsi 'tying month' chinu.na 'to tie' (La Paz) (Vasquez suggests this may refer to tying the kipu, the knotted string records kept in ancient times.) +marka p"axsi or+ g 11 ull i .wi p 11 axsi I February, month to be in town + + in order to divide fields into those to lie fallow and those to be plowed' marka 'town' q 11 ulli.na 'to plow' q"ulli.wi 'plowing time' (La Paz) llupa.llamayu 'March' llupa.na 'to cover' llamayu.na 'to hoe' l lamay p 11 axsi I hoeing month' (La Paz) amka. llamayu 'April 1 (unknown in La Paz)
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233 + i sk I a wati or +kasi. wi 'May, little hunger' +jach'a jisk'a awati 'assumption of duties by new team of shepherds sent to herd and cut wool; in some places may occur in January or March' (La Paz) jisk'a 'little' awati.na 'to herd' *kasi. wi (unknown) jawti 'June, big hunger' jach'a awtji 'big hunger' (La Paz) jach'a awti I big drought' (La Paz) jach'a 1 big 1 awtji 1 hunger 1 awti 'drought' + k 11 asu lapaga 'September' + t . sa a. w, lapaga 'drought caused by the sun' (sequedad del sol) (La Paz) *k 11 asu (unknown) lapaga 'October' sata.w lapaga 'planting drought' (La Paz) sata.na 'to plant' +wana chucha 'November' (unknown in La Paz) + uma chucha 'December' (unknown in La Paz) uma I water 1 ( La Paz)
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+ 234 chucha pankata: 'kind of beetle that comes in November and December when there is still drought' chucha pankataya 'beetle that comes during heavy rains in December' (La Paz) At least one misinterpretation is apparent in Bertonio's data. In contemporary Aymara awati is 'herding', not 'hunger', which Bertonio gives as +jawti in +jach'a jawti and which is awtji in present-day La Paz. Expressing frustration at not being able to elicit names clearly corresponding to the months as Europeans knew them, Bertonio complained The etymology of these that we have declared is not understood by all the same way; nor do the months begin with the punctuality of ours, because of their lack of sophistication (policia) and knowledge. (Bertonio 1603b:l82) The Aymaras' detailed knowledge of their agricultural cycle was evidently lost on Bertonio. A small set of native Aymara terms for times of day is the following provided by V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco): inti tuyta 'eight a.m.' inti 'sun' jalsu 'six to seven a.m.' (i. e., sunrise) willjta 'five a.m., when the stars fall' Bertonio (l603b:l85) also gave the term +inti sunagi.n.kipa.na
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235 for 'noon'. V~squez indicates this means 'on the top of the head'. The following restricted temporal roots do not enter into noun phrases but instead modify verbs: anch"ita 'right away' jink"ara (Jopoqueri) ~ nik"ira (Sitajara) ~ nik"iri (Socca) ~ nink"ara (Salinas, La Paz)~ nink"a:ra (La Paz) ~ nink"ra (Morocomarca) 'a while ago' lO maya ~ may.ti 'all at once' (see 5-2.4) maya.mpi ~ ma.nti 'again' (see 5-2.4) niya ~ na 'already' wasita (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara) ~ wasta (Juli) 'again' (possibly related to wasa) 5-2.64 Temporals in combination with nouns of other classes In all dialects nouns from other classes combine with temporals. Compound forms with the interrogatives kuna and gawg"a are shown in 5-2.1. The demonstratives and the numbers, especially maya ~ ma: 'one' and maya 'another' (which are simultaneously temporals), may also modify temporals.
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236 The normal positional g"ipa 'after' and the bor derline positionals chika 'halfway, middle' and layra ~ nayra 'before' are simultaneously members of the temporal class and modify other temporals in all dialects. Two verbs nominalized with -iri modify temporals. They are jut.iri 'coming, next' and pas.iri 'last, past' (from Spanish pasa'pass'), as in the following. (The examples are from La Paz but probably occur elsewhere as we 11 . ) jut.ir mara 'next year' jut. ir p"axsi 'next month' pas.ir lunisa 'last Monday' pas.ir p"axsi 'last month' The suffix -kama should also be included in a discussion of temporals (see 5-3.32. 1). 5-2.65 Distribution of temporal roots and derived forms Figures 5-1.1 and 5-1.2 give dialectal distribu tion and glosses of full root and derived temporals that show variation, in alphabetical order. Where a slot in the pattern is filled by a different form, it is shown in parentheses. Blanks mean no form was elicited for the gloss shown. Figure 5-2 shows the overlapping glosses of
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Roots La Paz jBertonio Juli Huancan~ Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Gloss 1603b aramaaruma aruma (ch'ama) arama aramaaruma night aruma 'dark' aruma rumarjt-1 arama evening arumirja + (q' a lta) arumant i(qa lta) (alwa) (arumanti) aruma arama aruma morning arumJnt"i) aruma o+--aruma~ early morning aruma midnight/dawn jayp"u aruma early night jich"arma(jich"a ~jich"aruma (jich"a jich"a jich"a tonight jich"aruma jayp'u arumanti) arama aruma jich"arma (masayp'u) (jayp"u)__.,. masur last night aruma arumant1+ (mayuru, (q"aru:ru) (q"ara, (q"alt'i) arumantiI (mayllarumanti tomorrow arumant"i arumant"i uru) q'alta) q"alt'i) N arumanti morning w ....... jich"arjich"ar{jich"a (j i ch"ur +-{jich"aq"alt'i) this morning mant"i manti q'alta) aruma). jich"a tonight arumanti arumarj1arumarj1morning arumirja arumi rja jich"arthis morning mirja jaypujayp'u jayp'u jaypu jayp"u jaypu jayp"u evening, night jayp"ujayp'u jich"ayp'u jfch"a (jich"aruma) (jich"a (jich"a (jich"a tonight jayp'u arumant f) arama) aruma) masayp'umasayp'u -jayp"U--+(masur last night wasayp'u aruma) jurpijurpu:ru jurp"u:ru jurpiwru jurp"1 jurpiwru jurpi q"alt'1 (q"aru:ru) day after tomorrow jurp"i jurp"i jurpu:ru day after day after tomorrow Figure 5-1.l. Temporals
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Roots La Paz I Bertonio 1603b Julf Hi.:ancan~ Calacoa Sftajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Gloss mara maymara~ I miymara maymara last year r::ayma:ra~ miymara, k"uri mara jutir q"ipa next year mara mara (Grurnarji + qalta (alwa) (arumi:!nti) q'alta q"alt'f morning q'altaarumirja, q"alt'f aru;r.anti arumant"i) q"ara q"aru:ru I +(mayllq"aru:ru q"arawru (arl!lr.ilnti) (mayuru, q"aru:ru q"ara (q"alt'i} tomorrow uru} q'alta) (jurpu:ru} I (jurpi serf es) q"aru:ru day after tomorrow uru chika uru +chika midday uru~ +chiku:ru jich"u:ru~ I jich"u:ru -jich"awru jich"u:ru today juch"u:ru N jurpu:ru jurp"u:ru jurpiwru (jurp" i) jurpiwru (jurpi) (q"alt'f (q"aru:ru) day after tomorrow w jurp"i) CX> jurpu:ru day after day after tomorrow I + walu:ru walawru• -1aluru(rr,aswarh'alu:ru I ~ialuru waruru maruru day before u:ru} yesterday masu:,u -lI mast:ru I masu:ru masawru -masurumasu:ru yesterday wasu:ru r.iayuru, I I mayuru mayu:ru another day q"ipu:ru q"ipu:ru q" i pa~:ru yaq"a uru yaq"a uru *unattested, but fits pattern Figure 5-1 . 2. Temporals
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(to}night (this) morning micn1ght/dawn tomorrow day after tor.l>rrow another day arama Jopoqueri Jopoqueri Sa 1 inas aruma La Paz S1tajara Moroco:r.arca Juli Morocomarca Huancan~ C;:lacoa /1.oroco:r.:irca arumarji arumirja La Paz arumant1 Jo;ioq~er1 La Paz JopOGU.?ri La Paz Juli Huuncan~ Calacoa arumara Juli ar1,;nta La Paz N Calacala C.,.> I+ ~:ilta 8-?rtcr.io 1603bl I.O q iilca Calacca Sf tajara q"alt'i Jopoqueri Salinas Salinas I~ rocor..a rca Morccor.iarca l+rr..iyll uru lililYUfU Bertonio 1603bl Si tajara La Paz mayu:ru Jopoquerf Salfn.:s q"ara Salinas q"aru:ru La Paz Morocomarca Juli Jopoqu~rf q"arawru Huancan~ q"ipu:ru la Paz, Julf q"1pawru Huancane Figure 5-2. Temporals Overlapping Glosses
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240 certain root and derived temporals. Forms alleged for Juli by Bertonio {1603b) are boxed to set them off from contemporary forms. 11 5-2.66 Semantics Phonologically identical or similar roots with the same meanings across dialects are the Spanish loans and the following: jaypu ~ jayp 11 u jayp'u 'evening' jich"a 'now' jink"ara {and variants) 'a little while ago' jurpi ~ jurp"i 'day after tomorrow' pacha 'time, epoch' p"axsi 'month' uru 'day' Phonologically identical or similar derived forms with the same meanings across dialects, in their La Paz versions, are may.mara ~ miy.mara 'last year' jurp.u:ru ~ 'day after tomorrow' {except in Morocomarca)
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241 mas.u:ru ~ was.u:ru 'yesterday• wal.u:ru 1 day before yesterday• (except in Salinas) As may be seen in Figure 5-2, the semantic field of aruma ~ arama and arumanti still lacks a precise formu lation, but certain outlines are clear. The glosses_at first seemed bewilderingly in conflict: •morning' and 1 night 1 To complicate matters further, aruma means •orange color• in Jopoqueri. Two sources, one from Moro comarca and the other from Jopoqueri, accepted 'time period from midnight to dawn• as a roughly accurate defi nition of aruma (Morocomarca) and arumanti (Jopoqueri). According to a La Paz source, the period begins at bed time: arum chiga.ru is 1 at dusk 1 (Spanish tl atardecer) or •at night' (Spanish ..!:_ noche). A source in Calacoa said the following: Aruma. :.w.x.i.w, 3+3 s iki.nta.w.ja.:tan. bed 4+3 F In La Paz, Calacoa, and Huancane, aruma also means •early morning, before daylight' as in the following: Aruma.t sara.nani.xa. go 4+3 F 1 Let 1 s go early (before it gets light).' (Huancan~)
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242 The period thus seems to begin after dark, approximately when people retire for the night, and end before dawn, when they get up. Perhaps it refers to the period when work is normally suspended; it is evidently tied to dark ness. Depending on one's point of reference in time it may be translated variously. The root arumanti overlaps the semantic field of 'tomorrow'. La Paz, Juli and Huancan~ have both arumanti and a q 11 ara form for 'tomorrow'. A q 11 ara form was not elicited for Calacoa, which alone of the arumanti 'tomorrow' group also has g'alta for 'morning'. Salinas and Jopoqueri have q 11 alt 1 i for 'morning' and g 11 ara forms for 'tomorrow'; in Salinas g 11 alt 1 i also means 'tomorrow'. Salinas and Morocomarca have g 11 alt 1 i for both 'morning' and 'tomorrow' and Huancane has arumanti for both meanings. La Paz has ch 11 armant 11 i 'this morning' built on arumanti, and arumanti 'tomorrow'. La Paz and Huancane also have forms based on g 11 ara for 'tomorrow' and La Paz also has arumarji ~ arumirja for 'morning'. Bertonio (1603b) indicated there were separate terms for the two, +qalta 'morning' and +maylluru 'tomorrow'. In contemporary dialects forms built of maya plus uru mean 'another day' rather than 'tomorrow' except in Sitajara, where the form has both meanings. (It may also have had both meanings in 17th century Juli.)
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243 In Morocomarca q 11 ar.u:ru means 'day after tomorrow', the slot filled by the jurpi series elsewhere, and jurp.uru means 'day after day after tomorrow', a semantic slot not elicited for other dialects. In La Paz q'alta ~ q 11 alt 1 i were rejected, although a possibly related qallt.uru occurred in the phrase mayu p"axs qallt.uru 'the first day of May' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco). In Salinas arumanti was recognized as used elsewhere but not there. Not all terms were tested in all areas, so some not shown for a given area may in fact be acceptable there. 5-2.7 Ambiguous noun/verb roots A few ambiguous noun/verb roots have been identi fied in this research. The following occur generally unless otherwise noted: aru 'word, language; talk, speak' awati 'herding; herd' ch 11 aqa 'lost; lose' ch I uwa 'transparent, crystalline; be transparent' (said of water, milk) isi 'clothes; put on clothes' jacha 'tear; cry'
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244 k 11 ita 'messenger; send a messenger' manq'a ~ mag'a 'food; eat, feed' mink'a 'help; help' (Morocomarca) nink 11 ara 'a while ago; be a while ago' (La Paz) pug 11 a 'full; pay a bill (fulfill) 1 qillga 'letter; write' qinaya 'cloud; cloud' (La Paz) g 11 una 'square stone used to grind corn; grind corn' (La Paz) q'ipi 'bundle; carry a bundle on the back' A special kind of noun/verb root is the syntactic filler inchi, which occurs to fill space while the speaker searches for a word. 12 Examples: Uka.ta.w (inchi) kuna.sa ... 'Then (uh) what .. (Calacoa) inchi.w.iri.x (Calacoa) -waverbal derivational 1 distancer 1 -iri nominalizer inchi.ru.x (Sitajara) -ru 'to, at' inchi.ta (Calacala) -ta 'of, from'
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245 Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes may act like derived nouns. Examples are given in 6-2. 5-3 Noun Suffixes Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, noun stems, and nominalized themes. Noun suffix classes are four: a class of limited occurrence and three order classes. Class l consists of locationals, diminutives, a posses sor/enumerator, personal possessives, and plural. Class 2 consists of complement/relational (case) suffixes and final noun suffixes. Class 3 noun suffixes are the ver balizers. Figure 5-3 shows the order classes of noun suf fixes. This figure, adapted from my earlier version (Hardman et al. 1975:3.281), shows all noun suffixes and their allomorphs encountered in the research for this study. For general comments on noun suffix morphopho nemics, see 4-2. 5-3. l Class of limited occurrence 5-3. 11 Frozen limited suffixes Frozen suffixes occur most often as recurrent partials frozen in stems that do not occur without them, but some also occur on certain free roots. Their meaning is not usually apparent.
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limited Class (Non-frozen) .c.h.?pi '"-ch" api ch'a _cja =~~!pa -:k"a •vlay~u c -rayku •v;;ura c -vqata r.:i -~rara wisa v-wisu Locationals ---------sal-ckata 1 C -kati 1 Diminutives -vcha -ifla lla •ita V •itu •vsitu -/lja •cjftil Pusses,or/ Eriu:nerator •vni Class 3 Verbalizers cja-ka-:-,..pta •v!dpt~ c Adopted from Briggs (Hard~~n et al. 1975:3.281) Figure 5-3. Aymara Noun Suffixes Xill,2 C Class 1 Class 2 I Comp l emcn t/ Possessfves I Plur.11 Relatfcnal Final Suffixes I I •vxa (11r.d var-I c iants) •vmptv .. -nt1 c ma V •vnaka 3 c -:xa2 -vpa c . na •vkama V V c c c •vruv •vpacha •vSa c •vtav -t"a c taki -takuf V V . c c tt.y V fu: Suffixes separated by a dotted line may change places, Suffixes scpdrated by a solid line may r.ot change places, 1 May follow -:,,pi and -,ach~. 2 May s~parate -~pi and -eoch;i. 3 M,!y prcccde .:.!!.!. ar.d location11ls -wj~, -Hta. Horphophor.<:rntcs cf al k:norphs He the sarr.e ts on the first allomorphs shown, unless otherwise noted. cjama (and var16nts) Zero Com;> 1 c.ti.:n t N .i::,. '
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247 5-3. 11. 1 Kinship markers Kinship markers are -chi ~ -ch" i ~ -ch I i, -ku, -la, -ta~ -tta, and~They occur on kinship terms used in certain areas. Both -chi or -ta and -la occur on certain stems, -la always last. 5-3. 11. 11 chi ~ -ch 11 i ~ -ch 1 i C V Kinship terms with this partial are achachi 1 grandfather 1 (Morocomarca, also Bertonio 1603b) 1 old man• (Calacoa) •stupid/dirty old man, old (animal)' (La Paz) achachila 'grandfather' (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri) achichi 'stupid old man, old' (Sitajara) allchi 'grandchild(ren)' (most dialects) a 11 ch" i I grandchi 1 d ( ren) 1 (Jopoqueri) + h' apac, 1 grandmother 1 modern Aymara) (Bertonio 1603b; not attested in
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248 awkch 1 i 1 father-in-law' (Huancane, Salinas, Morocomarca; awki occurs there and elsewhere, meaning 'father' or 1 old man 1 ) jach'achila 'grandfather' (Morocomarca) jach'a 1 big' taykchi 'mother-in-law 1 ( Huancane) taykch'i 'mother-in-law' (Salinas; tayka occurs there and elsewhere, meaning 'mother• or 'old woman•) This frozen suffix has a preceding vowel in some stems, and a preceding consonant in others. 5-3.11.12 ku vThis has occurred only in mamaku 'mother• and tataku 1 father 1 , terms reportedly used today in the towns of Huatajata and Janco Amaya near Compi (La Paz); they were used in Compi during the childhood of persons who are now middle-aged. The forms mama •mother/ma'am' and tata 1 father/sir 1 are in general use throughout the Aymara area. 5-3.11.13 la vThis occurs as follows: achachila 'grandfather• (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri) ch'ammala •grandmother' < jach 1 a mamala (Jopoqueri)
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249 jach 1 achila 1 grandfather 1 {Morocomarca) jach 1 attala 1 grandfather 1 < jach 1 a tatala (Jopoqueri) jach 1 a 1 large 1 mamala 'form of address used by mother speaking to daughter• {Vitocota) mamala 1 mother 1 {Calacoa, Morocomarca) jach 1 a mamala 'great grandmother• (San Andr~s de Machaca) jil. ir mama la 1 mother 1 s older si ster 1 {Morocomarca) tatala 'form of address used by mother speaking to son• {Vitocota) tatala 1 father 1 (Calacoa, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) tatala 'offensive term• {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Dios tatala 1 God the Father' {Torata, Moquegua) tiwula < Spanish tfo 1 uncle 1 {previously used in Campi) tiwula 1 fox 1 (La Paz, Socca, Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
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250 tiyala 'sister or female cousin of father• < Spanish tfa (Juli) tiyula < Spanish tfo 1 uncle 1 (Morocomarca) 5-3. 11. 14 -vma ~ -mma ~ C This is probably a reduced form of~ 'mother/ ma 1 am 1 It has occurred only in Jopoqueri, in the follow ing: jil.ir.~y 1 father 1 s older brother's wife' tayp.ir.ma 1 father 1 s middle brother's wife' sullk.ir.ma 1 father 1 s younger brother's wife' pichumma 1 father 1 s youngest brother's wife' This suffix basically requires a previous vowel, but it follows the three-vowel rule (4-3.22. 16). 5-3.ll.15 ta~ -tta v----c This is probably a reduced form of tata 'father/ Sir I ipata 1 father 1 s sister' (Jopoqueri) 1 aunt 1 jach 1 attala < jach 1 a tatala 'grandfather' (Jopoqueri)
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251 jilata 'brother• (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca) jila 1 brother' (most dialects) jil.ir.ttay 1 father 1 s older brother• (Jopoqueri) jil.iri 1 older 1 (most dialects) larita 'uncle 1 (Calacoa) lari 1 fox 1 (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, 1 neighbor 1 ( Compi) 1 father• s brother• (Bertonio 1603b: 202) laritta 1 uncle 1 (Jopoqueri) pichu.r.tta 1 father 1 s youngest brother• (Jopoqueri) pichu. ri I youngest 1 (Jopoqueri) sullk.ir.tta 1 father 1 s younger brother• (Jopoqueri) sullka 1 younger 1 (most dialects) tayp.ir.tta 1 father 1 s middle brother• (Jopoqueri) taypi 1 middle 1 (all dialects)
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252 The morphophonemics of this suffix are the same as those of -ma~ -mma. 5-3. 11 . l 6 -v~ This suffix occurs on j il aya 'brother', j i l. i r. may 'father's older brother's wife', and jil.ir.ttay 'father's older brother', all used in Jopoqueri, and in sullka tata.ya 'father's younger brother', used in Sacca. In the last example it may be an allomorph of lp possessive suffix (see 5-3.24.1). 5-3. 12 Nonfrozen limited suffixes The meanings of these suffixes are usually apparent. 5-3.12.l -c_c_h_a~p_i_~_-_c_h_"_a~p_i 'the one which/that' This suffix does not occur in La Paz. It occurs in Huancan~, Sitajara, and Jopoqueri, usually with the aspirated allomorph, on the interrogative kawki, the demonstratives aka and uka, and the derived number may.ni. Examples: kawk.ch 11 api.sa 'which, who is that?' (Sitajara) ak. cha pi 'this one 1 (Huancan~) uk.chapi 'that one' (Huancan~)
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253 h ll may.n.c ap. 1r1 'someone' (Jopoqueri) The following examples were cited by Bertonio (1603b) and Tschopik (1948): +kawki.chapi 'which' (Bertonio 1603b:237) +kawk.ch'ap.iri.sa 'which of us' (Tschopik 1948:110) +jach'a.chapi 'the large one' (Bertonio 1603b:193} +.. t h . J1wa. a.cap, 'the one that is dead' (Tschopik 1948:110) + h . w, a.cap, 1 the red one' (Bertoni o 1603b: 192) (The glottalization shown on the second example is probably in error.) 5-3.12.2 ch'a 'size, extent' c-This suffix has occurred on the interrogative gawg 11 a, the demonstrative uka, and the number maya. It is general in all dialects. Examples: gawg 11 a.ti gawg.ch'a.ti 'however much' (Huancan~) uk.ch'a.ki.y 'just that size' (La Paz) Uk.ch'a.ki.w. 'That's all.' (story ending, Juli, La Paz)
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254 ma: uk. ch I a I a while 1 ( Jopoqueri) yat may.ch'a.x 1 in some places• (La Paz) + uk. ch' a.:. n. kama. xa 1 meanwhil e 1 (Tschopi k 1948: l 08) 5-3.12.3 j a c'amount, quantity• This suffix occurs on only a few roots and is difficult to distinguish from a homophonous allomorph of the Class 2 noun suffix -jama 'like', except when it (-ja 1 quantity 1 ) occurs before a complement/relational suffix (see jayp'.ja.ru below). It must also be distinguished from the allomorph /-ja/ of lp possessive and from the verbal derivational suffix -jathat may verbalize noun roots. It may be this suffix that occurs in the derived demonstratives ak 11 a and uk 11 a and in the interrogatives kawk 11 a and gawg 11 a. It occurs on wali in wal.ja 1 a lot•, contrasting with wal.jama 'pretty good'. Two other examples, on temporals, are jayp'.ja.ru 1 in the afternoon• (San Andr~s de Machaca) and ur.ja 1 by day• (Salinas). 5-3. 12.4 -ckipa •every other• In contemporary La Paz Aymara, this suffix occurs only on numbers, as in may.kipa •every other one•, pay.kipa •every other two•. It may be identical with the homophonous verbal derivational suffix meaning 'action
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255 around the edge, past a point, back and forth' which is known to verbalize one noun root (see 6-2. 15. 1), although the verbal suffix has different morphophonemics, requiring a preceding vowel. Bertonio (1603b:172-173) cited -kipa on numbers and on the following forms which are unaccept able in La Paz today: + II k" k" gayg a. 1pa.n. 1.s 'how far back in line' (gawg"a.n.k.k.i.s means 'how far back in line' in La Paz today) + k" nayra. ,pa 'second in line' + . k. pan,. ,pa 'third in line' 5-3. 12.5 -:ka 'general location' This suffix occurs only on the demonstratives aka, uka, and k 11 aya in La Paz. It also occurred once in Sacca on aka. It was not formally elicited nor did it occur spontaneously elsewhere. Possibly a reduced form of aka, it lessens the preciseness of a location. The following examples are from La Paz/Compi. aka.:ka.n sar.naga.s.ka.:na 'he was going around here' 3+3 RDK k 11 aya.:ka.n 'around there'
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256 uka.:ka.n 'around there' *k 11 uri. :ka.n (rejected) The following pair, the second with -:ka, occurred in Sacca. Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. 1 l 1 11 be here in this place.' 1-+3 F Aka.:ka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. 'I'll be around here.' 5-3. 12.6 -:k"a 'through' Only one example of the suffix :k"a 'through' has occurred, in uta. :k 11 a 'through the house• in Moro comarca, where neither the combination /-n.jama/ nor /-na.ma/ 'through' occurs (see 5-3.32.3). It may per haps consist of -:ka •general location' plus /-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like'. 5-3. 12.7 -vlayku ~ -rayku 'on account of' C /~rayku/ occurs in Morocomarca, /-layku/ else where. In most dialects use of this suffix in a question implies perplexity and annoyance on the part of the ques tioner, e. g., Kuna.layku.s jut.ta? 'Whatever possessed you to come?' what come 2-+3 s
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257 Statements with this suffix do not usually have the strong emotional overtone of the question, as in Manu.layku.w jut.ta. 'I came because of a debt. 1 debt 1+3 s Missionary Aymara uses the term kuna. layku.ti.xa 'because' (see 9-5). This suffix follows the three-vowel rule {4-3.22. 16). 5-3.12.8 -v~ 'between, among' (reciprocal) C This suffix occurs primarily on human nouns. warmi.pura 'among women' (La Paz) mimill waw.pura.tan 'we're just women' (Sitajara) s mimilla 'girl I wawa 'child' Jupa.nak.pura.ki.w. 'They're just by themselves. 1 3p Bertonio used this suffix with body parts, as in +nayra.pura 'both eyes', but in present-day La Paz this is rejected in favor of using the frozen stem purapa 'both' (see 5-3.24) as a modifier, e. g. purap 1 both feet 1
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258 This suffix follows the three-vowel rule (4-3.22.16). This suffix is known to occur on only two roots: nayra 'before' and gE@_ 'only'. The stem nayra.gata 1 in front of' is used in La Paz, Jopoqueri, and probably elsewhere. The stem sapa.gata 'each one' occurs in La Paz. 5-3. 12. 10 ra v'through' Like -:k 11 a, -ra is a suffix occurring in only one dialect, in this case Jopoqueri, with the meaning 'through'. uta.ra.n 'through the house' 5-3.12.11 rara intensifier v-In La Paz this suffix occurs as in the following: lag 1 a.rara 'covered with earth' lag'a 'earth' lichi.rara 'spotted with milk' lichi 'milk' gala.rara 'covered with stones' 'stone' In Irpa Chico, province of Ingavi, La Paz, it occurred in these examples cited by Mart1n (1969:34).
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259 +~. II. I dd I n1g 1.rara very mu y nig 11 i 'mud 1 +k 11 uchi.rara 'very dirty' k 11 uchi I pig 1 5-3. 12. 12 wisa ~ wisu v-v-'without' This suffix is no longer productive in any dia lect investigated for this study, although in Bertonio's time it apparently was (Bertonio 1603b:214,215). Its use is now taken over by jani negative plus the possessor/ enumerator suffix -ni, as in jan nasa.ni 'without a nose'. Today the only forms attested with -wisa are for Compi and Tiahuanaco: jinchu.wisa 'hard of hearing' and nayra.wisa 'having bad eyesight' (which would not be said within earshot of the person referred to, as they would be considered rude) and jayu.wisa 'lacking salt'. -wisa occurs in Tiahuanaco, -wisu in Compi. 5-3.2 Class l suffixes 5-3.21 Locationals I have described locational suffixes elsewhere (Hardman et al. 1975:3.287-290). No special effort was made to elicit them in this study, and no variations in their occurrences were noted. They are -cg 'side', -ckata ~ -kati 'across', -vwja 'place', -cjita 'exactly in a place', -cxa 'over, on', and -:xa 'beside'.
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260 5-3.22 Diminutives The following diminutives have occurred in this research: -cha, -illa ~ -lla, -ita, -itu, and -situ. The last three are clearly Spanish loans; -illa ~ -lla may be. The first two and -itu are fully productive, -ita is less so, and -situ occurs only frozen in stems but is included here because of its structural and semantic closeness to the others. The diminutives do not usually co-occur with the locationals. 5-3.22. l cha v-This suffix, which may be related to the Jaqaru -cha limitative (Hardman 1966:87), occurs in Calacoa and Huancan~ on any noun that is limited or qualified as small. uka.cha.x 1 then 1 (Huancan~) marka. cha I little town 1 (Cal acoa) nasa.cha 'little nose• (Calacoa) It is used on kinship terms and in forms of address as a mark of affection and/or courtesy. tiyu.cha.ja 'my uncle' (Calacoa) .9!!]j_ suma.~ mama 'dear good lady' (Huancan~) jisk 1 a llugalla.cha 'little boy' (Calacoa)
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261 It may occur with other diminutives, as in the following, which has -cha followed by -itu reduced to /ch.tu/ by the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22. 16). papa.ch.tu.ja 'my daddy' (Huancan~) 5-3.22.2 illa ~ lla c----v-/-lla/ diminutive, which occurs in Huancan~, Sita jara, Corque, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, is to be distin guished from /-lla/ lp possessive which occurs in Vito cota and from /-lla/ allomorph of -ya~ -lla politive final (sentence) suffix, which occurs in some of the dia lects that have /-lla/ diminutive. Both the diminutive /-lla/ and the final suffix /-lla/ may occur on the same stem, and they are clearly distinct in meaning. /-illa/ has occurred in the speech of one source from Salinas who also uses /-lla/, but the latter is more common. It may reduplicate for emphasis. A speaker from Jopoqueri used both pisag.ita and pisaga. lla 'little partridge' in the same story. Other examples: Uk.jama. lla.ki .w. 'It's just like so. 1 (Salinas) may.illa 'just one little one' (Salinas) Sik'a.lla.lla.wa. 'It's tiny.' (Salinas) sik'a 'little' Jisk'a. lla.ki.w. 'It's very small.' (Huancane) jisk'a 'little'
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262 jamach'i.lla 'little bird' (Salinas) jila. lla.naka 'brothers' (Corque) tayka. lla 'little old lady' (Salinas} 5-3.22.3 ita c-This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive -ita. It occurs infrequently and usually only in frozen forms such as mamita 'mother' (a term of endearment used to one's own mother}. It also occurs on a few roots ending in /a/. kullak.ita 'little sister' (Calacoa) kullaka 'sister' nas. ita 'little nose' (Salinas} nasa 'nose' pisag.ita 'little partridge' (Jopoqueri} 5-3.22.4 itu c-pisaga 'partridge' This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive -ito. It is not used in Calacoa but is elsewhere more productive than -ita, occurring on nouns without regard to the gender of the referent, as in tawag.itu 'young woman' (Juli), although in this case the choice of -itu rather than -ita may be influenced by the fact that the root tawaqu ends in /u/.
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5-3.22.5 situ v-263 This is a variant of -itu, from Spanish -cito. It occurs rarely, like -ita, and appears frozen to the roots on which it occurs, which are all kinship or age terms. papa.situ 'father, daddy' < Spanish papacito (La Paz) allchi.situ 1 grandchild 1 (Huancan~) awki.situ 'little old man' (Juli) 5-3.23 -vni possessor/enumerator This suffix is in general use in all areas. The following is a summary and revision of my earlier treatment (Hardman et al. 1975:3.291-294). The semantics of -ni are further discussed in 8-2.24. 5-3.23.l -ni possessor The suffix -ni turns a noun into a possessor of that noun, except as noted in 5-3.23.2. A noun stem with -ni may be verbalized with the verbal derivational suffix -cha causative as well as by-:verbalizer. qullqi.ni 'one who has money' qullqi.n.cha.na 1 to make someone win' (La Paz)
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264 The negative jani modifying a noun with -ni means 1 with out1, as in jan chacha.ni 'without a husband' (Jopoqueri, La Paz). 5-3.23.2 -ni enumerator -ni is used in forming certain numbers, for count ing, and when the following classes of nouns are used with reference to human beings: numbers, quantity nouns (such as g_g_i_ 'all', tag.pacha 'all', wal .ja 1 a lot, much, many', and juk'a 'a few'), or the interrogative gawg 11 a 'how much, how many'. 5-3.24 Personal possessives There are four personal possessive suffixes corresponding to the four personal pronouns (5-2.3) and occurring on the item possessed. All refer exclusively to human possessors except the third person, which is unmarked for human or nonhuman (i. e., it may refer to human or nonhuman possessors, animate or inanimate). There is no phonemic variation in the mor phemes of 2p, 3p, and 4p, which correspond to the last syllable of the corresponding personal pronoun: 2p -ma, 3p ~, and 4p -sa. However, as already indicated in 3-4.32, there is considerable variation in the allo morphs of lp. The 3p suffix is unique in that it occurs frozen in certain stems.
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265 5-3.24. l Allomorphs of lp suffix /-ja/ /-xa/ /-:/ /-lla/ (La Paz/Campi, Juli, Sacca, Huancane, Calacoa; also alleged in Bertonio 1603b) (la Paz) (La Paz [rarely], Sacca) (Vitocota) /-nha/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri; reportedly general throughout most of the provinces of Tarata [Tacna] and Carangas [Oruro]) /-na/ + /-ya/ (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) (Ross 1964:Addendum, n. 4 top. 25; locale not indicated) The allomorphs above correspond to some of the allomorphs of 1+3 Future tense (6-3.32), but the corre spondence is not exact within all dialects. 5-3.24.ll Complete correspondence ( 1 l 1 11 go to my house.') Uta.nha.r sar.xa.nha. (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) Uta.na.r sara.na. (Salinas) Uta.ja.r sara.ja. (La Paz/Campi, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa) *Uta. : . r sara.:. (Sacca; not elicited) uta 1 house 1 sara'go'
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266 5-3.24. 12 Incomplete correspondence Uta.ja.r ~ uta.xa.r sara.:ja ~ sara.: ~ sara.:xa. (La Paz) Sara.:. ut.na.ru. {Morocomarca) *Ut.na.r sara.ya. {Morocomarca; not elicited, but likely) *Uta.ja.r sara.ja: ~ sara.ya. {Socca; not elicited, but likely) In general there are more different allomorphs of F than there are of lp possessive, in a given dialect. 5-3.24.2 Convergence of lp and 4p In Sitajara lp and 4p have fallen together in the speech of some persons, but not completely, giving such anomalous possibilities as jiwsa.n uta.nha, literally 'our {4p) house-my', where the person is /jiwsa/ 4p 1 our 1 in clusive, but the possessive suffix is /-nha/ lp exclusive. The intended meaning is 'our {4p) house'. How widespread this convergence may be is not known at this time. 5-3.24.3 Frozen 3p suffix .:...I!E_ The 3p suffix .:...I!E_ is frozen in certain stems, most of them containing base forms which may occur inde pendently as noun roots but may not take other personal possessive suffixes. In two cases the base forms without occur as noun suffixes rather than as roots. Below, the base forms are given first.
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267 jaq 11 a'other' (see yag 11 a below} jag 11 apa 'another person' kij1 same' (Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b:192} kij~ 'same, identical' (Jopoqueri} kiki 'same' This occurs in La Paz with all four personal posses sive suffixes, e. g., 4p Jiwas kiki.sa.w. 'It's we ourselves.' The frozen stem with _:.2! is kikpa 'same, identical 1 kiRka 'same, identical' (La Paz} (La Paz, Sitajara; metathe sized form) -pacha 'same', Class 2 noun suffix pachpa 'same, unchanged' (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri; also Bertonio 1603b:266) pachpa 'right there' (Sitajara} -pura 'between, among', limited noun suffix purapa 'both' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:267) tagi 1 all 1 tagip ~ tag~ 'all' (Morocomarca; this acts morphopho nemically like a root plus posses sive suffix, see 5-3.24.4)
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268 yaq 11 a 1 other 1 yag 11 apa •another person, some people' yag 11 ipa •another person, some people' (Vitocota; also Bertonio 1603b:195) (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:195) The /p/ that occurs in the following is probably also a frozen form of the 3p suffix~= kawki.p.iri.s 'which?' (Calacala) kawk.p.iri.s 'which?' (Morocomarca) 5-3.24.4 Morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes In most dialects the morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes are variable (see 4-5.3 and below). In Sitajara 4p -sa always takes a preceding con sonant in a manner analogous to the shape of the 4p pro noun in that dialect, jiwsa, and the other three personal possessives require a preceding consonant when occurring on certain forms nominalized with -ta (see 7-4.21.3). In Morocomarca the four personal possessive suffixes require a preceding consonant unless a stem-final consonant cluster would thereby result, in which case the suffixes require a preceding vowel. That is, allomorphs requiring a preceding vowel occur in zero complements (see 5-3.33) and in the case of lp and 2p suffixes, in
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269 modifiers of other nouns. In both cases the vowel re stored before the possessive suffix prevents the occur rence of a stem-final consonant cluster. Examples: Subject: Yap.na jaya.n.k.i.wa. 'My field is far away.' lp 3+3 s Zero complement: Yapu.n0 sata.ni.:. 'I'm going to plant my field.' "'fp plant 1+3 F Modifier in noun phrase: Tatala.n yap.pa.wa. 'It's my father's field.' lp 3p ('my father his field') Tatala.m yap.pa.wa. 'It's your father's field.' 2p 3p ('your father his field') Modifiers with 3p or 4p as the final morpheme do not occur in this context in Morocomarca. *Tatala.p yap.pa.wa. 3p *Tatala.s yap.pa.wa. 4p
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270 If the possessive suffix -na {see 5-3.31.2) follows the lp or 2p suffix in Morocomarca, the vowel before the personal possessive drops by the regular morphophonemic rule for personal possessives. Tatal.na.n yap.pa.wa. lp Tatal.ma.n yap.pa.wa. 2p Tatal.pa.n yap.pa.wa. 3p Tatal.sa.n yap.pa.wa. 4p 'It's my father's field. 1 'It's your father's field. 1 'It's his/her father's field.' 'It's our father's field.' The order of the rules and the conditioning may be stated as follows. Zero complement l. + -cposs. --> yap.na yap.ma yap.~ yap.sa 2. yap.na + zero complement--> *yap.n~ 3. *yap.n + vowel restoration--> yapu.n Conditioning Morphological Syntactic Phonological
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271 Noun modifier l. tatala + poss. --> tatal.na etc. C 2. tatal.na as modifier of another noun loses final vowei by three-vowel rule: tatal.na --> *tatal.n 3. tatal.n + vowel restoration--> tatala.n Conditioning Morphological Syntactic & Phonological Phonological In Calacala, Jopoqueri, and Salinas personal possessive suffixes may take a preceding consonant unless a final consonant cluster would thereby result, but they often take a preceding vowel even though no con sonant cluster would otherwise occur. In other words, in those dialects there seems to be some free variation in the morphophonemics of the suffixes, except when avoidance of final consonant clusters is a factor. In Huancan~ personal possessive suffixes require a preceding vowel on two-vowel nouns but a consonant on nouns or noun stems having more than two vowels. That is, the three-vowel rule operates before personal possessives. The examples are all of single noun subjects; what happens when the nouns lose their final vowels as zero comple ments or modifiers is not known. Examples: kuntu.ja 'my story' < Spanish cuento awich.ja 'my grandmother' awicha 'grandmother'
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272 kuna.s isi.pa.s wali.k.i.t ni un.nag.pa.s suma.k.i.t 3+3 s sa.sa 'none of his clothes were good, nor was his appearance attractive, saying' isi 'clothes' un.naga 'appearance' In stems frozen with 3p .:...P_! (see above) the mor phophonemics of the personal possessive vary, some forms having .:...P..! with a preceding consonant, some with a pre ceding vowel. A relic of a rule of vowel loss before possessives, with no final consonant-cluster avoidance, is found in a term used in La Paz for the Virgin Mary. Tayk.s Mariya.x 'Our Mother Mary' tayka 'mother' In Morocomarca, the /n/ of lp /-na/ may be realized as [9] (a palatalized velar nasal) in certain environments, and in Calacala the /p/ of 3p .:...P..! may be realized as the voiced labial fricatives [v] or [e]; these alternations result from phonologically-conditioned morphophonemic rules (see 4-3.21.2 and 4-3.21.32). 5-3.25 -vnaka plural This suffix occurs in all dialects. As indicated in 5-2.3, number is not obligatorily marked in Aymara. In the speech of monolinguals, plural may be marked on
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273 some, all, or none of the following: a verb subject, a verb complement, or the verb itself (with the suffix .:...Q.:.. alone or in the combinations /-p.ka-/, /-p.ja-/, or /-p.xa-/; see 6-2.26). Absence of a plural mark does not mean singular in Aymara. Writers of Aymara grammars frequently maintain that plural is a category in the language, insisting that regular and consistent use of -naka and the verb pluralizer is the norm. It is true that bilinguals translating from Spanish into Aymara tend to reflect Spanish plurals in Aymara, but most plural concord in the speech of bilinguals is merely evidence of syntactic borrowing from the dominating language. As shown in the following examples from the speech of a monolingual from Sitajara, such regularity is not natively Aymara; rather, -naka is used as an optional emphatic or intensifier. In the first example -naka occurs on the subject, but there is no plural mark on the verb. Alp 11 irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. 'There are alferados.' alferado 3+3 S {?
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274 In the following, -naka is absent but there is plural in translation: piyuna.tay 'for the workers• Sometimes two parts of a sentence will be marked for plural. Na.naka.ru.x sirwi.p.x.it. 'Serve us.' lp -serve I (See also the examples in 5-2.3, 6-2.26, and 8-2.4.) The suffix -naka usually occurs before the per sonal possessive suffixes if both occur on a stem, but in Calacoa the opposite order is more common, e. g., wawa.ja.naka.x 'my children' (Calacoa) wawa.naka.ja.x 'my children• (La Paz) Both orders are acceptable everywhere, however. 5-3.3 Class 2 suffixes Class 2 consists of five complement/relational suffixes, three final noun suffixes, and zero complement vowel loss. They are general in all Aymara dialects, with minor phonological variations. The suffixes -mpi ~ -nti (complement/relational) and -pacha (final noun) have two positions of occurrence
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275 each and different meanings associated with the positions, but (as in the case of -ni possessor/enumerator, 5-3.23) they are considered one suffix each, rather than two homophonous suffixes, because only one -mpi ~ -nti or -pacha may occur on one stem. The positions of occurrence are discussed below under each suffix. 5-3.31 Complement/relationals These suffixes are (in alphabetical order) -mpi ~ -nti conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/instrumental -na possessive/locational -ru directional 1 to, at• -ta~ -t 11 a directional 1 of, from• -taki ~ -tak 11 i ~ -tay beneficiary/purposive Except for -mpi ~ -nti, which as conjoiner or accompanier may precede any of the others, the complement/relational suffixes do not co-occur on one stem. (Some co-occurrence is possible on a noun theme that has been verbalized and then renominalized.) These suffixes have case functions. Each may occur to mark a complement of the verb inflection suffix (see 6-3) or to mark the relations of other nouns to the verb stem or to some other part of the sentence.
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276 The special nature of these suffixes is reflected in their morphophonemics. Unlike most other noun suffixes of general occurrence, whose morphophonemics do not vary from one dialect to another, 13 two of the complement/ relationals, -na and -taki ~ -tak 11 i ~ -tay, vary in pre ceding morphophonemics, and all of the complement/relationals control the loss or retention of their own final vowels except before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes or the sentence suffixes -lla ~ -ya or-:-. The reason for this is that final vowel-retention and -dropping rules that are syntactically conditioned, identifying subjects and direct objects (zero complements) of verbs or modifiers in noun phrases, do not apply to stems or themes ending in the complement/relationals, the case relations expressed by the latter being in complementary distribution with the case or order relations expressed by the former. That is, a stem ending in a complement/relational suffix cannot also be simultaneously a subject, modifier of a head of a noun phrase, or a zero complement. The one exception to this rule is -mpi ~ -nti which as conjoiner or accompanier may occur on a subject or zero complement. 5-3.31. 1 mpi ~ -nti conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/ v__._ ____ _ instrumental This morpheme has two base allomorphs. /-mpi/ occurs in La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara,
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277 Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala. /-nti/ occurs in Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala. Voiced allomorphs occur by obligatory morphophonemic rule in Salinas and optionally in Sitajara and Calacala. Dialects that have both /-mpi/ and /-nti/ use them interchangeably; through the influence of La Paz, /-mpi/ may be driving out /-nti/ in dialects that have it. Examples of this suffix on the number maya ~ ma: 'one' were given in 5-2.4. Additional examples: /-mpi/ kuna.mpi.sa 'with what' k"iti.mpi.sa 'with whom' Mama.ma.mp ala.ya.m. 'Have your mother buy it.' 2p buy 2-+3 I [-mbi] achachila. [mbi J .k 'with the grandfather' {Calacala) juma. [ mbi] 'with you 1 (Sitajara) /-nti/ taqi chuyma. nt I who 1 eheartedly 1 ( Jopoqueri) all heart K 11 iti. s uta. nti. ja. ni? who house 3-+3 F 'Who will stay with {caretake) the house?' (Jopoqueri)
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278 /-nti/ (continued) kuna.nti.sa 'with what?' (Calacala) [-ndi] kuna. [ndi]. sa 'with what• (Calacala, Salinas) k" it i. [~] . sa 'with whom• (Salinas) juma. [ndiJ 'with you' (Salinas) Use of both /-mpi/ and /-nti/ by the same speaker in one sentence occurs in the following: Jira.ya.na.wa uywa.naka.nt fertilize animal uka.t uywa.naka.mp then ana.nta.na. herd 'You have to fertilize with animals then herd animals (over the area) 1 (Corque) In Calacoa /-mpi/ loses its final vowel before nonfinal independent -raki and final sentence suffix -sa. Elsewhere the suffix keeps its final vowel except before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes. It usually loses its final vowel word-finally. Calacoa examples: ma:. mp. raki 1 again 1 Kuna.mp.s manq 1 .sna ch'unu? 'With what can we eat chuno? 1 what eat 0-l
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279 Parinti.ja.naka.mp.s jiki.s.t 1 .irikt 11 relative pl. meet 1+3 D-1 'I might meet with my relatives.' An example with /-mpi/ occurring as conjoiner on two sub jects, the second preserving the final stem vowel, is the following sentence from La Paz/Campi: Juma.mp naya.mpi.x 2p lp sara.nani. 4-+3 F 'Let's you and me go.' Examples of /-mpi/ conjoiner followed by zero com plement are found in 4-3.32.2. 5-3.31.2 -na possessive/locational The morphophonemics of this suffix vary dialectically. (Sacca) (Sacca, Juli) (Calacoa) (Calacoa) (before final suffix -sa)
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280 /-vnac/ possessive and locational (elsewhere) As may be seen above, the most common form of this suf fix is that requiring a preceding vowel and dropping its own vowel in all environments. In Sacca and Calacoa the possessive and locational functions are distinguished by morphophonemics; in Juli two allomorphs serve as possessive, but only one of them serves as locational. -na keeps its final vowel before the final sentence suf fix -sa in Calacoa and when preceded by consonant in Juli; elsewhere it loses its final vowel in all environ ments. Examples: papa.situ.j.na lp kullaka. pa 3p 'my father 1 s sister• (Juli) papa.situ.ja.n tullga.pa 1 my father 1 s sister 1 s husband 1 (Juli) K 11 it.n K 11 iti.n who wutilla.p.s jala.qa.ya.rag.ta? bottle 3p knock over 2+3 s 1 Whose bottle did you knock over on purpose? 1 (Socca) (La Paz) Kawki.n.k.i.sa? 1 Where is he/she? 1 (all dialects) ma: muqu. na. s I on top of a hi 11 1 (Cal acoa) one hi 11
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Kuti.ni.n.ma.n return 2p 281 na in.ja. :ma. lp see 1+2 F 'I'll see you on your return. 1 (Morocomarca} /-cnac/ occurred once in La Paz/Tiahuanaco dialect in the first words of the Lord's Prayer (which may be considered a frozen relic). Juncture has shifted in accordance with present rules. Na.nak.n awki /nanak nawki/ l p father A limited use of -na locational is that on certain noun stems verbalized with the verbal derivational causa tive -cha(6-2.11). Finally, it may be -na that occurs on kawki and the demonstratives, requiring a preceding consonant (see 5-2. 1 and 5-2.2). 5-3.31.3 ru directional 'to, at' vLike -na and -mpi ~ -nti the suffix -ru has variable morphophonemics. Everywhere it requires a pre ceding vowel, but the behavior of its own vowel varies. It loses its final vowel before the final sentence suf fixes -sa and -xa in Calacoa and Torata (Moquegua). In Sacca and Sitajara it may either keep or lose its final vowel before those two suffixes. Elsewhere it keeps its
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282 own vowel except before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes. It usually loses its vowel word-finally. Examples: Kuna.r.s pur.ta.x? 'Why did you come?' (Calacoa) what ar2+3 rive S K k . t .. t ? aw 1.r.s rawaJ1. an.x. where work 4+3 F 'Where are we going to work?' (Torata) Na.x juma.r.x Tp" 2p kumpan.sma.w. 1+2 'I've accompanied you. 1 (Torata) Kuna.r.s jut.ta.x? what come 2+3 s Kuna.ru.s chura.:ta.x? what give 2+3 F s 'Why did you come?' (Sacca) 'Why are you going to give it to (the dog)? 1 (Sacca) Kuna.r.s sara.nhat? 'Why are you going to go?' (Sitajara) what go 2+3 F Kuna.ru.s sar.k.ta? 'Why are you going?' (Sitajara) what go 2+3 s 5-3.31.4 ta ~ -t 11 a directional 'from, of' v----The allomorph /-t 11 a/ occurs in Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca,
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283 and is the form reported by Bertonio (1603b) and Tschopik (1948). Only /-t 11 a/ occurs in Sitajara, Salinas, and Morocomarca. In other dialects there seems to be some free variation of /-t 11 a/ and /-ta/, except in La Paz, which has only the unaspirated allomorph. Bertonio (1603b:69) indicated that this suffix could mark the complements of certain verbs that usually took -na complements, although -na was more common. Examples in Bertonio also imply that an unexpressed + /-t 11 a/ complement could occur in a sentence, as in the following: + Juma kuna. 1 ayku 2p what for aru.s.nag.itta? speak 2+1 s 'Why do you go around saying bad things about me?' (Bertonio 1603b:327) In present-day La Paz the sentence would be rendered as Juma.x 2p kuna. layku. s nay.xa.t lp parla.s.ista? speak 2+1 s with the complement nay.xa.t 'about me' (with -xa locational) necessarily expressed in the sentence by a noun plus /-ta/, not merely by the verbal inflection as in the Bertonio example. Today, if a /-ta/ complement is not expressed by a noun in a sentence, the sentence usually implies a -ru complement, 14 as in
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Juma.x 2p kuna. layku.s what for 284 parla.s.ista? speak 2-+l s 'Why did you talk to me?' (naya.ru 'to me• implied) The combination /-xa.t/ 1 about 1 usually occurs in La Paz; elsewhere /-ta/ or /-t 11 a/ alone may be used with that meaning, e. g. (in Jopoqueri), Juma.t 11 2p parla.si.p.xa.nani. 'Let's talk about you. 1 talk 4-+3 F This suffix often occurs on interrogatives and numbers, sometimes in reduplicative phrases. gawg 11 a. ! s gawg"a. t. s I how many by how many' (La Paz) may.ni.t may.ni.ta 'one by one' (La Paz) kuna. t 11 a I why 1 (Juli, Morocomarca) kuna 'what' kuna.ta.raki 1 why 1 (Huancane) This suffix sometimes occurs where the English translation would have 1 in 1 or 1 by 1 , as in aymar aru.t 11 a 'in Aymara' and awtu.t 'by car'. In Morocomarca it occurs sometimes with the special meaning 'instead of', which elsewhere is expressed by the root noun lanti. The following all gloss I I came instead of him':
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Juta.n.t 11 a come 1+3 s jupa.t 11 a. 3p Lanti.pa.t.x pur.t 11 a. 3p come 1+3 s Jupa lanti.t jut.t 11 a. 3p come 1+3 s 285 {Morocomarca) (Salinas) (Jopoqueri) This suffix may a 1 so gloss I after 1 , as in jagu.rpa.t.pa.t 1 after his throwing it out• (Sitajara) throw out > N 3p Everywhere this suffix requires a preceding vowel. It keeps its final vowel before the independent nonfinal suffix -raki in Huancan~. Elsewhere it loses its final vowel before a following suffix unless the latter requires a preceding vowel. It may keep or lose its vowel word finally. 5-3.31.3 taki ~ -tak 11 i ~ beneficiary/purposive V V C /-tay/ occurs in Sitajara; /-taki/ occurs elsewhere. Some Salinas speakers have /-taki 11 i/ in free variation with /-taki/. When the verbal derivational suffix -rapi occurs on a verb stem, the complement is a beneficiary
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286 of the action, and if that complement is expressed by a noun in the sentence, it is suffixed with -taki ~ -tak 11 i ~If there is no -rapi in the verb stem, the verb complement is not a beneficiary, but there may be a noun marked by -taki ~ -tak 11 i ~ -tay expressing a goal or pur pose of the action. Jupa.x naya.tak law ay.ta.s.i. 3p lp stick pick up 3+3 s 'He picked up a stick for me (i. e. to hit me with).' (La Paz) Here~ lp is not the complement of the verb inflection, which is 3+3 .:...i, but rather is the goal of the action. The foregoing example was inspired by an example in Bertonio (1603b:294) which was intended to have the above meaning but has -rapiverbal derivational suffix on the verb. For contemporary speakers, this makes the /-taki/ complement the beneficiary, changing the meaning of the sentence to 'He picked up a stick on my behalf'. That is, -rapialways implies a beneficiary in Aymara today. It seems unlikely that the meaning has shifted since the 17th century; rather, Bertonio's translation was probably in error. Additional examples of /-taki/ and /-tay/ are the following: Na.tay.wa. 'It's for me.' (Sitajara)
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287 yapu.nha.tay 'for my field' (Sitajara) kuna.tay.s 'why, what for' (Sitajara) Na.taki.wa. 'It's for me.' (Huancan~) Jiwas.taki.wa. 'It's for us (4p).' (Huancane) kuna.taki.rak ~ kun.taki.rak 'what for' {Compi) Occurrences of -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay on stems ending in -na nominalizer (the purposive subordinator) are discussed in 7-4.21.23. In Campi /-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel or consonant after the interrogative kuna but requires a preceding vowel in other environments. In Jopoqueri /-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel or consonant after the nominalizer suffix -na but otherwise requires a previous vowel. In Huancan~ /-taki/ follows the three-vowel rule. Elsewhere /-taki/ requires a preceding vowel. It keeps its final vowel before following suf fixes, except consonant-requiring final noun suffixes. It may keep or lose its final vowel, word-finally. /-tay/, which occurs only in Sitajara, requires a preceding vowel. It is parallel in shape to /-ray/, the Sitajara allomorph of -ra 'yet' and/or -raki 'aggregate/ complainer' independent nonfinal suffixes (see 7-2.21.3 and 7-2.21.4).
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288 5-3.32 Final Class 2 suffixes The last suffixes to occur on a noun stem or theme before verbalization, if any, are -kama aggregate/ attainer, -pacha 'all, same', -jama 'like', and zero complement vowel drop (which may not be followed by verbalization). -kama may occur before the complement/relationals but usually does not. -pacha may occur before all complement/relationals except -mpi ~ -nti, and its meaning is tied to its position of occurrence. -jama may follow -kama on a stem, but not vice versa. -pacha has not co-occurred with either -kama or -jama except on the stems frozen with -jama: ak 11 ama and uk"ama. 5-3.32. 1 -vkama aggregate/attainer C This suffix means 'among, all, each' on human nouns, as in warmi.kama 'among women'. On nonhuman, inanimate nouns -kama refers to spatial and temporal orientation. An example of spatial orientation is the following from La Paz/Tiahuanaco: Juli.mpi.r Ch'ugi.yap.kama.mpi.ru.w pur.i. s 'He arrived as far as Juli and Chuquiago. 1 Usually, however, -kama occurs after the complement/relational
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289 suffixes -mpi ~ -nti, -ru, etc., as in the following example from La Paz/Campi: Ch 1 ugi.yapu.r.kama.ki.w. 1 It's just as far as Chuquiayago.' This suffix occurs with temporal orientation on time words and nominalized verbs, most often as a form of leave-taking with the prospect of another meeting. arumant.kama 'until tomorrow' (La Paz, Huancan~) ,~Gi, may.ur.kam 'until tomorrow' (Sitajara) g 11 ar.u:r.kama 'until tomorrow' (La Paz, Juli) jiki.si.n.kama 1 until (we) meet again' (La Paz) +jich 11 a.kama.sa 'until now• (Tschopik 1948:113) In Salinas the variant /-ka:ma/ was heard, but this may have been paralinguistic: ratu.ka:ma 1 so long•. -kama is subject to the three-vowel rule. 5-3.32.2 -cpacha 1 all, same' This suffix was originally considered two sep arate homophonous suffixes because it has different mean ings in two positions of occurrence. When it occurs before the complement/relationals it means 'all';
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290 when it occurs after them, it means 'the same, the very, itself'. However, it never co-occurs with itself, and when it occurs without a complement/relational, it may have either meaning or may act as an intensifier of the meaning of the root it occurs on. This suffix must be distinguished from the verbal inflection -pacha 3+3 Inferential and from the restricted temporal root pacha 'time, epoch' (5-2.6). The frozen stem pachpa 1 same 1 is evidence that -pacha suffix was once a root. The suffix -pacha may occur on certain temporal roots (but not on pacha}. mar.pacha 'all year, the same year' (La Paz) ur.pacha 1 by daylight 1 (La Paz) An example of a temporal root plus pacha 'time, epoch' i s q" al t 'i pa ch a I i n the morn i n g 1 (Sal i n as ) , i n w hi ch the vowel of the modifier is retained. Other examples of -pacha suffix are puq 11 .pacha 'full up 1 (Salinas) laka.r.pach laka.r.pach 'gasping for breath' (Corque) mouth to In Juli, La Paz, and Calacoa -pacha occurs on naya ~ na: lp pronoun, meaning 1 myself 1 ; elsewhere it
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291 is rejected in that context. -pacha occurs frozen on the roots g_g_j_ 1 all 1 and liju 'all' in stems having the same meaning: tag.pacha and lij.pacha, which then act as roots, taking Class 1 noun suffixes. 5-3.32.3 -cjama (and variants) 'like' This suffix has a number of different allomorphs in different dialects. It occurs on all classes of noun roots, stems, and nominalized themes. It is unique among the noun suffixes in occurring on the nominalizer subordi nating suffixes -iri, -sa, and -sina. -jama combines with the complement/relational suffix -na possessive/ locational with unpredictable meanings. The sequence /jama/ or a reduced variant /ja/ may occur in certain inflected verb stems, and -jama on nouns may be preceded by the independent suffix -ki. These facts suggest that the suffix -jama should be classified as an independent nonfinal suffix. However, while such an analysis works well for some examples, it does not for others. These complexities are discussed in more detail in 6-2. 11 and 6-2.3. Bertonio (1603b:241) cited the following example showing +jama as a separate root: +K . am1sa how na lura.t"a, lp do 1+3 s jama.ki tffiis 'As I did, thus you will do. 1 juma.naka 2p pl. lura.jata. do 2+3 F
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292 In present-day La Paz/Tiahuanaco dialect this is ren dered as Kamisa.ti.x how naya.x lur.k.t.xa , lp do 1+3 s uk 11 ama.rak thus also lura.p.xa.m. do pl. 2+3 I 1 As I did, thus do you also. 1 Here -jama occurs in the frozen demonstrative uk 11 ama 1 thus 1 In contemporary Aymara jama does occur as a noun root, but only with the meaning 1 excrement 1 15 The suffix -jama is distinguished from the homophonous root by always requiring a preceding consonant, while the root does not. Syntactic homophony is rare but possible. Achak.jama.w. 1 It's like a mouse. 1 Achak jama.w. 1 It 1 s mouse dung. 1 In the second example the final vowel of achaku 1 mouse 1 drops by the three-vowel rule. The allomorphs of -jama are given below with geographic areas of occurrence and examples. /-jama/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara) kun.jama.sa ~ kun.jam.sa 1 how, like what• kuna 1 what 1
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293 uk 11 ama I thus 1 uka I that 1 nay.jama 'like me' naya lp wal.jama 'pretty good' wa l i I we 11 , good 1 risa.s.jama 'while praying' (La Paz) pray -sa subordinator +risa.sin.jama 'while praying' (Bertonio 1603b:234) -sina subordinator /-ja:ma/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) kun.ja:ma.sa 1 how 1 (La Paz, Jopoqueri) .. yaq 11 ama 'different' (Morocomarca) /-ja/ (La Paz, Sacca, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas) kun.ja.sa 1 how 1 (Sitajara) kun.~.t.s 1 how 1 (Sacca) Uk.ja.w. 'They are like those.' (Huancan~) may.ja 'different' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz) may.~.ta 'in a certain way' (La Paz) +. t . rn 1.Ja 1 like the sun 1 (Bertonio l603b:263)
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294 /-k 11 a/ (Jopoqueri) Naya.x lp ak. k"a.n. k.j. iri. t.wa. here 1+3 s 'I'm from around here, more or less.' /:ma/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) ku na . : ma . s ' how, 1 i ke what 1 maya.:ma 'different' uta. :ma 'like a house' Awt.ja.ta.:ma.k.:.it.sa. 1 I 1 m sort of hungry.' hunger of >V 3+1 s (literally, 'Of hunger like is to me.') One example of /-:ma/ was heard for Juli, as follows: juma.ki.ki.:ma.s 'just like you• 2p /-vma/ (Morocomarca) uta.ma 'like a house' awayu.ma 'like an awayu• (a kind of shawl) /-:mu/ {Salinas) maya.:mu 'different'
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295 Bertonio (1603b:174) gave a similar variant with final /u/, +/-jamu/, occurring only on numbers. +maya.jamu 'in one manner' +paya.jamu 'in two manners' (etc.) The suffix -na possessive/locational occurs with -jama and variants in the following combinations having various meanings. /-n.jama/ layi. n.jama 'through the irrigation ditch' (Calacoa) p"axsi.n.jama 'like on the moon' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) uru.n.jama 'like in the day' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Bertonio (1603b:231) gave the following examples: + . mara.n.Jama 'every year' + k . mar a.n.Jama 'in every town' + . . pags1.n.Jama 1 every month 1 + . uru.n.Jama 'every day'
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296 /-na.ma/ uta.na.ma 'through the ilis jak'.na.m 'near house' } the church' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ilisa 'church' jak'a 'near' Two other related variants have occurred. /-:ma/ 'through' occurred in San Andres de Machaca, giving the following contrast: ut.jama 'like a house' uta. :ma 'through the house' The contrast in Tiahuanaco is ut.jama 'like a house' uta.na.ma 'through the house' Also in Tiahuanaco, /-jama/ may occur after /-na.ma/ on a stem. ak.na.m.jam 'by this (same path)' aka 'this' The above evidence would seem to indicate that /-na.ma/ in Tiahuanaco and /-:ma/ in San Andres de Machaca should be considered suffixes in their own right, the unitary morphemes -nama and -:ma. In Morocomarca the combinations of -na with -jama are rejected, and 'through the house' is translated into
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297 Aymar a as u ta . : k II a ( 53 . l 2 . 5) . In Jo po q u er i i t i s trans lated uta.ra.n (5-3.12.10). Present-day allomorphs of -jama beginning with /j/ or /k 11 / require a preceding consonant; those beginning with vowel length of course require a preceding vowel. Bertonio 1 s inconsistent spelling precludes certainty about the morphophonemics of the allomorphs in his day. The morphophonemics of -nama are variable, sometimes requiring a preceding vowel, sometimes a preceding con sonant. The various allomorphs keep their final vowels except before /-jama/ itself (which may occur after -nama and may reduplicate on itself) and when zero complement final vowel dropping occurs. 5-3.33 Zero complement vowel drop In Aymara each verb root or stem has many poten tial zero complements. These are noun roots, stems, or themes whose occurrence with a given verb root or stem depends on semantic constraints inherent in the verb root and in the verbal derivational suffixes which may occur in the verb. As these suffixes change, the zero comple ments change also. They are called zero complements because they are marked by obligatory loss of the final stem vowel before final sentence suffixes, if any, except -lla ~ -ya. The loss of vowel may occur on an independent suffix, if any occurs on the noun root, stem,
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298 or theme. This vowel loss, the mark of zero complement, is not actually a suffix at all, but rather the result of a phonological deletion rule, morphologically and syn tactically conditioned, and belongs in a discussion of Aymara morphophonemics and syntax. It is being included among the noun suffixes because it occurs only on noun roots, stems, and themes and is thus a part of the Aymara noun system. It is inflectional, closing a stem to further class change. Noun roots, stems, and themes, singly or in phrases, may serve as zero complements. They usually occur directly before the verb to which they correspond. KunflLs taq".i? 'What's he looking for?' (La Paz) what look for S uk.ja. 110 lluchch'u.wa.chi.xa.y 'that, he robbed' (Sitajara) that rob NI jani kuntrula.n0 puyri.wa.k.t.ti.x. no control able s 'I am unable to control . {Sitajara) Waw0 pirti.si.y.itu. child lose s Kull aka. n0 wank. j. t 11 a. sister lp await s 'She made me lose (my) children.' (Socca) 1 I 1 m waiting for my sister. 1 (Morocomarca)
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299 A noun stem or theme with an independent suffix, for example -ki 'just, only', may be a zero complement. Inklisa.k0.xa.y parla.p.x.s.t.xa. English speak 1+3 s 'We speak only English. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:3.406) A zero complement may occur after its verb. Na.x lp suy.t 1 a.s.k.t 11 a wait 1+3 s jich 11 a.x chacha.j0.wa. now husband lp 1 1 am waiting now for my husband. 1 (Huancane) Kuna.mpi. ra(ki) what mag'a.si.: ch'un0.ka? eat 1+3 F 'What am I going to eat chuno with?' (Morocomarca) This type of word order is more common in Aymara transla tions of Spanish elicitation sentences (as was the case with the two previous examples) than in nontranslated, free texts. In translating from Spanish to Aymara some speakers pronounce the final vowel of zero complements, even when placing them before the verb, in a kind of citation-form delivery. Jin marka.sa sara.w.ja.tana. town 4p go 4+3 F 'Let's go to our town. 1 (Calacoa)
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300 In normal speech contexts the vowel drops unless a pause separates the zero complement from the verb. uwija sheep ana.k.t na.x. herd 1+3 s . . sheep . . . I was herding. 1 (Sitajara) The following shows retention of the final stem vowel before :::J/..2.. final suffix: 5-3.4 Uma.ma.y wax.t'a.si.nani. water 2p invite 4+3 F 'Let's invite someone to have some of your water.' (La Paz/ Campi) Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers) There are four noun suffixes that verbalize noun roots, stems, and themes: two defective verbalizers and two full verbalizers. The full verbalizers create a normal verb stem that may be inflected for all verb person/tense suffixes (6.3). The defective verbalizers take the four persons as subjects only. not as comple ments, and are also restricted in the verbal deriva tionals they may take. 5-3.41 Defective verbalizers These are of very frequent occurrence.
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301 5-3.41.1 ja~ -kac~---In all dialects studied, the suffix -ja~ -ka occurs only after -na possessive/locational (which does not occur before the other verbalizers, although it may be verbalized with the verbal derivational suffix -cha(see 6-2. 11). This suffix turns a possessive or a loca tion into a verb. In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ja-/ is more common than /-ka-/, which occurs in all dialects. Examples: Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? 'And where are you?' (Huancane) where 2 5 3 Naya.x Lima.n.k.t.wa. 'I'm in Lima.' (Huancane) lp 7+3 s Kawki.n.k.i.sa? 'Where is it?' J+3 s Kawki.n.ka.rak.i? 'Where is it?' 3+3 s (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara) (Salinas, Morocomarca) t h tll u a.n a.n.Ja.s.J. a 1 I 1 m in my house' (Jopoqueri) house lp 1+3 s j_ K"iti.s uta.n.~a.ni? 'Who will be in the house?' (Jopoqueri) k 3+3 = F
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302 In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ka-/ usually occurs before /-ja-/ allomorph of -ja~ -kaverbal derivational in completive. Misa.x jani naya.n.k.j.i.ti. 'The table isn't mine.' table no lp ~+3 s In other dialects /-ka-/ verbalizer followed by /-ka-/ incompletive results in a geminate /kk/ cluster, as in Jani.w naya.n.k.k.i.ti 'It's not mine. 1 (In speech, /kk/ reduces to /k/.) Another allomorph occurring in Jopoqueri is /-k"a-/. Compare the allomorph /-k 11 a/ of -jama (5-3.32.3), which occurs first on the following stem: Naya.x lp ak.k 11 a.n.k 11 .iri.t.wa. here 1+3 s A variation of the above is Naya.x ak.ja.n.j.iri.t.wa. 'I'm from around here, more or less.• This implies a certain consonant harmony; further study is needed to determine whether or not this is idiosyncratic to one speaker.
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303 5-3.41.2 -:As in the case of zero complement vowel-drop, vowel length is more properly a morphophonemic process than a suffix, but as it occurs to verbalize noun roots, stems, and themes, it is here included with the other verbalizers. When vowel-length verbalization is followed by a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, the length may be somewhat reduced, or the vowel in question may revert to simple length, or it may remain somewhat lengthened; length appears to vary from one speaker to another. A timed spectrographic analysis of texts con taining vowel length verbalization is needed to define the length in different contexts. In this study some examples containing the morpheme of vowel-length verbali zation show the notation/:/ before a consonant-requiring suffix, if more than one vowel-length was perceived to occur. If only one vowel-length was perceived, the notation/:/ is usually omitted from the transcription, the presence of a vowel before a consonant-requiring suffix being sufficient to indicate the underlying pres ence of the vowel-length morpheme in that context. This suffix is in complementary distribution with -ka~ -javerbalizer, never occurring after -na possessive/locational. Examples:
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304 kawk.i:ri 'which' (La Paz, Socca, Huancan~, Jopoqueri; see 5-2. 1) kawk.n.i:ri 'which' (La Paz, Juli; see 5-2.1) Kuna.:.chi.x? 'Why should it be? (Sitajara) NI Aruma.:.x.iritayna.w. 'It was already night.' {Juli) 3-+3 RIK A story told in Huancan~ yields several examples of the use of verbalization vowel length on verb stems nominalized with -ta resultant. Yati. ta. : . x. chi. 1 They got to know each other. ' know NI Jani jiq"a.ta.:.n muna.tayna.t. 'He didn't want to meet him.' no meet want 3-+3 RIK An example of verbalization of a noun phrase is the following from La Paz: Ma: jisk'a uta.ni.:.t.wa. 'I have a little house.' one little house -1+3 s -ni possessor {'A little house owner am I.')
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305 According to Herrero et al. (1971-2:1.126), an + allomorph of vowel length verbalization, /-ya-/, occurs in Omasuyos province of La Paz, but only in certain contexts: on the nominalizer suffix -iri before and Future affirmative, but not negative. Glosses for the following were not given, but the verb is yati.cha.na 'to teach'. + t h .• ya 1.c . ,r, .ya.: .wa F + t h . . t ya , . c . , r, .ya. : a. wa F The negative forms are the following, with/-:-/ ver balizer: +jani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:.ti F +jani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:ta.ti F Since /-ka-/ incompletive requires a preceding consonant, the negative forms could contain +/-ya-/ also, reduced to /y/ homophonous with /i:/, that is *jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:.ti F
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306 *jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:ta.ti 2+3 F However, the other affirmative forms in the paradigm are given with/-:-/ before vowel-requiring suffixes, e. g. + t h . . . ya 1 c . 1 r1 : . m . wa 5-3.42 5-3.42. l 3+3 F Full verbalizers This suffix is of less frequent occurrence than -kaand -:verbalizers. Hardman has pointed out (Hardman et al. 1975: 3.402) the relationship of -ptaand the verbal derivational suffix -ta'up, inceptive', whose cognate in other Jaqi languages is -pta-. In present-day Aymara -tadoes not usually verbalize, except in La Paz/ Tiahuanaco where it was found in free variation with -ptaon one root. Ch'iyar.ta.s.k.i.w. } 3+3 Ch'iyara.pta.s.:.i.w. 'It turned black.'
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307 Bertonio (1603b:305) said Some Indians say that E.1,! and g are not distinguished on nouns but rather mean the same thing. This implies that the two were in free variation in 17th century Juli, but Bertonio does not indicate whether they both occurred on verbs. + -ptaas verbal derivational has been cited in two published sources (see 6-2. 16) but has not occurred in the spoken data investigated for this study. Since -tausually does not verbalize and -ptausually is not a verbal derivational, it has been decided to treat -ptaas the verbalizer and -taas the verbal derivational, recognizing that they overlap but seem to be diverging. The combination -ptaverbalizer plus -na nominalizer implies a human subject in the following examples from La Paz/Tiahuanaco: k'umara.pta.na 'to become healthy' k'umara 'healthy' qullqi.ni.pta.na 'to progress, to become rich' gullgi.ni 'one who has money' llamp'u.pta.na 'to humble oneself, repent, change character' 11 amp ' u ' c 1 ear ' If a verb stem does not permit a human subject (because of Aymara semantic constraints), a noun plus the
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308 combination -pta.na will be rejected, e. g. *muxsa.pta.na 'for a person to turn sweet'. However, with a nonhuman (usually inanimate) subject, an inflected form of a verb created with -ptamay be acceptable. laranja.x muxsa.pt.i 'the orange turned sweet (ripened)' 3+3 s Until this situation was understood, a number of nouns that actually take -ptaverbalizer were thought not to. 5-3.42.2 kiptaaccelerated verbalizer V c Contrasting examples with this suffix and with -ptaare the following, all from La Paz. (The suffix -kiptawas not found in other dialects and should be looked for in future research.) janq'u.kipta'turn white suddenly' janq'u.pta'turn white' achach.kipta.na 'to become old' qam.ir.kipta.na 'to win a lottery' (get rich quickly) qam.iri,e,na 'to get rich' As may be seen, usually -kiptaseems to accelerate the verbalization. At first the /ki/ of the suffix was thought
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309 to be the independent nonfinal suffix -ki but morpho phonemics eliminate that possibility, as the morphopho nemics of -kiptafollow the three-vowel rule, while -ki independent suffix takes a preceding vowel. Morphopho nemics also distinguish -kiptaverbalizer from the verbal derivationals -kipaplus -ta(see 6-2. 15. l and 6-2. 16). 5-4 5-4. l Summary and Conclusions Types of variation in the noun system In general, variation in the Aymara noun system is not extensive. There are two main types: internal and external. Internal variation includes differences in the phonological shape of morphemes (roots and suf fixes) due to instability of certain phonemes and to operation of different phonotactically conditioned rules. Other kinds of internal variation are found in the morpho phonemics of suffixes and in the inventory and meaning of certain roots and suffixes. External variation in the noun system involves the introduction of Spanish loans. These have entered the open class of noun roots freely and continue to do so. Some dialects may use a Spanish loan where others may use a native Aymara term; some examples of this are given in 8-3.1. The only closed classes of Aymara nouns
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310 that have taken in Spanish loans are the kinship terms and the temporals. The only Aymara suffixes that are Spanish loans are the noun diminutives. The following sections summarize internal variation in the noun system. 5-4.11 Variation in noun roots 5-4. 11. l Closed classes Variation in shape occurs in all the closed noun classes, e. g. the interrogatives kamisa ~ kama and gawg"a and variants, the demonstratives of third and fourth degrees of distance, the personal pronouns except the second person, and several numbers, positionals, and temporals. Some temporals have different shapes attributable to different morphophonemic rules, e. g., those affecting jich 11 a and uru (loss of initial /jV/ in the first case, and different vowel sequence avoidance rules in the second case). Variations in inventory and semantics are few. The demonstrative uwa apparently occurs in a few dia lects. The temporals show the widest variety in inven tory, some terms occurring only in certain dialects and not others, or with different meanings (see 5-4.2). 5-4.11.2 Open class The majority of noun roots in the open class are the same everywhere, with a few differences in shape ~~ted
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311 in examples in Chapter 3. Examples of shifts of meaning across dialects are given in 8-3.12. 5-4. 12 Variation in suffixes Suffixes that show variations in phonemic shape are the lp possessive, the complement/relationals (except -ru and -na), -jama 'like', and the verbalizer -ja~ -ka-. Those that show variation in morphophonemics are the per sonal possessives, the complement/relationals, and three suffixes that follow the three-vowel rule: -layku 'on account of', -pura 'among', and -kama 'until 1 Suffixes that occur only in certain dialects are -chapi ~ -chap"i 'the one which/who' {which also shows phonological vari ation), -ra 'through', and -cha diminutive. 5-4.2 Dialectal patterning Dialectal patterning in the noun system is most evident in the temporals and in the shape of per sonal possessive suffixes. The following dialect groups may be distinguished on the basis of the morphemes indi cated; there is, however, a good deal of isoglossic overlapping. 5-4.21 Juli, Sacca jayp'u 'evening/night'
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312 5-4.22 Juli, Sacca, Huancan~, Calacoa, La Paz aruma 1 night/early morning• arumanti 'tomorrow' Initial velar or postvelar fricative in lp pos sessive 5-4.23 Calacoa, Sacca, and Sitajara g'alta •morning' (also means •tomorrow' in Calacoa and Sitajara) 5-4.24 Calacoa and Sitajara No forms based on g 11 ara (all other dialects have them) 5-4.25 Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca g 11 alt 1 i 'morning/tomorrow' jayp 11 u 'evening/night' (also Calacoa) 5-4.26 Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara Initial nasals in lp possessive suffix: Jopoqueri and Sitajara: /nh/ Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala: /n/ 5-4.27 Huancan~, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala Variable morphophonemics for personal possessive suffixes
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313 5-4.28 La Paz/Campi and La Paz/Tiahuanaco Invariable morphophonemics for personal possessive suffixes
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314 Notes 1 For a fuller description of the Aymara noun system in Campi and Tiahuanaco, see my Chapter 8 in Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical structure {Hardman et al. 1975:3.246-394). 2 The sequence /mana/ exists today only in this frozen form. Bertonio (1603b:247) alleged +kawki.mana 'wherever', but this was rejected by V~squez. 3 As in the case of kawk.n.iri ~ kawk.n.i:ri, the /n/ which may occur is probably an instance of -na possessive/locational frozen to the root. It intensi fies the meaning of the demonstrative. 4 Any personal possessive suffix may occur in the stem. 5 Javier Alb6 (personal communication). 6 In Tiahuanaco and elsewhere today ch'ina means 'human posterior, ass' and by extension metaphorically 'base' (e. g. of a pot, a cup). In La Paz/Campi ch'in.kata means 'a place to sit inside the house'. As ka tai s a verb a 1 de r i vat i on a 1 s u ff i x , i t may be that ch'ina is an ambiguous noun/verb root (see 5-2.7). 7 some members of the temporal class were identi fied by Hardman et al. (1975:1.152-166). The present analysis presents the first full description of the class and is therefore longer than sections on other noun classes, which have been described previously. Bertonio cited only a few temporals (1603b:50). 8 In La Paz three compound forms of uru occur together with the meaning 'week': jich 11 .urg 11 ar.ur jurp 11 .ur (literally 'today, tomorrow, day after tomorrow'). Paz). 9 juch 11 .u:ru 'today' occurs in Achocalla (La
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315 10 In La Paz nink"ara is a noun/verb root. An example of its occurrence as a verb is Nink 11 ara.tayna.w. 1 It was a while ago. 1 nink 11 ara also occurs with the verbal derivational suffixes -t•amomentaneous and -jadivider, but without subsequent verbal inflection, ~-, as nouns: Nink 11 ar.t 1 a.w ~ Nink 11 ar.ja.w. 'It was a while ago. 1 (The latter may instead be a case of /-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like' on the root acting as a noun.) Other examples of verb roots plus verbal derivationals forming stems that serve as nouns are given in 6-2. 11 Temporals were not obtained for Sacca until very late in the research; they are not included in Figures 5-1 and 5-2. Those obtained are the following: alwa 'morning' aruma 'night' arumanti 'tomorrow' g'alta 'morning' g 11 ar.u:ru 'tomorrow' suji.suji 'gray time before dawn' suj.s.t"aei 'dusk' 12 The Spanish demonstrative este 'this', which serves a similar filler function, hasbeen borrowed into Aymara as isti and occurs in variation with inchi, as in the following: (isti.x) naya.xa lp (inchi.w) sara.ki.tayna.x go 3+3 RIK 1 (uh) I (uh) he just left . . 1 (Juli) 13 As we have seen, the personal possessive suf fixes also have differing morphophonemics across dia lects. 14 certain verbs take -ta~ -t 11 a rather than -ru complements, e. g. mayi.na 'to borrow'.
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316 15 rt is possible that some relics of *jama 'like' as a root still occur. In Calacala an old lady was heard to say jama.ch.i.xay 'so it may be' rather than uk 11 ama.chi.xa.y, the normal expression in La Paz and elsewhere. For other possible relics of a noun *jama 'like', see 6-2.3.
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CHAPTER 6 VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM 6-1 Introduction The verb system of Aymara consists of verb roots and verb suffixes, which together form verb stems. A verbalized noun root or stem is a verb theme. Verb roots, stems, and themes are usually cited with the nominalizing suffix -na, unless the resulting form implies a seman tically unacceptable human subject. (See 8-2.25 for more on -na semantics.) The verb sa.na 'to say• (see 6-4) is set off from all others by its phonological structure (it is the only monosyllabic root in the lan guage) and by its function as a syntactic subordinator. Most Aymara verbs have two-vowel roots; a few (mostly Spanish loans) have three-vowel roots. Spanish verbs enter Aymara freely, e. g. puyri.na 'to be able' from Spanish poder. There is also a class of ambiguous noun/verb roots, as noted in 5-2.7. Verb suffixes are of two types: derivational and inflectional. Both types are closed classes that do not admit loans. Verbal derivational suffixes modify 317
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318 the action or the persons involved in the action. A special kind of derivation is nominalization, which changes a verb root or stem to a noun theme. The suf fixes that nominalize verbs are discussed in 7-4.2 as they are used in morphosyntactic subordination. Verbal in flectional suffixes indicate person and tense, and these suffixes close verb stems to further derivation. Verbal inflectional suffixes may be separated from derivational suffixes by the class of independent nonfinal suffixes that occur on both nouns and verbs. Verbs of carrying and placing belong to covert classes according to manner of motion and attributes of the item moved {Tate 1970). Some examples from La Paz are included in the elicitation list, Appendix A. 6-2 Verbal Derivational Suffixes The basic data and analysis on which this section is based were provided by England {Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 148-208) and have been supplemented by my analysis of additional data obtained in my field work and from Bertonio (1603b); see Figure 6-1. Class l suffixes affect the action of the verb {e. g., its direction, intensity, duration) and are tied to the selection of its zero complements. Class 2 suffixes affect the in flection {the persons involved in the action and/or the tense or aspect of the verb). Suffixes occurring on the
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"' Ill .. u N Ill "' ., .... t I I .;.vst1 2 Ill •vtha I •cjaKey: I Suffixes which can verbalize certain noun roots, ff Suffixes which can ver balize certain noun roots tnd stems. Ill Suffix which can ver b~lize noun roots, stems, and themes with {-~a} 2 3 4 3 I SU• C 4 6 I •vra11 •ct"ap1 II vPtll• f •eta5 I -/1pa- ••vnuqa-nuqu •vqa- •cxata• -xfta7 l•cjata-kata-k"ata •vnaqac I •vnta• 8 •cCh'11k"11•cCh'ukf ,, •ct'aI -,rxha• - •l:IUCllu- •rTPJku-nuchu-nuku f •vtata •cxaru •cxa:si• •cxaya-xa:• 9 . •vpaya •vrpay11-. -rpa:7 8 I yYII• I •vn1- •vwa-way11-w11:• •wf-w1ya5 •vrapf •vraqa6 •cJII• •kll• •cxa-qaAdapted from Eng1and fHardmanet-a1~75:3--:75fJ Figure 6-1. Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes: Order Classes Class 3 w .....
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320 border of Class l and Class 2 (-t'amomentaneous, -si reciprocal/reflexive, and -ya-~-:causative) share attributes of both classes. Members of both classes may determine, in ways as yet little explored, the semantic features of verb subjects and complements (see 8-2.25). Class 3 consists of a group of semantically related suf fixes all containing the phoneme /ch/ and forms deriving from the suffix -jama 1 like 1 1 Certain verb roots never occur without deriva tional suffixes. Two are *ana'herd' and *ma'go'. The nonoccurrence of the plain root *anawas noted by Bertonio (1603b:271). The root *mawas apparently productive in Bertonio's time, but in contemporary Aymara it occurs only in a few frozen stems, such as manta.na 'to enter' {with the verbal derivational suffix -nta 'into') and mak 11 ata.na 'to go across' {with the deriva tional suffix -k 11 ata'across'), both used in La Paz. Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes may occur as derived nouns. Examples are ana.nta 'concentration of people or animals; herd' (Jopoqueri) -nta'into' arum.t'a 'greeting; greet' {La Paz) -t'amomentaneous irpa.ga 'betrothal; take a person down' (general) -ga'down'
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321 g 11 uma.nta 'hug; embrace' (Juli) -nta'into' un.naga 'appearance; appear' (Huancane) -naga'around' See 4-2 for general morphophonemic rules that affect verbal derivational suffixes beginning with voiced consonants and specifically with nasals. Verbal deriva tional suffixes beginning with the fricatives /j/ or /x/ require a preceding consonant. The morphophonemics of the remaining suffixes are unpredictable and must be specified for each suffix. Suffixes subject to the three-vowel rule are listed in 4-3.22. 16. 6-2. l Class l suffixes The 22 suffixes 2 of this class are discussed below in the order of their occurrence in stems. Thirteen of these suffixes can verbalize noun roots. Four can also verbalize certain noun stems, and one of the four can verbalize noun themes ending in -na nominalizer. 6-2.11 chaverbalizer, causative v-In all dialects chaoccurs most often as a v-verbalizer of noun roots. Examples: isi. cha. na 'to gradually acquire a lot of clothes over a period of time' (La Paz/Campi) jiwg'i.cha.na 'to cause smoke' (Calacoa)
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322 junt'u.cha.na •to heat• (Calacoa) kama.cha.na 1 what to do 1 (all dialects) kama 1 how 1 1 fat-maker' (Salinas) niya.cha.na •to be nearly finished 1 (La Paz) suma.cha.na 'to make amends, decorate• (La Paz) In contemporary Aymara -chadoes not verbalize animate nouns. Bertonio (1603b:273) gave the example +gawra.cha3 1 to create llamas• (said of God), but Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) rejected it in favor of gawr uywa.na 1 to llama-raise• or gawr un.s.ta.ya.na 1 to make llamas appear• (metaphorical). -chamay also occur as a verbalizer of noun stems ending in certain suffixes: -na possessive/ locational and -ni possessor. It is not always possible to tell which of the two is occurring, because on such stems the three-vowel rule applies (see 4-3.22.16), causing the vowel of the noun suffix to drop before -cha-. The following examples cited by Bertonio (1603b: 273) have the same meanings in La Paz today: uma.n.cha.na 'to mix something dry with water' gullgi.n.cha.na 'to make someone win (money)•
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323 Some other examples used today in La Paz/Tiahuanaco are asukara.n.cha.na 'to add sugar' jayu.n.cha.na 'to add salt' jinchu.n.cha.na 'to put ears on' The last example refers to a practice attributed to Catholic priests, of having sexual intercourse with a pregnant woman; the woman is allegedly told by the priest beforehand that it is necessary 'in order to make the baby's ears'. A nickname for such a priest is jinchu.n.ch.iri 'ear-maker'. -chaas verbalizer may also occur on verbs nominalized with -na. Again, the vowel of -na drops by the three-vowel rule. When it occurs on -na, -cha is usually followed by the sequence /jama/ (or a re duced variant /ja/) that is best analyzed as the suffix -jama occurring primarily on nouns (see 5-3.32.3). All the following examples are from Compi: Juta.n.ch.itu.w. 'It seems that it comes to me. 1 come 3~ s Juta.n.ch.jama.k.itu.w. 'It makes me want to come/ I would like to come. 1 juta.n.ch.ja.k.itu 'I think I'll just come'
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324 Lup'i.n.ch.ja.ki.rak.itu.wa. think 'I'm thoughtful/It makes me want to think/I want to be thoughtful.' Literal translations would be 'to come, like, is to me' or 'to think, like, is to me', given the inflections. Set 3 verbal derivational suffixes all contain the phoneme /ch/, which may in some cases be a frozen form of this suffix (see 6-2.3). -chaoccurs as a verbal derivational causative on only a few verb roots. 6-2.12 yati.cha.na 'to teach' yati.na 'to know' waki.cha.na 'to prepare' waki.na 'to provide' (Socca) 'to provide mutually' (La Paz/Compi) verbalizer, divider C This suffix is to be distinguished from /-ja-/ allomorph of -kaverbalizer (5-3.41. 1), from -ja 'amount' (5-3.12.3), from /-ja-/ allomorph of the Class 2 verbal derivational incompletive (6-2.25), and from /-ja/ allo morph of the suffix -jama (5-3.32.3). In all dialects this suffix occurs frequently as a verbalizer of noun roots.
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325 lup.~.si.na 1 to heat with sunlight' .l.!!ej_ 'sunlight' t ll ~ ay. J a. : . s 1 na 'to catch cold 1 (La Paz) -:causative uma.t p 11 ar.j.itu 1 I 1 m thirsty• (La Paz) uma 1 water 1 p 11 ara 1 dry 1 uma. t wan.j. itu 1 I 1 m thirsty• (Calacoa) On verbs -jais also frequent everywhere. ayw.ja.ra.na 1 to spread out all over' (La Paz) 'for many to go to different places' (Bertonio 1603b:279) mang'.ja.na I t ~ p a .Ja. na aywi.na 'for many to go together' (Sacca) 'to chew• (La Paz) 1 to give to eat' (Bertonio 1603b:279) mang'a.na 'to eat• 1 to grab and pull in various places• (Campi) p 1 ata.na •to grab and pull with teeth or beak' 62 . 13 cs u 1 out ' , completive lows: In these data, -suhas verbalized only as folII t ~ g aw.s. a.na 'to shed its skin' (La Paz) g"awa 'snake skin, tiger skin; dance costume'
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326 + g 11 aw.su'to take off shirt' {Bertonio 1603b:302) + g"awa I shirt 1 {Bertonio spelling: caua) On verb roots the meaning of this suffix is either l i t er a 11 y I out of I or a comp l et i v e, or met a p ho r i ca l . ar.su.na 'to babble, be barely able to speak; to decide' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to describe something orally, reveal: bring out' {Bertonio 1603b:302) ar.su.ya.na 'to cause to say' (Salinas) aru 'word, language, speech, speak' -yacausative 6-2. 14 -raand -t"api6-2. 14. l -vraserializer, reverser {noun/verb root) -raoccurs infrequently as a verbalizer. Example: kaka.ra.si.na 'placetodefecate' (Corque) < Spanish caca 'feces' As noted by Bertonio {1603b:292), and still the case today, on verbs of carrying and placing the suffix usually reverses the action; on other verbs it signifies serial or repeated action.
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apa.ra.na iga.ra.na 327 'to take away' (Sitajara, Salinas) apa.na 'to carry' 'to take off clothing, pull at a cloth' iqa.na 'to carry cloth' (Juli, La Paz) jist'a.ra.na 'to open' (La Paz) jist'a.na 'to close' uma.ra.na 'to have a party' 'to drink a little' uma.na 'to drink' (La Paz) (Bertonio l603b:292) willi.ra.na 'to throw things down or off' (e. g. contraband off a bus, by customs agent) (La Paz) 'to spill a little water' (Bertonio l603b:292) willi.na 'to spill, pour' (La Paz)" usu.r.ta.si.na 'to get pregnant' (Calacoa) usu.na 'to be sick' 6-2. 14.2 -ct"apigatherer -t"apiverbalizes infrequently. In available examples, all from La Paz, it may verbalize roots, stems, and themes. In the following example, it verbalizes a nominalized verb, lunt"a.ta 'stolen': lunt 11 a.t.t 11 api.na 'to steal from various places' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 'to steal with other people' (Ebbing 1965:245) lunt 11 a.na 'to steal' This suffix occurs most often as a verbal derivational.
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manq I• t"api rJa 328 'to eat everything--a banquet' (La Paz) 'to eat together' (Ebbing 1965:245) ampar ay. t 11 api na 'to bend the arm, to have a paralyzed (La Paz) aya.na 'to carry a cylindrical, rigid arm' object 1 + a:. t 11 api. na 'to bend the arm' (Bertonio 1603b:304) ampar qun.t 11 api.na 1 to sit down together' (two people); 1 to sit up' (bringing two halves of body closer together) ( La Paz) A use of a verb stem with -t 11 apiin a metaphorical sense is the following from La Paz: 6-2. 15 6-2.15.l iki.n t 11 al.t 11 ap.i 'youngest child', literally, 'shakes the bed' t 11 ala.na 'to shake' -kipa-, -nuqa~ -nuqu-, ~, and -xata~ -xita -v_k_i~p_a_'past a point', verbalizer This suffix may verbalize, as in uru.kipa.na 'to delay, be late' uru 1 day 1 (La Paz) 'to delay a day or morT (Bertonio 1603b:291) But it is more common as a verbal derivational. Origi nally thought to be in the 6-2. 17 order set, it has been found occurring before -ta1 up 1 (6-2. 16) in La Paz.
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329 In combination with -ta'up' it is to be distinguished from the verbalizer -kipta(5-3.42.2). parla.kipa.na 'to communicate information' (La Paz) parla.na 'to talk' qillga.kipa.na 'to transfer information from one book to another' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:290) gillqa.na 'to write' t h k . . . ~ 4 u a.c. 1pa.s1.n1.na 'to fix the roof of a house' (La Paz) uta.cha.na 'to build a house' (la Paz) 'to again build houses around something, like an inherited property' (Bertonio 1603b:320) The following show occurrences of -kipaand of -kip.ta on the same roots, all from La Paz: jagu.kipa.na 'to turn over clothes' jaqu.kip.ta.na 'to pass near (a town); turn over in bed' jaqu.na 'to throw' muyu.kipa.na 'to turn around' muyu.kip.ta.na 'to turn; pass a hill' muyu.na 'to turn' pasa.kipa.na 'to pass to the other side' pasa.kip.ta.na 'to pass a person' pasa.na 1 to pass' < Spanish pasar
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330 6-2. 15.2 -vnuqa~ -vnuquplacer,cessation of action ~ C The consonant-requiring form of /-nuqa-/ is the more common, but the vowel-requiring form is acceptable. /-nuqu-/ occurred only in Jopoqueri, which also has /-nuqa-/. /-nuqa-/ verbalizes infrequently but occurs often on verbs. Examples: ali.nuga.na 'to sprout' ali.na 'to sprout' (Corque, Salinas) iki.nuga.na 'to sleep' (Jopoqueri) iki.na 'to sleep' ik.nuga.na 'to spend the first night of a trip; or the first night in the grave' (said of a corpse) (La Paz) 'to be born, give origin to' (Juli) 'to fling oneself down to sleep or to sleep flung out' (Bertonio l603b:286) {j)iki.nuqu.na 'to be born' (Jopoqueri) nuwa.nuqa.na 'to hit, beat up; to give someone what's coming to them' nuwa.na 'to hit' (La Paz} t'axlli.nuga.na 'to pummel' (La Paz; also Bertonio l603b:276) 6-2. 15.3 -vga~ -xa'down', remover This suffix, which does not verbalize, occurs often with carrying verbs and other verbs of motion.
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331 A variant /-xa-/ occurred in Salinas. jagu.x.ta.na 1 to whip' jaqu.na •to fall 1 Elsewhere the allomorph is /-qa-/. ala.ga.na •to buy• ala.na 1 to buy• {Calacala, Morocomarca) asa.ga.na 'to remove plate or hat, down from above• (La Paz) asa.na 1 to carry a plate-like object• (La Paz) ima.ga.na •to save food for someone• ima.na 'to keep' (La Paz) •to hide something• (Bertonio 1603b:272) 62 . l 5. 4 c x a ta ~ c x i ta 1 on to p of , u p to 1 This suffix does not verbalize. /-xita-/ occurred in Salinas. Examples: ik.xata.na 1 to sleep on top of something• (La Paz, also Bertonio 1603b:283) ig.xita.na 'to carry a saddle-bag' {Salinas) iga.na 1 to carry a cloth' pur.xata.na 1 to arrive (rain, hail, etc.) 1 (La Paz) puri.na 1 to arrive, to come•
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6-2. 16 332 ta1 up 1 inceptive c-, -tararely verbalizes in any dialect. Other homophonous suffixes, distinguished by morphophonemics from this one and each other, are given in 5-3.31.4. Examples of -taverbal derivational in combination with -kipaare given in 6-2. 15. 1. Other examples with -ta-: pur.ta.na sar.ta.na 'to arrive' (Sitajara) puri.na 'to arrive' 'to get up' (La Paz); 'to leave, set out' {Salinas) sara.na 'to go' jala.g.ta.na 'to fall down from above' (La Paz) jala.na 'to run' jaqu.g.ta.na 'to fall down from a height' (La Paz) jagu.na 'to fall' junt'u.ch.ta.wa.na to heat up (an oven)' (Calacoa) junt'u 1 hot 1 As indicated in 5-3.42. 1, this suffix is related to -ptaverbalizer of noun roots and stems. The allo morph /-pta-/ has not occurred as a verbal derivational in the spoken Aymara analyzed for this study, but it does occur in two examples from published texts.
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333 + l t . Ja a.p a.s.1 1 jumped up' (Sebeok 195la:69) jala.na 'to run' 3+3 s +tuku.pt.x.i.wa 'changed suddenly 1 (Ebbing 1965:241) 3+3 s tuku.na 1 to finish 1 The first is reportedly from the city of La Paz, the second from La Paz department. Bertonio (1603b:308) cited in addition to +-ta the variants +/-uta-/ 'up' and +/-(u)talta-/ inceptive. Forms with these are unacceptable to present-day speakers. One speaker in Juli used /-tu-/ instead of /-ta-/, but this may have been idiosyncratic. Examples: un.tu.t 'seen' una.na 'to see' jal.tu.w.j.iri.tayn 'he had flown' jala.na 'to fly' 3+3 RIK 6-2.17 -jata~ -kata~ -k"ata-, -naga-, -nta-, -mucha~ -muchu~ -muku~ -nuku-, -tata-, -xaru-, -xa:si-, -xayaThese suffixes precede -t'amomentaneous and do not co-occur with suffixes 6-2. 13, 6-2. 14, and 6-2. 15. 6-2.17.l jata~ -kata~ -k"atac=-------'------'across' This suffix verbalizes infrequently. /-jata-/ was used by one speaker from Salinas and one from
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334 Jopoqueri; /-k 11 ata-/ occurred in a song sung by speakers from Jopoqueri and in variation with /-kata-/ in La Paz. Examples: it.kata.na 1 to put (a rock) up against (a wall)' (La Paz/ Compi) itu.na 1 to carry a heavy object' (general) ma k 11 ata.na 1 to come/go up in front of someone, to go across• (Compi/Jopoqueri) *ma1 go 1 in.jat.ka.p.x.ista 'you are looking across at us 1 (Salinas) 2+1 S ina.na 'to look' (Salinas) 6-2. 17.2 -vnaqa'around, aimlessly' ~ C The suffix -nagadoes not verbalize. In contem porary La Paz Aymara this suffix is preceded by a vowel on some roots and by a consonant on others; on some roots either form is acceptable. Examples from Calacoa and Sita jara have a preceding vowel; examples from Calacoa, Huan can~, and Salinas have a preceding consonant. Examples: sar.naqa.na 'to go around, get along, live• (La Paz, Calacoa) sara.naqa.na 1 to go around, get along, live' (Calacoa, Sitajara, Bertonio 1603b: 284) sara.na 'to go 1
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335 suma un.naga.s.iri 'having a good appearance' (Huancane) una.na 'to look' suma 'good' pur.naga.na 'to turn over and over' (Salinas) puri.na 'to arrive, to come' In one instance, two stems with -naga-, one with a preceding vowel and the other with a preceding consonant, are distinguished in meaning. ira.naga.na ir.naga.na 'to handle' (La Paz) ira.na 'to handle small objects' 'to work the fields in the morning• (La Paz) 'to work (in general)' {Missionary Aymara; see 9-6.2) In the second example above, the root iris probably not identical to the iraof ira.na, since the meanings are quite distinct. 6-2. 17.3 nta'into' slow inceptive v-, -ntacan verbalize, as in link'u.nta.na 'to zigzag' (La Paz) link'u link'u 'zigzag line' k'ari.nta.na 'to spread lies' (La Paz) k'ari 'lie' In dialects having the morphophonemic rule voicing prevocalic
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336 stops after nasals (Corque, Salinas, and northern Potos1), the suffix is phonetically [nda]. The meaning on verbs of motion is usually 'into', while on other verbs it is usually an inceptive. iki.nta.na 'to go to bed' (everywhere) iki.na 'to sleep' manta.na 'to enter' (everywhere) *ma1 go 1 manta.nta.na 'to enter' (Socca) (mantaas frozen stem) ~uri.nta.na 'to arrive' (Tara ta, Jopoqueri) puri.na 'to arrive' sara.nta.na 'to enter' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:287) sara.na 'to go' [wina.nda.na] 'to put in' (Corque, Salinas) *wina.na rto put' (unattested) yati.nta.na 'to learn by oneself' (Calacoa) yati.na 'to know' An interesting use of -ntawith the meaning 'not on purpose, by bad luck' is the following: uta nak 11 a.nta.ya.s.iri 'a person whose house burned down through bad luck' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) nak 11 a.na 'to burn'
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337 Without -ntathe above would imply the houseowner burned the house down on purpose. 6-2. 17.4 mucha-muchu~ -muku~ -nukuv----------------'away, off' This suffix can verbalize, but it is more often found as a derivational. The preferred form in certain La Paz dialects, including Jesas de Machaca, is /-muku-/, which is the only allomorph cited by Bertonio (1603b:283). /-nuku-/ is preferred in Campi and Tiahuanaco; a speaker from La Paz/Tiahuanaco also uses /-muchu-/. /-mucha-/ occurs in Salinas. A La Paz speaker reports having heard /-nuchu-/ somewhere, but it is not included here since its provenance is unknown at present. Examples: 1 . h ~ 5 1 k ~ a 1.s.muc u.na ~ a is.nu u.na 'to throw out' ali.s.mucha.na 'to throw out' {Salinas) (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) al i. si. na I to run after someone 1 (La Paz/ Campi) apa.nuku.na 'to abandon, cast off (a person); to throw away' (San Andr~s de Machaca) apa.na 'to carry' iki.nuku.na 'to sleep away from home, without notifying one's family 1 (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:283) iki.na 'to sleep' jagu.nuku.na 'to throw off' jaqu.na 'to throw' (La Paz)
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338 jayta.muku.na 1 to abandon• jayta.na 1 to leave• 6-2. 17.5 -vtatascatterer (Jes(ls de Machaca) This suffix may verbalize. In La Paz, if a stem with -tatacannot take a human subject, but only a non human one, it cannot be nominalized with -na. In this respect stems with -tataresemble stems with -ptaver balizer. Some examples given by Bertonio (1603b) with either human or nonhuman subjects may take only nonhuman subjects in La Paz today, as follows: Chullu. tat. i .w. 'The ice melted.' chullu I ice• (La Paz) -3+3 s Jang 1 u.tata.s.k.i.w. 1 A soiled thing is becoming clean.' (La Paz) janq 1 u 1 white 1 k 1 umar.tata.na 6 1 to be cured' (La Paz) k 1 umara 1 healthy 1 Q 11 ana.tata.s.k.i.w. 1 It 1 s clearing up (after rain).' (La Paz) 3+3 S q 11 ana 1 clear 1 Uma. tat. i .w. 1 It melted.' (La Paz) uma 1 water 1 ---:3+3 1 He sweated/It began to melt! (Bertonio 1603b:305) s The following are examples of -tataas derivational: alli.tata.na 1 to fall outward' (e. g. walls of a building) (La Paz) 'to spread out grain, potatoes, etc.' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:304) alli.na 'to dig' (La Paz)
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339 aru.s.tata.na 1 to say• (Salinas; not used in La Paz) aru 'word, language' jacha.tata.na 1 to begin to cry suddenly' (La Paz) 'to begin to cry' (Bertonio 1603b:305) jacha.na 'to cry' manq'a.tata'bite suddenly 1 (said of a dog) (La Paz) 'begin to eat• (Bertonio 1603b:305) mang'a.na 'to eat' (La Paz) tuki.tata.na 'to faint' (San Andr~s de Machaca) tuki.na 'to stretch out' 6-2. 17.6 xarupreparative of motion c--This suffix occurs only on verbs. It has occurred only on verbs of motion, especially carrying verbs. In Sitajara it occurred on verb stems used to translate plain carrying verbs, without any preparative connotation. Examp 1 es,: an.xaru.na 'to get ready to herd' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b: 282) *ana'herd' way.xaru.na 'to carry by handle' (Sitajara) wayu.~a 1 to carry by handle' 6-2. 17.7 -cxa:sistatic, cessation of motion This suffix does not verbalize, and is of rather infrequent occurrence. It is not listed as a suffix by
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340 Bertonio (1603b), although it occurs in a few examples. + Judas aycha.xas.i 'Judas hanged himself.' (1603b:300) +.. . J1rp.xas1---:3-+3 s 'to take someone with one (as a master his servant)' (l603b:313) In La Paz the above are today rendered as follows: Judasa.x jaych.xa:s.i. jaycha.na 'to quarrel' irp.~a:si.na 'for an adult to be responsible for a minor; to have a child with one' irpa.na 'to take a person' 6-2. 17.8 -c_x_a~y_a_accompanier This suffix does not verbalize and does not occur with verbs of carrying. Bertonio (1603b:280) gave it as +/-xa:-/. Examples: ar.xaya.na 'to talk with someone' (Jesus de Machaca) aru 'word, language' parl.xaya.na 'to deceive, to declare love falsely' (Calacoa) parla.na 'to speak' ik.~.na 'to sit up with a sick person' (La Paz) iki.na 'to sleep'
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341 +.k 1 xa :'to sleep with a sick person' (Bertonio l603b:280) 6-2. 18 ch 1 ak 11 a~ -ch 1 uki-, t•ac---------c--6-2. 18. l ch 1 ak 11 a~ -ch 1 ukisustainer of action, teaser c---------The first allomorph occurred only in Sitajara. un.ch 1 ak 11 a.n.ititu.x '(the dog) stared at me' 3+1 S una.na 'to look' /-ch 1 uki-/ occurred in La Paz, Calacoa, and Socca. Examples: un.ch'uki.na 'to look at steadily, or frequently' (La Paz, Calacoa) is.ch 1 uk.t 1 a.na 'to listen• (Sacca) is.t 1 a.na 'to listen' jag.ch'uki.na 'to throw (stones) at someone teasingly' (La Paz) jagu.na 'to throw• lar.ch'uki.na 'to pull someone's leg' (La Paz) laru.na 'to laugh' 6-2. 18.2 t 1 amomentaneous c-This suffix occurs as verbalizer of noun roots and stems, on most verbs, and is of very frequent occur rence everywhere. The meaning is sometimes a politive. Examples:
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342 warm.t'a.si.na 'to have a mistress' (La Paz) warmi 'woman' wayn.t'a.si.na 'to have a lover (male)' (La Paz) wayna 'young man' An example on a noun stem ending in -ta nominalizer is wayk' iya.t.t'a.si.tayna 'pepper has been ground' (Jopoqueri) 3+3 RIK iya.na 'to grind' An example on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor is jan punchu.n.t'a.ta 'without poncho' (Huancan~) The following are examples on verbs: ampar jamp'at.t'a.na 'to kiss the hand' (La Paz) irp.t'a.na jamp'ati.na 'to kiss' 'to give a child back to his own mother or father' (La Paz) irpa.na 'to take a person' jirt.t'a.na 'to make mazamorra' (a corn-based soft drink) (Sitajara) jirta.na 'to move' The suffix occurs frequently as a softener with imperatives, as in the following examples from Calacoa:
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say.t'a.ki.m 'stand up' 2+3 I 343 saya.na 'to stand' almus.t'a.wa.tana 'let's eat lunch' almusa.na 'to lunch' 4+3 I yanap.t'.ita 'help me' yanapa.na 'to help' 2+1 I parl.t'a.p.xa.m 'you (plural) talk' parla.na 'to talk' 2-+3 I 6-2. 19 -paya-, -rpaya~ -rpa:6-2. 19. 1 ~vpayahelper, mocker This suffix is very infrequent and was not identi fied by England. Certain forms cited with it by Bertonio (1603b:287} are not acceptable in La Paz today. Other forms with the suffix do occur in La Paz, some of them with -payafrozen to the root. Examples: k 11 uya.paya.na 'to have mercy, give help' (La Paz) *k 11 uya.na (does not occur) yat.xa.paya.na7 'to imitate in order to mock' (La Paz) yati.na 'to know' muyu.paya.na 'to take a look around, like a guard' (La Paz) muyu.na 'to turn around'
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344 ali.s.paya.na 'to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas) ali.si.na 'to run after someone' (La Paz/Campi) In the last two examples the meanings are closer to some examples of -rpaya-. 6-2. 19.2 -v-r~p_a~y_a_-_~_-_r~p_a_:_multiplier of action, intensifier This suffix does not verbalize. /-rpaya-/ occurs in most dialects; /-rpa:-/ occurs in Sitajara, Corque, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, and was cited by Bertonio (1603b: 297). Both variants occur in Campi. The suffix occurred more frequently in Salinas and Jopoqueri than elsewhere. One speaker in Corque voiced the /p/ after /r/, giving the phonetic rendition [rba:J in rapid speech. In Corque this is not a regular rule like that voicing prevocalic stops after nasals in Salinas, but rather an optional rule like the one that voices stops intervocalically (see 4-3.21.31). Examples: jamu.rpaya.na +. Jamu.rpa:'to select chuno from a pile, to be ground into smaller pieces' (La Paz) *jamu.na (does not occur in La Paz/Campi) 'to understand something well' (Bertonio l603b:l08) jaqu.rpa:.na 'to throw away' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara)
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6-2.2 345 jaqu.rpaya.na 'to throw away• {La Paz, Salinas) jaqu.na 'to throw• jara.rpaya.na 'to untie' {La Paz) [jara.rba:.na] 'to untie' (Corque) jara.na 'to untie' jat'i.rpa:.fia 'to pick up thorns and thistles' {Salinas) jat'i.rpaya.fia 'to scratch' {La Paz) jat'i.na 'to scratch' k 11 ita.rpaya.fia 'to send' {Salinas) k 11 ita.na 'to send' p 11 ichu.rpa:.fia 'to untie' (Salinas) p 11 ichu.na 'to tie up' Class 2 suffixes These suffixes occur in all dialects on almost any verb root, stem, or theme and are more closely tied to the inflection than to the preceding part of the verb. Of the nine suffixes in the class, four affect case rela tions of the subject and complement person contained in the inflection: -sireciprocal/reflexive, -ya-~-: causative, -rapibeneficiary, and -ragavictimary. -niapproacher and -wadistancer {and its variants) indicate spatial relations {physical, temporal, or meta phorical) of the person(s) involved in the action. The incompletive and completive suffixes are aspects of the
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346 tense, which is also contained in the inflection . .::..Q.:. is a pluralizer of persons. -siand may reduplicate on a stem. If -ja~ -kaincompletive or -xa~ -gacompletive occurs before .::...Ee. on a stem, it may reduplicate after .::..Q.:_. 6-2.21 sireciprocal/reflexive 8 v-This suffix is of very frequent occurrence, especially in La Paz. It focuses upon the persons of the inflection and may be translated as a reciprocal, a reflexive, or an emphatic. 9 Reciprocal: parl.t'a.si.na 'to talk to each other' (La Paz) talk jay.cha. si. na I to quarrel 1 (La Paz) quarrel nuwa.si.na fight Reflexive: asa.ga.si.na gama.si.na 1 to fight each other' (La Paz) 'to take off one's own hat' (La Paz) asa.ga.na 'to take off a hat' 1 to stay 1 ( Corque) gama.na 'to do nothing, to rest'
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ala.si.na buy Emphasis: 347 'to buy oneself something' (everywhere) ala.na 'to buy' ar.naga.si.: 'I will yell 1 (Calacala) yel 1 1+3 F jaws.kat.t'a.si.: call 'I will call someone' (La Paz/Campi) The following examples of verbalization with this suffix have occurred in La Paz: p'inqa.si.na 'to be ashamed, embarrassed' p'inga 'shame' warmi.si.na 'to take oneself a mistress' warmi 'woman' wayna. s i . na 'to take oneself a (male) lover' wayna 'young man' This suffix occurs frozen in a few verb stems that act as roots, taking suffixes normally occurring before -si-. ali.si.na 1 to sprout 1 ( La Paz/Ti ahuanaco) 1 to run after someone 1 ( La Paz/Campi ) ali.s.muchu.na ~ ali.s.nuku.na 'to throw out' (La Paz/ Tia huanaco)
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348 ali .s.mucha.fia 'to throw out' {Salinas) ali.s.paya.fia aru.si.na aru.s.tata.fia una.si.na ufia.s.t'a.na 'to throw someone out' {La Paz, Salinas) 'to complain, protest, speak against someone' {La Paz); 'to speak' {Bertonio 1603b:327) aru 'word/speak' 'to say' {Salinas) 'to look at each other' {La Paz) 'to wait for someone' {Calacoa, Sitajara) -sidoes not co-occur with -rapibeneficiary or -raga victimary. -simay occur before or after the suffixes -ya-~-:causative, -niapproacher, and -wadistancer {or its variants). -sioften occurs in combination with -ja~ -kaincompletive, resulting in its at first being considered a continuative. However, it may also occur with -xacompletive. When it precedes -vaon a stem, -siusually glosses as a reciprocal. -sifollowing~ usually glosses as a reflexive. When -sioccurs twice on a stem, separated by ::Y.A.::., the first -siis a reciprocal, and the second, a reflexive. When two -si-'s occur in succession, the second is usually followed by the incom pletive suffix -ja~ -ka-.
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349 Examples of -siwith the other Class 2 suffixes mentioned above are the following: jay.cha.si.ya.na jay.cha.ya.si.na 'to cause others to argue with each other' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:317) jay. cha. 21 na 1 to argue disrespectfully with someone to whom re spect is due• (La Paz) 'to allow someone to argue (talk) disre spectfully with one' (La Paz/Campi) +jay.cha.:.si.na 'to get oneself beaten up' (Bertonio 1603b: 317) jay.cha.si.ya.si.na 'to allow someone to go on arguing dis respectfully with one• (La Paz) nuwa.si.ya.si.na 1 to referee a fight 1 (La Paz) fight Ma.nta.si.n.ka.ki.m. 1 Come on in. 1 (La Paz) enter 2+3 i Ma.nta.ni.s.ka.ki.m. 1 Come on in.' (La Paz) usu. r. ta. si. w. x. i 'she became pregnant' ( Calacoa) 3+3 S usu.na 'to be sick'
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350 jay.cha.wa:.s.ta 'I scolded him' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) quarrel s Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti? 10 'Is he here?' (most dialects) ~-+3 s Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.ti? 'Is he here?' (Jopoqueri) mag'a.nta.s.xa.tayna 'he ate it up' (Salinas) eat RIK Qullg apa.s.xa.m. 'Take the money again. 1 money take 2-+3 I ala.s.xa.:ma 1 I 1 ll buy you' (Corque) buy F nuwa.si.s.t 11 a 1 I 1 m fighting' (Calacoa) fights (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b: 301) Nuwa.si.s.k.t.wa. 1 I 1 m fighting.• (Juli, La Paz, Huancan~) 1-+3 s arma.si.si.p.k.itasma 'you might forget us' (Juli) forget D-1
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351 In Morocomarca -sioccurred where the nominalizer -na would occur in other dialects, in the following type of sentence: Kuna.mpi.rak maq'a.s.i ch'unu.ka? what with eat -:3+3 chuno s 'With what is chuno eaten?' This use of -simay be due to the influence of Spanish, from which the sentence was translated: Con gue se come chuno? The possible influence of Spanish g reciprocal/ reflexive on the incidence of -siin Aymara needs fur ther investigation. 6-2.22 -ya-~-:causative This suffix has been found to verbalize few noun roots, and only in la Paz. jayp'u.ya.na evening uru.ya.na day 1 to get late' (nonhuman subject); 1 to spend the day waiting in one place' (human subject) (la Paz) 'to celebrate a wedding or a birthday by giving someone a party' (la Paz) Bertonio (1603b) gave examples similar to the above, but with phonologically conditioned allomorphs: +/-wa-/ after
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352 + /u/, /-ya-/ after /i/, and either vowel length or + /-ya-/ after /a/. In contemporary dialects these alterations have not been found to occur. Most dialects use /-ya-/; Compi uses both /-ya-/ and/-:-/; /-:-/ has also been found in Huancan~ and in northern Potosf. Examples: apa.:.na 1 to cause someone to carry• (Calacala) carry apa.ya.na •to cause someone to carry• (elsewhere) ar.su.ya.na 1 to cause someone to say• (Salinas) say chura.ya.na 1 to cause someone to give• {general) give The following has/-:-/ reduced to simple vowel before a consonant-requiring suffix: Amu.s.t 1 a.g.i.lla. 1 He made him be quiet. 1 (Calacala) 3+3 S /-cqa-/ completive (see 6-2.25) The Compi equivalent of the above has /-ya-/ reduced to /y/. Amu.s.t 1 a.y.x.i.ya. 1 He made him be quiet. 1
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353 In the foregoing examples the verb stem takes a human subject and a human agentive complement (the person who is caused to do something). 11 Some verbs that do not take a human subject may take one if is added to the stem. If it is desired to have a human agentive complement as well,~ must be reduplicated. Examples: achu.na 'for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz) achu.ya.na 'to cause a field to produce' (human subject) (La Paz) puqu.na 'for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (Jopoqueri) puqu.ya.na 'to cause a field to produce' ( human subject) (Jopoqueri) uma.pta'for something to melt' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz) uma.pta.ya.na 'to cause to melt' (human subject) (La Paz) uma.pta.ya.ya.na 'to make someone melt something' subject and complement) uma 'water' (human Some examples of~ on stems with -siwere given in 6-2.21. See also the examples in 8-2.25. 6-2.23 ni v--' -vwa~ -waya~ -wa:~ -wi~ -wiyaThese suffixes appear to be semantic opposites, but they may co-occur on one stem with a meaning different
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354 from either alone. When both occur, -nialways precedes -waor variants. 6-2.23. l niapproacher v-This suffix has only one allomorph in all dialects. It reduces spatial, temporal, or emotional distance be tween the persons of the inflection (who may be the speaker, hearer, both, or neither) or between person(s) and place (s). Examples: jir.ta.ni.na 'to go to move something' (Sitajara) 'to go to move something with a stick' jiru.na, jir.ta.na 'to stir' (La Paz/ Campi) iki.ni.na 'to go somewhere to sleep' (La Paz; also Bertonio l603b:285) i k i . na I to sleep I mang'a.ni.na 'to approach to eat' (La Paz) 'to go to eat, to have just eaten' (Bertonio 1603b:285) mang'a.na 'to eat' gillqa.n.ch. itasma 'you could write to me' (La Paz) gillqa.na 'to write' In Calacoa -nioften occurs with sa.na 'to say', with the Imperative, Future, and Desiderative tenses.
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Waka.nunu cow udder 355 sa.ni.p.xa.sma.lla! 2+3 D-1 'You should say cow's udder!' 6-2.23.2 -vwa~ -waya~ -wa:~ -wi~ -wiyadistancer This suffix increases spatial, temporal, or emo tional distance between the persons of the inflection, or between person(s) and place(s). There may be a change of location, or several locations, for the person(s). The suffix may imply action before leaving for somewhere else or while on the way somewhere else. The suffix may serve as a softener or emphatic with such meanings as 'quickly', 'at once', or 'by the way'. The most common shape of this suffix is /-wa-/, which reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suf fixes. This variant occurs in Juli, Huancan~, Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Calacala. The allomorph /-waya-/ occurs in La Paz, reducing to /way/ before consonant requiring suffixes. It may reduce to /wa/ before vowel requiring suffixes. Parts of La Paz also have an alter nate form /-wa:-/ (also attested in Bertonio 1603b), which reduces to /wa/ before consonant-requiring suf fixes. In Sitajara /-waya-/ (reduced to /way/) occurs before -i 3+3 Simple tense; /-wa-/ (reduced to /w/) occurs before other /if-initial suffixes; and /-wa:-/ occurs elsewhere, reduced to /wa/ before consonant requiring suffixes.
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356 /-wiya-/ occurs in Salinas and Corque. /-wi-/ occurs in Jopoqueri. In Morocomarca /-wi-/ or /-wiy-/ occurs before /i/ (resulting phonemically in /wi:/ or /wiyi/), and /-wiya-/ occurs elsewhere, reducing to /wiy/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. Examples: Ap.xaru.way.ma. I Chura.waya.m. give I Chura.way. ita. I 1 Take it away. 1 ( San Andres de Machaca) apa.na 'to carry• 'Give it to him quickly, at once, on the way.• (La Paz) 'Give it to me (as you're leaving right away). 11 (La Paz) Iskula.y jala.g. ta.way. i .w .. 'He played hooky.' (stayed out school of school) (Sitajara) Mang'a.waya.m. eat I M I ang a.way.1.wa. s s jala.ga.na 'to fall 1 'Eat and go right afterwards. 1 (La Paz) 'They ate (somewhere else). 1 (Sitajara) ch 11 aga.way.i 'he got lost (somewhere out there)' (Sitajara) S ch 11 aga.na 'to get lost'
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357 waxcha. t I a. si.way. t.xa: 1 I was left an orphan 1 (Achocalla) orphan Puri.wa.ta.ti? s s 'Did you arrive (today)?' (Sitajara) taS -c(This example is an instance of /-wa:-/ reduced to /wa/ before the inflection.) sara.wa.:xa 'I'm going to go' (San Andr~s de Machaca) go F sara.w.xa.: 1 I 1 m going' (Juli) F jayta.wa.p.ka.taytu l~ave RIK '(our grandparents) left us (our language)' (Juli) pa:.t'a.si.wa.nani 'let's cook' (Sitajara) cook F Sa.w.ma. lla. 'Tell him on the way.' (Sacca) say I t 11 ugu.wa. :ta.x 'you will dance (there) 1 (Sacca) dance F j ayta. wiya. : tan leave -F 'we will leave (the sheep with him while we go to church) 1 (Salinas)
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358 ar.t 1 a.wiy.i call 'he called (the birds to him, from the sky)' (Salinas) s t ll t ag. a.w1ya.:ma.x 'I will look for you (there in La Paz) (Salinas) look for F yapi.nta.wiya.tay tie up RIK Chura.wiy.t.wa. give s 'she tied her up (before going off) (Corque) 'I left it for him (and went away again). 1 (Morocomarca) way.xaru.wi.na 'to carry water in a pail' (Jopoqueri) way.xaru.na 'to carry by handle' The combination of -niplus -wa(or its vari ants) is common in all Aymara dialects. In many instances it means action on the way back from another place. ao.ta.ni.wa.: 'on my way back I'll bring X' (Juli) bring F sara.ni.waya.na go 'to stop off somewhere on th~ way back from a farther point• (La Paz) England found that this combination could also
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359 .•. express discrepancies between where the speaker was at the time of an action and where he is when he tells about it. (Hardman et al. 1975:3. 177) An example of this from my research is the following said by a young man from Socca who had left his town as a boy: mist.su.ni.wa.sn leave ak 11 am thus jayt.ja.ni.w.t 11 a leave 1+3 s . leaving (my community) ... thus, I left (everything) I The combination may also be used to express discrepancies between the location of a person or persons involved in an action, and the location of a hearer, as shown in the following examples which occurred in a recorded message from a man in Juli to his nephew in another city. The message concerned the author's visit to Juli, during which the nephew was not present. Parl.t'a.ni.w.i.w. 'She spoke. 1 speak "-3+3 s graba.g.t'a.si.ni.w.k.i 'she made tape recordings' 3+3 < Spanish grabar 'to record' s Ap.s.t'a.ni.wa.rak. 'And she took photographs. 1 take
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360 wali sum gued.t 1 a.ya.ni.wa.p.x.sma very good 1+2 s 1 we did well by you, we left a good im pression' < Spanish guedar 1 to leave• In Calacoa the combination /-w.ja-/ occurs very frequently, apparently as a softener since none of the other meanings of the distancer seem to apply. The com bination seems to occur on any verb stem and with a variety of tenses. Examples: Chura.w.j.sma.w. 'I gave it to you. 1 give 1+2 s sa.w.j.iri.tayn 1 he said' 3+3 RIK sara.w.ja.tan 'we will go' go 4+3 F Yati.w.ja.ma. lla. 'You learn, then. 1 know 2+3 I The /-ja-/ in this combination is not identical with /-ja-/ allomorph of the incompletive suffix (see 6-2.25. 1). In Calacoa the allomorph of the incompletive is /-ka-/
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361 and /-w.ja-/ may precede it on a stem. */-w.ka-/ has not occurred in Calacoa. Jan puyri.w.j.k.t.ti. 'I have not been able to.' no able S puyri< Spanish puede 'is able' It is possible that /-wja-/ is a unitary suffix identical in shape to the noun locational suffix -wja(see 5-3.21). ~~hen occurring before the completive ~' /-wj .xa/ re duces to /w.xa/. Aruma.w.x.i.w, night s iki.nta.w.xa.tan. bed F 'It's already late, let's go to bed.' On verbs /-wja-/ is rejected in Socca as 'sounding like baby talk.' /-w.xa-/ is, however, of frequent occur rence in Sacca and Juli. A series of verbs with /-w.xa-/ occurred in an account of the death and burial of the archbishop of Juli. pasa.w.xa.tayn 'he passed' (died)< Spanish pasar RIK jiw.t'a.w.xa.tayn 'he had died' yati.w.xa.sin 'having learned' know jiwa.na 'to die'
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362 amuk.t'a.w.xa.p.x.i 'they were silent' amuki.na 'to be 3+3 silent' s /-w.xa-/ also frequently occurs with /-iritayna/ (-iri plus 3+3 RIK) and other compound forms with -chi NI, in stories told in Juli and Sacca (see 6-3.36. l and 6-3.37.2). /-w.xa-/ occurs with the Imperative in Sacca, meaning 'do it this minute! 1 on sara.na 'to go' and sa.na 'to say' but conveying a gentle, friendly plea on chura.na 'to give', thus illustrating the different connotations verbal derivational suffixes, even those of Class 2, may have on different verbs. In Morocomarca /-wiy.xa/ and /-xa.wiya-/ both occur. In some instances one order is preferred. Examples occurred with the Simple tense. 1+3 Chur.xa.wiy. t.wa. 1 I left it for him. 1 2+3 Chur.xa.wiy.ta.wa. 'You left it for him. 1 3+3 Chura.wiy.x.i.wa. 'He left it for him.' 4+3 (not elicited) 3+2 Chura.wiy.x.tma.wa ~ chur.xa.wiy.tma.wa. 'He left it for you. 1 3+1 Chur.xa.wiy. itu.wa. 'He left it for me. 1 --Chur.xa.wiv.istutu.wa. 'He left it for us.'
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363 The source rejected a 3+3 form with a preceding -xa-. (For a discussion of ordering -xadirectly on verb roots, see 6-2.25.2). Further research will be needed to determine how best to describe the above. These suffixes are mutually exclusive. 6-2.24. l -rapibeneficiary The presence of -rapiin a verb stem indicates that the verb complement expressed in the inflection is a beneficiary of the action. 12 This suffix is of frequent occurrence and no dialectal variation in its use has been noted. 6-2.24.2 -vraqavictimary The presence of -ragavictimary in a verb stem indicates that the verb complement expressed in the in flection is the victim of action by the subject against a possession of the complement person. That is, the complement person is adversely affected indirectly, through his possession. 13 This use of the suffix -raqa is general, although it is of less frequent occurrence than -rapi-, and no variation in its use has been noted.
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364 6-2.25 -cja~ -ka~ -k 11 aincompletive, -cxa~ -ga completive The incompletive and the completive may occur before and/or after.:...::_ plural. They usually do not co-occur on a stem; when they do, the incompletive pre cedes the completive. 6-2.25. l ja~ -ka~ -k 11 aincompletive c~-------This suffix must be distinguished from the par tially homophonous -ja~ -kaverbalizer (5-3.41.1) and -jaClass l verbal derivational suffix (6-2. 12). The form /-ka-/ occurs in most dialects, but not in Corque and Jopoqueri, which instead have /-ja-/. In Salinas, a morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.23) reduces -kato /j/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. The allomorph /-k 11 a-/ occurred sporadically instead of /-ka-/ in the speech on one Salinas source. Both /-ka-/ and /-ja-/ occur in Calacala and Morocomarca, where it appears that the two morphs may have separate morpho phonemic status, -ja'ahead of! and -kaincompletive. This brings us to the semantics of this suffix. In some contemporary Aymara dialects the suffix usually translates 'ahead of 1 when it occurs directly on a root. ap.ka.na 'to carry ahead of someone' (La Paz) apa.na 'to carry'
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365 sar.ka.na 'to go on ahead' (La Paz) sara.~a 'to 90 1 sar.ja.na 'to go on ahead' (Jopoqueri) However, in some dialects this suffix translates as a continuative. Chur.k.t.wa. 1 I 1 m giving it to him.• (Morocomarca) give s Chur.ka. :t.wa. RDK 1 I was 91 vrng it to him. 1 (Morocomarca, San Andres de Machaca) Chur.j. t.wa. s 1 I 1 m 91v1ng it to him. 1 (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Corque) Chur.ja.ya:t.wa. RDK 'I was g1v1ng it to him. 1 (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Corque) In La Paz the continuative is usually expressed by -si plus -ka-. Mang'a.s.k.i.w. eat She's } 'He's eating.• It's s Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.w. here She's} 1 He I s here. 1 It's s
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366 Elsewhere the continuative may be so expressed also, with /-ka-/ or /-ja-/. Jacha. s. k. i .way. 'They are crying. 1 (Calacoa) -:3+3 s Uta.nha.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa. 'He was in my house.• (Sitajara) house lp 3+3 RDK Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.w. 1 He 1 s here.• (Jopoqueri and Corque) here -:3+3 s One speaker in Salinas, whose Aymara was probably in fluenced by that of La Paz, used both /-ja-/ and /-s.ka-/ continuative in the same sentence in a story. Aka.n.x here na. x sawu. n. j. t 11 w, weave 7+3 s sawu.si.s.k.t na.x. weave -,+3 s 'Here I'm weaving, it's weaving I am. 1 A popular song in Calacoa has /-s.ka-/ in one stanza and /-ka-/ alone in another. Jacha.s.k.i.way. 'They are crying. 1 cry ~+3 s
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367 ( Jach. k. i . w) ~+3 s.i.way. 3+3 111 They are crying, 11 they say.• s s Although this suffix frequently occurs with nega tive expressions, some negatives occur witbout it, or with the completive -xainstead. Negative expressions are discussed in 7-4.5. With the Inferential -pacha, /-ka-/ incompletive may occur with the meaning 'instead of. 1 The following example was inspired in a La Paz/Tiahuanaco speaker by Ebbing (1965:100): Uka chacha.x jach.k.pacha.:n.x l a ru . s . xa . k. i . w. that man cry 3+3 laugh 3+3 RDK s 'That man instead of crying is just laughing. 1 However, in an example from Jopoqueri /-ja-/ with -pacha is simply a continuative. Jun.j.pacha.w. 'He must be pecking. 1 junu.na 'to peck, pierce' This suffix occurs often on subordinated verbs to indicate action ahead of the action of the main verb or incompleted actio~ (see 7-4.24).
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368 6-2.25.2 -xa~ -gacompletive In view of the /k/ ~ /j/ alternation for the in completive, the possibility that a similar alternation of /q/ ~ /x/ exists for the completive--or may have existed in the past--must be kept in mind. Tschopik (1948:109) gives one example of a /q/ which is probably a variant of this suffix, but /-xa-/ also occurs in his transcrip tion, which in any case is not completely phonemic. In Calacala there occurred a /q/ which may be a realiza tion of the completive. It could not be .:..92...:.. 1 down 1 , as it occurred after the causative suffix -ya-~-: (here reduced to plain vowel). Amu.s.t 1 a.g.i.lla. 'He made him be quiet.' s The Campi equivalent of the above has /-xa-/ (see 6-2.22). Further investigation will be needed to see if /-qa-/ completive is a productive suffix in Calacala and else where. Examples of the completive are given below with different tenses. Simple: Chur.x.t.wa. give 1 I 1 ve already given it to him. 1 (La Paz)
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369 Sar.x. i.w. 'He left. 1 (La Paz) go ~+3 Jani.w mun.x.i.ti. 'It doesn't want to.' (La Paz) no want---:3-+3 Future: sar.xa.: 1 I 1 m going home 1 (La Paz) 7-+3 Imperative: chur.x.ma 'give it to him' (Socca) 2-+3 apa.n.x.ita 'bring it to me' (Huancane) 2+1 Desiderative: Jiw.xa. sma.wa. 'You may die. 1 (Salinas) die 2+3 In Huancane /-xa-/ occurred on many verbs used in telling a story. The tenses used were RIK, Simple, and -chi NI. Examples of /-s.xa-/ and /-w.xa-/ are given in 6-2.21 and 6-2.23.2, where it was noted that /-xa-/ some times occurs before /-wiya-/ in Morocomarca. It appears that /-xa-/, like -si-, may occur directly on a root, forming a stem which may take other suffixes that usually precede /-xa-/. England considered this /-xa-/ a dif ferent suffix of limited occurrence (Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 152). Other examples are
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370 Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. 3+3 'It (the headache) overcame her.' (Compi) s atipa.na 'to overcome' yat.~.paya.na 'to imitate in order to make fun of' (La Paz) yati.na 'to know' + sar.xa.way.xa.tayna 'he left' (LaBarre 1950:43) go 3+3 RIK In the last example /-xa-/ reduplicates on the verb stem. The combination /-ka-/ incompletive plus /-xa-/ occurs infrequently. sar.k.xa.tayna.x 'he had gone (for good)' (Huancane) go 3+3 +J . an,.w no RIK sar.t.ir.jama. :.k.xa.:n.ti. get up 3+3 RDK 'He could not get up (and never would again).' (Wexler 1967:456) Other examples of incompletive and completive suffixes, sometimes with reduplication, are given in the next section.
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6-2.26 ..:. plural V 371 No dialect has been found in this research with the form of this suffix cited by Bertonio (1603b): + . k -pis a-. Examples from different regions bear out the contention earlier expressed that the suffix .:..P..:. is optional in Aymara. It may express plurality of the subject, the complement, or both. There are some ex amples of its occurrence when no plural appears in translation, or conversely, there may be plural in trans lation but no .:..P..:. in Aymara (this latter is the more common possibility). When the noun plural suffix -naka occurs on a subject or complement, .:..P..:. may or may not occur on the verb, and vice versa (see 5-2.3, 5-3.25, and 8-2.4) . .:..P..:. occurs without a following incompletive or completive in Calacoa, Sitajara, and Morocomarca. 14 /-p.ka-/ and/or the variant /-p.ja-/, where applicable, and /-p.xa-/ occur everywhere, including those areas that may have .:..P..:. alone. The following are examples of .:..P..:. without a following incompletive or completive: Puri.t.ma.taki p 11 uya.p.t.wa. arrive 2p for cook 7+3 s 'For your coming I've cooked (a lot). 1 (Morocomarca) Juma.x 2p na.naka.r lp un.kata.p.itta. look at 2+1 s 'You are looking at us.' (Sitajara)
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Juma.naka 2p 372 un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. look at 2+1 s 'You (pl.) are looking at me. 1 (Calacoa) The combination /-p.ka-/ frequently occurs pre ceded by -si-. Chik.t'a.,i.p.k.t.wa. 'We are asking.' (Salinas) ask 7-+3 t . . k t 11 u .Ja.s, .p. . a live 1-+3 s s 'we are living together' ala.si.p.k.t 11 a 'we buy' (Calacala) buy 1-+3 s k l k . usa.s,.p .. , chic ha J-+3 s 'they are making chicha' (Sitajara) (Sitajara) sar.xata.si.ni.p.ka.k.itasman go 2-+ l D-1 'you should come up to us, that's all' (Juli) In the following examples /-p.ja-/ is preceded by /-ka-/ or /-ja-/: ina.si.n.ka.p.j.ista 'you are looking at us' (Morocomarca) 2-+l s
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373 ina.si.n.ja.p.j.ista 'you are looking at us• (Jopoqueri) By far the most common combination with .:..E..:.. is /-p.xa-/, often preceded by -sior other suffixes. sara.p.xa.ta.pa 'their departure• (La Paz) go 3p tuk.t 1 a.p.x.chi 'they played music' (Juli) tuka.na > Spanish tocar 1 to play• wisita.p.x.itu 'she visited us 1 (Salinas) visit 3+1 S wisita.na < Spanish visitar 1 to visit' lura.si.p.x.ta 1 I have done• (Sacca) do 7+3 s amt. t I a. s i. p. xa. tayna. x I they agreed 1 (Huancane) agree 3+3 RIK nuwa.si.p.x.ta 'you are fighting' (Morocomarca) fight 2+3 s parla.si.p.xa.nani 1 let 1 s talk' talk 4+3 parla.na > Spanish parlar 1 to talk'
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374 sa.ta.:.si.p.x.t 1 we call it 1 (Sitajara) say 7-+3 s Apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. 1 Please have them sent to me. 1 send 2-+l F In the following, /-p.xa-/ occurs preceded by /-ja-/ or /-xa-/. 6-2.3 Kuna.ma.:.s.ja.p.x.ta.s? 1 How are you?' (Jopoqueri) 2-+3 s Sar.xa.p.x. i .wa. 1 They left. 1 (Morocomarca) 3-+3 s sara.na 'to 90 1 Class 3 suffixes This class consists of a group of related suffixes all containing the phoneme /ch/ (or a reduced form /s/) and the sequence /jama/ (or reduced forms thereof) re lated to the noun/independent suffix -jama 1 like 1 They have so far been found only in La Paz (Tiahuanaco and Campi) and are attested by Ebbing (1965). The following allomorphs occurred in spoken texts: /-cchjama-/ La Paz/Campi (Hardman 1975:1.305) /-ichja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco (also Ebbing 1965:209)
PAGE 392
375 /-vsmach-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco /-vsmachja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco The following occurred in examples which V~squez (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) reported having heard; their geographic origin is unknown: /chja-/ C /sja-/ C /-vsjamach-/ (also Ebbing 1965:223) The following was cited by Ebbing (1965:223): The meaning of these is expressed by a number of glosses, including 'I think', 'it seems that', 'it looks as if', 'it looks like', 'it is likely that'. They are here classified as verbal derivationals because they occur as units after Class 2 verbal derivationals and before independent or verbal inflectional suffixes. Bertonio (1603b) and Ebbing (1965) have pro vided evidence which permits speculation about the probable derivation of some of these forms. (In the following analyses, presumed underlying morphemic, or
PAGE 393
376 partial boundaries are shown for clarity even though the forms are synchronically unitary.) As indicated in 5-3.32.3, a free root +jama occurs after an inflected verb in a sentence cited by Bertonio (1603b:204). In the following example (Bertonio 1603b:104) +jama occurs followed by /cha/, perhaps the verbal derivational suffix -chawhich may verbalize noun roots. +Chura.sina jama.cha.sma. 1+2 s 'It seems to me that I gave it to you. 1 A more literal translation might be 'I having given to you, like' as -sina is a suffix which turns a verb root or stem into a subordinated verb (a kind of nominalization; see 7-4.22. 1). In the above example, although the verbal inflectional suffix -sma 1+2 Simple tense occurs on +jama.cha-, the relation of subject and complement is actually tied to the verb root chura-. This indicates that the whole phrase functions as a syntactic and morphological unit. With corrected morphophonemics it would be *chura.sin.jama.cha.sma. In this analysis the suffix -chareverbalizes the nominalized theme *chura.sin.jama, permitting it then to take a verbal inflection.
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377 In modern Aymara -jama does occur on the subordi nators -sa and -sina, e. g. sa.s.jam 'saying, like' (Hardman et al. 1975:3.408). The following is an example given by Ebbing (1965:223) that resembles the Bertonio example cited above and is acceptable to V~squez: jallu.s jama.ch.i 'it looks like it's raining' 7+3 s Written as a unit, it would be jallu.s.jama.ch.i. Ebbing said the form was archaic and that the following was to be preferred: +Jallu.s.ka.s.ama.ch.i.wa. 'It looks like it's raining.' 3+3 s V~squez renders it as follows: Jallu.s.ka.s.ma.ch.i.wa. Ebbing heard a stress on the vowel before +/sama/, e. g. /jallu.~.k~.s.ama.ch.i.wa/ This can be explained by assuming a double /s/ which would tend to lengthen the preceding vowel.
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378 */jallu.s.ka.s.sama.ch.i.wa/ We may assume the following derivations: *jallu.s.ka.~.jama . .f.h_.i.wa --> *jallu.s.ka.~.sama.E!!_.i.wa --> +jallu.s.ka-=---~-ama.ch.i.wa The phonological rules, briefly, are /s + j/ --> /ss/ --> /:s/. 15 Other examples, from La Paz/Tiahuanaco todays are the following: T 1 aq.s.ta.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. 1 1 think (the donkey) broke loose. 1 3+3 s t 1 aqa.na 1 to break 1 t 1 ag.su.na 1 to break loose• Ut.ja.s.ka.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. 1 It looks like there is some there.• The /-ja-/ after /-s.ma.ch-/ appears to be a reduplica tion of -jama in its reduced allomorph /-ja-/. If we consider /-s.ma.ch-/ as three morphemes, then the final /-ja-/ acts like an independent suffix, coming after the verbalizer -chaand before the verbal inflection -i.
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379 However, other combinations of fch7 and fjamaf (or fjaf) cannot be analyzed as above. These other combinations may be divided into two types: those in which a verbal inflection occurs before /-c~/ and those in which it occurs after fen/. Examples of /
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380 monosyllabic free root in the language. 16 We must there fore conclude that /-i.ch.ja-/ is a frozen form in con temporary Aymara. Examples of fcht followed by fjam~/ plus verbal inflection are the following, which occurred in Campi: T'ag.su.ch.jama.raki.tayna.sa: 3+3 RIK 'I think (the donkey) broke loose.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.305) T'ag.su.ch.jam.i.w. 'I think he broke loose.' ----"-3+3 s Juta.ch.jama.k.itu.w. 'It seems it comes to me.' come 3+1 s Al.ja.ra.ch.jama.k.ta.wa. 'I think you have sold it.' sell 2+3 s Chura.ch.jama.k.tam.wa. 'I think he gave it to you.' give 3+2 s In most of the above cases /~ama7 is followed by an inde pendent suffix, either -raki or -ki, but it is not required. Determination of the derivation of fcht in the above forms is tentative pending further investigation, but certain possibilities may be eliminated. It is not
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381 the verbal derivational suffix -cha-, as it occurs before other Class 1 and 2 derivational suffixes, whereas in the above examples /ch/ occurs after Class 1 suffixes. It is not -chi NI, which takes a preceding consonant. It is not -cha alternative question, which occurs after in flections, as noted above. Eliminating these three possi bilities, we are left with the hypothesis that /-ch.jama-/ is a frozen form, perhaps a metathesis of /-jama.cha-/, possibly formed by analogy with the combination of -cha verbal derivational as verbalizer, plus -jama--/-ch.jama/which occurs on noun roots and stems. In the following form from Campi (see also 6-2. 11) the vowel before -cha drops by the three-vowel rule: Juta.:.~.ch.jama.k.itu.w. 1 I just feel like coming.' come 3+1 s (A more literal translation would be 'Something makes me feel like coming', given the causative suffix/-:-/ and the 3+1 S inflection -itu.) Finally, the following forms have been heard by V~squez but their provenance is unknown. Jut.ch.ja.k.i.w. 1 I think he has come.' come 3+3 s
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382 Jut.s.ja.k.i.w. 1 1 think he has come. 1 These might be thought to contain -chi NI or a reduced variant ~s-/ occurring before /j/, except that the sentence suffix -wa (here reduced to /w/) does not occur with the NI suffix (Hardman et al. 1975:3.413). The /|
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383 'like' and which today occurs most often as a suffix on nouns, sometimes on verbs (but only when accompanied by a preceding or following fc~/ or fs7) and sometimes frozen in forms which are synchronically unanalyzable. /-chf in these suffixes derives from several different underlying forms. In suffixes beginning with fvs7 it may be the verbal derivational verbalizer -cha-. In /-ichja-/ it may be the alternative question suffix -cha, frozen and no longer a morpheme in this context. In /-vchjama-/, /-chf may be the verbal derivational/ verbalizer -chametathesized to a position before /1amai. In /-cchja-/ and /-csja-/, /~hi is not identi fiable. The possibility exists that in some or all of these cases khi is related to the present-day noun suffix -cha diminutive which occurs in only a few dialects, not including those which are sources of the Class 3 suffixes so far obtained. In the sister language Jaqaru there is a noun suffix -cha 'limitative' seman tically equivalent to the Aymara independent suffix -ki 'only, just' (Hardman 1966:87). Although forms beginning with fvs1 may be analyzed synchronically, the other suffixes having khi and /~amaf (and their reduced variants) cannot be. It seems best at this time, therefore, to present them all as Class 3 verbal derivationals pending further investigation.
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6-3 6-3. l 384 Verbal Inflectional Suffixes 17 Introduction The Aymara verb inflection system consists basic ally of eight paradigms of nine suffixes each. The eight paradigms, usually referred to as tenses, are the Simple (S), Future (F), Imperative (I), Desiderative (D-1), Remonstrator (D-2), Remote Direct Knowledge (RDK), and Remote Indirect Knowledge (RIK). There are also compound tenses, consisting of certain of the plain tenses with either the Non-involver -chi (NI) or the Inferential -pacha (IF), and there are various combinations with the nominalizer -iri. Each of the nine suffixes in each tense is a synchronically unitary morpheme representing semantically that tense plus one of the four grammatical persons as subject and another person as complement. The suffixes are therefore called person/tense suffixes. (Tenses in Aymara also convey direct or indirect acquisition of information; see 8-2.3.) These suffixes are not syn chronically analyzable into morphemes but do contain submorphemic recurrent partials (see below) identifiable as representing individual persons or tenses. The subject-complement relations expressed by the nine suffixes are and 18 exists in the related Jaqi language
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385 Jaqaru but not in Aymara today.) The order just given will be adhered to throughout this section as it is believed to be the best for displaying structural simi larities and differences, but it is, of course, arbitrary. For each tense paradigm a figure showing the person/tense suffix allomorphs in each of nine dialect areas will be given. Included in most paradigms are a few contemporary forms alleged in published sources, identified by a preceding raised+. Also included are forms alleged for late 16th-century Juli by Bertonio (1603b); these are listed between contemporary La Paz and Juli forms and boxed to distinguish them clearly from contemporary forms. Other variants cited in the paradigms occurred either in free texts or in elicited paradigms, or in both. A blank in a paradigm means that no form for it was obtained, but does not neces sarily imply that it does not exist. Each tense is analyzed for the morphophonemics, structure, and distribu tion of its person/tense suffixes. The verb chura.na 1 to give• was used to elicit all paradigms, as it occurs freely with all person/tense suffixes. It should be pointed out, however, that even when given in paradigms (an essentially artificial frame work), Aymara verbs usually occur with verbal deriva tional suffixes, and often with independent and final suffixes, as well as inflectional ones. For the sake
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386 of clarity and simplicity all but the inflectional suf fixes have here been stripped away. For general rules concerning the morphophonemics of verbal inflectional suffixes, see 4-2. l and 4-2.2. Additional rules specific to each tense and/or to indi vidual person/tense suffixes will be given in the section on the tense in question. In the figures accompanying the tenses the morphophonemics of suffixes will be shown only in the case of exceptions. If a final /a/ is in parentheses, it means it usually drops when there is no subsequent suffixation. If a final /n/ or /na/ is in parentheses, it means its presence varies with its absence. 6-3.2 Verbal inflectional distinctive features Hardman (1975) has reconstructed the person system of the Jaqi languages using as bases the per sonal pronouns, the personal possessive suffixes, and two verb tenses, the Simple (Present in Jaqaru and Kawki) and Future. Person is marked in these and other tenses by submorphemic recurrent partials. Other partials are associated with tense. 6-3.21 Person markers Following are the partials associated with verb subject person and verb complement person, incorporating
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387 data from Hardman (1975) and data for other tenses dis covered in my research. Subject l+ Future, D-1 /sa; 19 forms: /-ja/ ~ /-xa/ ~ /-nha/ ~ /-na/ ~/-ya/~/-:/ Other tenses: /-ta/~/t 11 a C C C C ~ V Subject 2+ I, D-1, and D-2 /sa/ forms: /-m(a)/ Other tenses: Subject 3+ I, D-1 /sa/ forms, D-2: /-p(a)/ Other tenses: /-i/ Complement +l S, RIK: /-itu/, /-ita/ Other tenses: /-ita/ Complement +2 All tenses: /-m(a)/ All tenses, 3+2 only: /-tama/ Complement +3 Unmarked
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388 Subject S, I, F, D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms, RDK, RIK: /-tana/ S, I, F, D-1 and D-2 /sa/ forms, RDK: /-(s)na/ ~ /-(s)na/ Complement All tenses: /-s-/ The 4p forms above are complex, perhaps reflecting two systems that have not completely merged. Since 4p is semantically lp plus 2p, the following analysis is plaus ible (/-na/ having now fallen out of the lp alterna tions): /-ta/ 2p + */-na/ lp --> /-tana/ 4p Forms with /-na/ or /-na/ alone are marked only for lp, while those forms preceded by /-s-/ (not to be confused with the /-s-/ or /-sa-/ marking D-1 and D-2) are marked for 4p and lp. 20 6-3.22 Tense markers The following partials are associated with tense: S Unmarked
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389 F Homophonous with lp possessive, with exception of reduplicative bilabial nasal in 1+2 in some dialects I Unmarked. Forms homophonous with personal possessive suffixes for subject, except 2+1 which is unmarked for subject D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms: /-s-/, /-k-/, /-ks-/, /-j-/, /-js-/ /sa/ forms: /-s(a)-/ (D-2 is marked also for Remote: /iri/ forms: /-:-/ /sa/ forms: /-:na/) RDK /-ya-/, /-:-/, and /-n(a)/ (in different combinations) RIK /-ta:-/~ /-tay-/ ~ /-taw-/; some 3+3 marked also with /-:na/; forms reduplicative of inflection, 2+1, 3+1, 3+4 only 6-3.3 Tenses 6-3.31 Simple tense Spanish used to elicit: to him/her. 1 6-3.31.l Morphophonemics l +3 Yo le d 1. 'I gave All consonant-initial suffixes except Calacoa 4+3 /-vsna/ require a preceding consonant. All allomorphs of 1 + 3 except Ca 1 a co a /-t II a/ 1 o s e the f i n a 1 vow e 1 before
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390 final suffixes except the vowel-requiring suffix -lla ~ -ya. Only in Calacoa may the distinction between 1+3 Sand 2+3 S be made solely on the basis of the pres ence or absence of aspiration: 1+3 /-ct"av/, 2+3 /-ctav/. Elsewhere the distinction is made primarily by morpho phonemics: 1+3 /-ctac/ ~ /-ct"ac/, versus 2+3 /-ctav/ That is, 2+3 keeps its final vowel before all following suffixes. Other suffixes in this tense do also. 6-3.31.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-2) 1+3 /-t"a/ is found everywhere but in La Paz and Huancan~, which have /-ta/. In Calacoa the aspirated form appears to be more common in the speech of women, and the unaspirated in the speech of men. 2+3 /-ta/ everywhere. 3+3 /-i/ everywhere. 4+3 Morocomarca has /-sna/, identical to the 4+3 D-l found in all dialects except Calacoa. For 4+3 S Calacoa has an alternate form /-vsna/ identi cal in shape, but not morphophonemics, to its 4+3 D-1. /-tana/ occurs in Sitajara and was cited by Bertonio. Sacca has /-tan/ alternating with /-tna/. Elsewhere the allomorph is /-tan/, except that in La Paz /-tana/, with antepenulti mate stress on the word, was heard in a Protestant sermon (see 4-3.33).
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L4 Paz I Bert:m1o I Juli Socca Huancan~ Cal..coa S1 tajilra Jopoquer1 Salinas Morocomarca ll03b 1+3 I I -t"a -t".1 -t"a -t"ll •t"a -t"a -t"a -ta -ta -ta V 2+3 -ta (all dialects) I 3+3 -1 (all dialects) ~3 -tan •-tana -tan -tan-tan -tan -tana -tan •tan -vctana -tna -vsria -sna 1+2 + -s .. .a -sri.J -s:r.J -sr..l -Sr.l.l Sm4 -sr..a -sma -sr, .. -ma w •-taro I U) 3--2 -_tam I -tam -tam ... -tam -tar..i •to:ma -tam -tama -tma _. tr.oil 2 sta I I •ista •ista -1sta -1sta -1s ta -1sta -1sta -1tt.s '3+1 -1tu (a11 dia!ects) 3+4 -istu -1stu I -situ -1stu •Stu -stu -lstu -1stu -1stu -chltu -schitu -ch1stu -sch1stu Figure 6-2. Simple Tense
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392 1+2 Salinas has /-ma/, homophonous with 2+3 I in Juli, Sacca, Huancane, and Calacala. Huancane has /-sna/, identical to Morocomarca 4+3 Sand to all 4+3 D-1 except Calacoa. Elsewhere the allomorph is /-sma/; the variant /-sman/ also . T. h 21 occurs ,n ,a uanaco. 3+2 Sitajara has /-ta:ma/; Morocomarca has /-tma/; Sacca has /-tam/ alternating with /-tma/. Else where the allomorph is /-tam/, except that in La Paz /-tama/, with antepenultimate stress on the word, occurs at times in radio announce ments (see 4-3.33). 2+1 /-ista/ everywhere except Sitajara, which has /-itta/, the form attested by Bertonio. (The former has /-s-/ marker of 4p, and the latter /-it(a)/ marker of lp complement and /-ta/ marker of 2p.) 3+1 /-itu/ everywhere. 3+4 /-stu/ in Calacoa and Sitajara; /-situ/ in Sacca; four variants frozen with r(s)ch-/, Juli. Else where /-istu/ (also attested by Bertonio). 6-3.31.3 Dialectal patterning Several dialects have idiosyncratic allomorphs of one person/tense suffix in this tense. In Huancane 1+2 /-sna/, in Calacoa 4+3 /-sna/, in Salinas 1+2 /-ma/,
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393 and in Morocomarca 4+3 /-sna/ are each identical to a suffix found more commonly in another tense and/or person, usually in a different dialect. In Sitajara, 2+1 /-itta/ corresponds to the form cited for the same person/tense suffix by Bertonio but not found in any other contemporary dialect investigated. 6-3.32 Future tense Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 darle 'I'm going to give him'. 6-3.32. l Morphophonemics Except for 3+4 forms starting with /s/ or /ch/, suffixes beginning with a consonant require a preceding vowel. Although collection and analysis of data regard ing behavior of suffix-final vowels for this tense is not yet complete, it appears that in most cases vowels are retained before most suffixes. An example of a suffix needing further study is 1+3 /-nha/ which loses the /a/ before -ti (and probably before certain other final suffixes) but keeps it before -wa, -xa, and -lla ~ -ya aforesaid. 6-3.32.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-3) The distinctive mark of this tense is a long vowel, a glide, a nasal, or a velar or postvelar fricative.
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L.s P.:iz llcrton1o Ju11 Socca 1603b 1-+3 + -: -: -: -: +.ja -Ja -da +-ja: 1 -ja: -ja: -:xa -:.xa -ya: -y11: 2-+3 -:ta + -Jata -:ta -:ta 3 -n1 (illl dialects) 4-+J -iianf •-tana -iianf -iian1 1-+2 -ma -:ma -:ma .;r,.m 5 + -mama -mama •m.lma 3+2 -tm.s -: tma -:tam •-jatpa •:tam -:tam 2-+1 -it.l:ta + -1tajata -1ta:ta -lta: ta 3-.1 -1tan1 (all dialects) 3+4 -~tant -lstant + -tstant -s 1t11nf -ch1stan1 -sch1tan1 -sch1stan1 Figure 6-3. Aymara Future Tense Huancan6 Calac011 S1tajara -: -: -: -ja -j11 -ja: -Ja: -:x11 -:xa •nha -:ta -:ta -jata -ja: ta -nta nha:ta -iianl -iiant -tar.a -:ton -:rr.a -ma: -m.1ma lllilma -ma:m4 -trr,c1 -natpa -natma •nhata :rr.a -lta:til -ttanta -itanhata -s t11nt •stunt -Is tanf Jopoquert Sal!nas -: -: -r,ha -iia -iia: -:ta -:ta -nta 4 [ •nda J -nan! -iiant -tan -:tan -:ma -:ma -ntam -nrr.a -1tanta 6 [-ltanda) •fstanf -1stan1 f,'.orocomarca -: -ya2 -ya -:ta 3 -nant -tna -:tna -:ma -:tma -ita: ta 7 -tstant w I.O
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length. 395 Notes to Figure 6-3 1 original written with stress (accent) rather than 2 calacala h / ~ / as -:na . 3 calacala has/-:ta/and [-nda]. 4 some speakers have [-nda]. sc . omp1 6 some speakers have [-itanda]. 7 calacala has /-ita:ta/ and [-nda:ta].
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396 The tense is thus an excellent example of nonstop consonant instability in Aymara. 1+3 /-:/ (vowel length) everywhere; voiceless frica tives22 in La Paz, Calacoa, Juli, Socca, Huancan~; voiced nonstops elsewhere: velar nasal, Sitajara and Jopoqueri; palatal nasal, Salinas; palatal glide, La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca. 23 2+3 /-:ta/ everywhere except Sitajara; preceded by voiceless fricative, Calacoa (also cited by Bertonio); preceded by velar nasal, Sitajara; preceded by alveolar nasal, Corque and Salinas. /-ni/ everywhere. /-tana/ and /-:tan/, Calacoa (+/-tana/ also cited by Bertonio); /-nani/, /-tan/, and /-:tan/, Salinas; /-nani/, /-tna/, and /-:tna/, Moroco marca; /-nani/ elsewhere. 1+2 Peruvian dialects, /-mama/ and variants; Bolivian dialects, /-:ma/. (Vitocota, near Ayata, pro vince of Munecas, in the department of La Paz, also has /-mama/.) The following also have /-:ma/: Juli, Sacca, and Huancane. Sitajara has /-ma:/; La Paz has /-:man/ in addition to /-:ma/. 3+2 /-:tam/, La Paz, Sacca; /-:tam/ and /-(:)tma/, Juli; /-(:)tma;, Calacoa and Morocomarca. Forms
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397 with initial alveolar nasal are found in Huan cane, Jopoqueri, and Salinas; with initial velar nasal, in Sitajara; Bertonio cited a form with initial velar fricative. /-ita:ta/ La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Moroco marca; alveolar nasal instead of vowel length, Huancane, Jopoqueri, Salinas; velar nasal between two vowels, Sitajara; velar fricative between two vowels, cited by Bertonio. /-itani/ everywhere. /-stani/ La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara; /-istani/ La Paz, Huancane, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Moroco marca, and cited by Bertonio; /-sitani/ Socca. Juli has forms frozen to preceding /-(s)ch-/. 6-3.32.3 Dialectal patterning 6-3.32.31 Phonological l. Dialects with initial or medial alveolar, velar, or palatal nasals in and Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas. Huancan~ lacks a nasal form of but has the others. Calacala may lack a nasal form for (no information is available) but has the others. 2. Dialects with a voiced palatal glide in La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca.
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398 3. Dialects with voiceless fricatives in 1+3: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancane, Calacoa. 6-3.32.32 Morphological l. Dialect having /-tana/ and /-:tan/, but not /-nani/, for 4+3: Calacoa. 2. Dialects having /-(:)tan/ or /-(:)tna/ and /-nani/ for 4+3: Salinas and Moroco marca. 3. Dialects using /-nani/ for 4+3, but not /-tana/ or variants thereof: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~, Sitajara, Jopoqueri. 6-3.32.33 Semantic Dialects having only /-nani/ for 4+3 F perceive /-tana/ and variants as past, not future. An attempt was made to discover whether dialects having both /-tana/ (or a variant thereof) and /-nani/ distinguish them semantically in some way, but the evidence so far is inconclusive. Either form may gloss, depending on con text, as vamos 1 we 1 re going to• or as a plain future •we will 1 In Salinas only /-nani/ was given for 4+3 Imperative, which is identical in form to 4+3 Future, but it may be that /-tana/ could also occur for the Imperative, as both forms do in Calacala.
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399 6-3.33 Imperative tense Spanish used to elicit: 2+3 Daselo a el. 'Give it to him.' 6-3.33. l Morphophonemics For forms homophonous with the Future (see below), see that tense. 2+3 varies as indicated below and in Figure 6-4. 3+2 (except the Juli form homophonous with 3+3) requires a previous vowel. 3+3 requires a previous consonant. Imperative suffixes usually take no final suffixes other than -lla ~ -ya. 6-3.33.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-4) 1+3 All forms are homophonous with the Future. 2+3 La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas have an allomorph that requires a preced ing vowel and drops its own vowel except before the final suffix -lla ~ -ya. Examples: Chura.m. 'Give it to him/her/them.' Chura.ma.y. 'Please give it to him/her/them.' An allomorph requiring a preceding vowel and retaining its own final vowel, with stress on
PAGE 417
1 .. 3 z.,.3 3 4--3 1 3+2 2-> 1 :}.1 La Pez Berton1o 1603~ -: 1 + d'l '11/l +.c:na -vcCa V -pa(n) + -pa(na) -iiani -:1;.'1 -:ta!!! -:tpa(n) -fta fail d!Jl2cts) -ttr.~3 I -ltr-a(n) •-itpa(na) •fstiia(n) 1 san Andres de Hachaca 2 Horocomarca Julf Soeea -: -ja: -:xa •cm(a) er.?(~) •vm -pana -p•ana -iianl -iiani -rr .. :1ma •r.'.ilm! -trna -:tma -: t:r.a -:tam -pa(n&) -1tpana -i tp 11 11n11 -sitpa:ia -sap"anll -s lstpana -chlstpar.a -schistpana 3 cor.ipf (not fn Hardi:ian et al. 19i5) Figure 6-4. Aymara Imperative Tense l-luancen1' Ca1a-:oa S1tajara -: -:xa •nh~ •cr.i(a) •vm •yffl •VC'./1r,1 •Pt1 •Sl,pa:na -pan -iianl -nan! -tan •l'Mr:i~ -mama -ma:1!1-l -tm(a) -tma . -nhata:rna -tp(a) •ltm(a) -1 tar.I -itp(11) -itpan -star;! -ltp(a) -ftpan Jopoquarf -nha •vm -pan -iian1 -:ma -mpa -:::1pa -1tpan -fstpan Salinas -: -iia •vm -pan -iian1 -:ma -nma -Hpan -fstpan Calacala rna2 C ? •vrr'" -iianf -tana -tina 2 .i::,. 0 0
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401 the antepenultimate vowel of the word, occurs infrequently in Sitajara and La Paz (see 4-3.33). In Sacca, Huancan~, Juli, and Morocomarca 2+3 I usually requires a preceding consonant, but when -kaincompletive occurs before 2+3 I on the stem, 2+3 I requires a preceding vowel. Chur.m(a). 1 Give it to him/her/them.• Jani. w chur. ka.m. ti. 1 Don I t give it to him/her/them. 1 Generally, allomorphs of 2+3 I that require a preceding consonant may keep or drop their own vowel, while allomorphs that require a preceding vowel drop their own vowel except before the final suffix -lla ~ -ya or when preceded by antepenultimate stress. 3+3 The full form is found in Juli and Sacca (with aspiration). The form without final vowel occurs in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. Forms optionally losing the final nasal are found in La Paz (also cited by Bertonio). Calacoa /-sapa:na/ is identical in shape, but not morpho phonemics, to its 3+3 D-2 /-vsapa:na/. 4+3 All forms are homophonous with the Future. 1+2 All forms are homophonous with the Future.
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402 La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Salinas have forms homophonous with the Future; the last four have only those forms. La Paz and Juli also have forms with /-pa-/. The fullest allomorph of the Juli /-pa-/ form, /-pana/, is homophonous with its 3+3 I. Jopoqueri has only forms with /-pa-/ (also cited by Ber tonio). Huancane has a form that looks like the Future form of other dialects but is not Future in Huancane, plus a /-pa-/ form. /-ita/ everywhere. Huancan~ and La Paz also have /-itma/. These suffixes follow the pattern of 3+3, except in Calacoa which has forms homophonous with the Future. In Huancane and Sitajara 3+4 has fallen out and 3+1 does duty for both. 6-3.33.3 Dialectal patterning 6-3.33.31 Morphophonemic l . ~ V La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas.
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403 6-3.33.32 Morphological l. and peculiar to the Imperative, and and homophonous with the Future: All dialects. 2. and peculiar to the Imperative: All except Calacoa. 3. peculiar to the Imperative Future form not used): Huancane, Jopoqueri (also cited by Bertonio). 4. Only and homophonous with the Future: Huancane, Jopoqueri. 5. homophonous with the Future: La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas. 6. No form peculiar to the Imperative: Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas. 7. Both Future and Imperative forms for La Paz and Juli. 6-3.33.33 Semantic In Huancane and Sitajara and 3+4 have fallen together and only the 3+1 form survives. In analyzing the Imperative it must be kept in mind that it overlaps the Future both formally and semantically to a large extent. The Future rather than the Imperative will often be used as a polite command,
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404 especially for 1+2, 2+1, and 2+3 (the suffixes involving the first and second persons in the relationship of subject/complement, or the second person as subject). However, as pointed out by Hardman, in La Paz Aymara the overlap is not to be interpreted as indicating an incomplete Imperative paradigm filled with Future forms, as the Imperative is morphosyntactically marked by a morphophonemic rule: When stated, the subject of an Imperative verb drops the final vowel and carries no sentence suffix, except in the case of 3+2, where the subject 3p must retain the final vowel and carry a sentence suffix (Hardman et al. 1975:3.226). Example: Jum jupa.r chura.m. 'You give it to him/her/them. 1 2p 3p give 2+3 I As a person subject often is not expressed by a noun or pronoun in an Aymara sentence (since it is already expressed in the person/tense suffix on the verb), in this research it was not always possible to elicit an expressed pronoun subject which might be checked for presence or absence of its final vowel. In Sitajara, the only dialect for which pronoun subject forms were obtained with the Imperative for most person/tense suffixes, the vowel drops for 1+3, 3+3 and 4+3 but is retained and followed by a sentence suffix for 1+2, 3+1,
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405 and 3+4; information is lacking for 3+2 and 2+1. In the case of 1+2 it may be that the Future, rather than the Imperative, was elicited. 24 In Morocomarca, the vowel was retained on the 2p subject with 2+3 I. Juma chur.x.ma. 'You give it back (to him/her/them).' 2p give 2+3 I 6-3.34 Contrary-to-fact tenses: Desiderative (D-1) and Remonstrator (D-2) Each of these tenses consists of two incomplete and (in some dialects) partially overlapping paradigms, one built on the recurrent partial /-sa-/ (the mark of contrary-to-fact tenses) and the other built on the . l . . ff. . . 2 5 l th t. l / / ( nom,na 1z1ng su 1x -1r1 pus e par ,a -saor other phoneme sequences replacing it; see below). Ber tonio (1603b) distinguished the two sets, calling the /-sa-/ paradigms the 'Optative' and 'Pluperfect Preterite Optative' tenses, and the -iri paradigms the 'Subjunc tive' and 'Pluperfect Preterite Subjunctive' tenses. However, the gaps in the paradigms and the semantic identity of the examples given show that in fact the four 'tenses' had already collapsed into two in B~rtonio's time.
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406 In the following sections the -iri and /-sa-/ paradigms will be discussed, first with reference to the Desiderative tense and then to the Remonstrator. The forms will be referred to as /iri/ forms and /sa/ forms. 6-3.34.l Desiderative tense (D-1) Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Yo~ daria el/Yo puedo darle. See Figure 6-5. 'I ~!~ht give to him/her/them. 1 { ~y } could 6-3.34.11 /sa/ forms of D-1 6-3.34. 11. 1 Morphophonemics 1+3 and 4+3 require a preceding consonant; 2+3, 3+3, and 3+2 require a preceding vowel. All /sa/ suf fixes retain final vowels before following suffixes. 6-3.34.11.2 Structure and distribution No spoken dialect was found to have a /sa/ form for 1+3. 2+3 and 3+3 end in the partial corresponding to the personal possessive suffix for the subject person. In Calacoa 4+3 is marked by /-na/, which corresponds to one allomorph of lp possessive (but not that used in Calacoa); elsewhere 4+3 is marked by /-na/, a partial
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La Paz I Bertonio Juli Socca HuancanA Calacoa S1tajara Jopoquer1 Salinas ~rocomarca 1603b hl r1sta I -tr1sta -1r1st"a + -irlkt"a r1ksta -trtksta -irtkst•a r1kta -1r1ktwa -1r1kt"a -tr1Jt"a -1 rlj t"a -1rljt"a -irfjt"a 2+3 !-lrlkta -1r11ta -sma -sir.a2 -sma -sma -sma -sma -srr.a -sma -sma -:sm.1 3+3 -1rjl + -tr1jf -1r1j1 -frfjf -spa -spa(na) -spa -spa -spa -spa -spa -spa -(:)sp"a(na) 4+3 -sn_a 4 -sna(n) + .sna •SM -sna -sna -sna -sna -sna -sna 1-+2 -trfsma + -1rf ksma -irisma -1rfsma -1r1ksma -1 r1 ksir.a -1 rlks!!_a -trlksma rljsma -1rljma -lrljr.ia 3+2 -_1r1 sta.n I I -1r1 strl\d .i:,. -trlktma -lrlktma rlkstam •lrlkstam 0 r1Jstc1m rljtam -lrljtam -....J +-:spa -1rijta:ma 2+1 tmu(n) -ltasma(n) -1tosma -1 trrnna -1tasma •ltusma -1tasma -Hasrr.l -1tasma 3+1 rJ1tu -lrjltu + -lt;:ispa -1rlj I tu -irijltu -tt~spa -ltaspa -ttaspa taspa •ltaspa -itaspa •I tasp"a l+4 •Sta spa 5 rj1stu -1r1J1stu -i: rij I stu -1rik"a + -tstaspa -,taspa -tstaspa -chltaspa -sttaspa •htaspa -1s taspa -1s tasp"1 stuspa -schitaspa •chistaspa -schlstaspa Figure 6-5. Aymara Desiderative Tense (D-1)
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408 Notes to Figure 6-5 1 Ebbing (1965:124). 2 Bertonio (1603b:335) indicates these shapes change when the inflections are followed by certain sentence suffixes. 3 used with the verb sa.na 'to say'. 4 Identical in shape but not morphonemics to 4+3 S /-vsfia/. Two examples of /-ysna/ as 4+3 D-1 were al so obtained, one in Calacoa and the other from nearby Torata, and both occurred after -t'averbal derivational suffix: un.t'a.sna 'we might get to know each other' mant.t'a.sna 'we want to go in' However, it is possible that the two examples contain -si reciprocal/reflexive reduced to /s/ before /-csna/, wittlthe geminate /s/ reduced to one, e.g.: un.t'a.s.sna mant.t'a.s.sna 5 Ebbing (1965:149); he also attests +/-istaspa/.
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409 resembling in its initial nasal various lp possessive allomorphs, although none has yet been found with the alveolar nasal. Ebbing (1965:124) attests +/-sa/ for D-1 (La Paz). Bertonio (1603b:335) cites +/-sna/ for both and D-1. There is no /sa/ form for D-1. is rep resented by two forms attested only by Bertonio, both similar to and are built on the recurrent partial /-ita-/ mark of lp complement, plus D-1 /-sma/ or D-1 /-spa/. is based on plus the 4p mark /-s-/. In order to account for variations between /sa/ forms for the D-1 and D-2 tenses, an underlying vowel /a/ may be assumed after /s/ in the D-1 forms. In D-1 the vowel drops by morphophonemic rule; in D-2 it is retained. 6-3.34. 12 /iri/ forms of D-1 6-3.34. 12.1 Morphophonemics These suffixes all end in Simple tense forms which lose or keep their final vowels as indicated for the Simple tense. 6-3.34.12.2 Structure and distribution The mark of contrary-to-fact which occurs with /iri/ forms varies regionally. The possible combinations
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410 are /s/, /k/, /ks/, /j/, and /js/. For D-1 the appropri ate Simple tense suffix follows. /i ri + ( s ) ( s) I + Simple tense Each dialect employs characteristic variants of the con trary-to-fact mark, as indicated below. La Paz Huancan~ Juli Socca Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Bertonio (1603b) /s/ /s/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /j/ /k/ ~ /ks/ /j/ ~ /js/ / j / /j/ ~ /s/ /s/ ~ /k 11 / In order to account for variations between /iri/ forms for D-1 and D-2, an underlying vowel /a/ (or in one or two cases /i/) may be assumed. The underlying full forms for both D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms may then be stated as follows:
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411 sa /iri + k~ ( s) l I j~ (s) l The comparative incidence of /sa/ and /iri/ forms of the D-1 tense in different dialects is discussed in 6-3.34.3. 6-3.34. 13 Semantics of D-1 In the affirmative, the meaning of D-1 is of possibility or desirability. Examples from Bertonio indicate, however, that 2-+3 /-sma/, 2-+1, and sometimes 3-+3 were used as a cautionary. + chura.sma 2+3 mira no des ---'be careful not to give' (Bertonio 1603b:249) +K"iti.mpi kasara.si.ja s.ta uka marmi who with marry l-+3F say 2-+3S that woman ~ 26 apa.na.ma.spa. carry 2p 3-+3 Mira no sea tu parienta la mujer con guien te guieres casar. 'Be careful the woman you want to marry is not your relative.' (Bertonio 1603b:160) The examples above are perceived by present-day Aymara speakers not as warnings not to do something but
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412 as statements of desirability or possibility, e. g. 'Why don't you give?', 'You should marry your contem porary'. For these speakers the Desiderative is not a cautionary unless the independent suffix -raki also occurs in the sentence. Compare the following from a folk tale about a fox and a lake bird (wallata) told in Campi in the late 1960s: Sikuya.ya pik.t' .itasma, thorn pierce 3+1 D-1 kayna.raki spine pik.t'.itasma. pierce 'Thorns don't you pierce me, spines don't you pierce me. 1 (L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3.97) In editing the story for publication another speaker from Campi replaced the sentence suffix =ft on the first word with another -raki, giving the following: Sikuya.rak pik.t' .itasma, kayna.raki pik.t'.itasma. (L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3. 101) Another example from the La Paz area is Jagi.ru.rak people ach.ja.ya.s.ka.sma. bite cause z.+3" 0-1 'Be careful you don't let them bite people.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.208)
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413 An example from Sacca is Ch 11 ag.xa.p.xa.raki.sma. 'Don't get lost.' lose D-1 Bertonio used +/-irikta/ as distinguished from +/-sma/ to indicate possibility or ability, as in +gillg.irikta puedes escribir 'you can (are able to) write' (Bertonio 1603b:108) + But Bertonio also used /-spa/ to imply possibility or ability, rather than as a cautionary. 6-3.34.2 Remonstrator tense (D-2) Spanish used to elicit: Yo le hubiera dado a ~l. 'I should have given to him.' See Figure 6-6. 6-3.34.21 /sa/ forms of D-2 6-3.34.21.l Morphophonemics All /sa/ forms of D-2 require a preceding vowel except in Sitajara and forms starting with /s/ or /ch/. 6-3.34.21.2 Structure and distribution Most D-2 forms built on /sa/ consist of the corre sponding D-1 inflection, sometimes with the vowel /a/
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La Pu ~rtonto I Juli Socca Huancand Calacoa S1tajara Jopoquert Salinas M:irocomarca 03b 1 -1 rlskaya: tal I -1r1ka:ta -trtska:ta + rtkstan -trtkat"a -trtka:t•i -trka:t"a -1rja:t"a -trtk"at"a •sa:na 2 -1rlja:t•a r1ja:ta -1rljat"a -sanal -sajana 2+3 rja:ta 3 -sama:na +-samana -sama:na -sama:na -sama:na -slsama:na -sama:na4 -sama:na -sama:na •sma:na -sma:na5 -sma:na •sma :na -sma:na rlkta:n1 6 -1 rlja :na •lrtja:na7 -1rlja :na -sapa:n1 +-sapana -sapa:na -sapa:na •slsapa:na -spa:na 8 •spa:na -sp"a:na 4+3 -sria:na2• 9 + -trt ka tana I -sa :na -stilana •csna:na -sna:na -sna:na -sa:na -sa:na •sa:na -sa:na -sa:na -sa:sna 1--Z -trlsmana 10 I -lrlsma:n 11 .J:::, -1tlskasama:na -lrtkasma -~r1ktya:sma -1rlka:sma -trkasma :na -trljsma:na -trtjasma:na -trtk"asma:na ..... •lrljma :na -trljma:na .J:::, -ta :sna I I 3+2 -trlstatam 12 -trlskatam121+ -trlklya:tama rtka:tam rtjstama:na -1rlskatama:na 12 -1rlk(a)tairuna -trkatama:na •trijatama:na -trljtama :na -trlk"atma:na -1rlskasapa:na + -Jaspana •taspa:na 2+1 I -trttasama:na -ttasama:nd •-ttasamana -ttasama:na -1tasma:na -ttasma:na •ltasma :na •ltasma:na -ttasma:na -ttasma:na J.1 -ttasapa:na I 1-1 tasapa:na •lrtjsta:na r1J1ta:na 13 -trtj1ta :na -1t11s11p11 :na -1taspa:n11 t11sp11:n11 taspa:na •ltasp"a:na J.+4 stasapa:na •lrljst1:n1 -1r1Jtsta:na -trljista:na -chltasapa:na -s1tasapa:na •lstasapa:na •lstusapa:na -schltasapa:na -1s taspa:na -tst11sp11:n1 -1s taspa:na -tstasp"a:na -tstuspa:na -schlstasapa:na Figure 6-6. Aymara Remonstrator Tense (D-2}
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415 Notes to Figure 6-6 1 Ebbing (1965:124). 2 Ross (1963:155); attributed to Iquipuni, between Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, Province of Camacho, Depart ment of La Paz. 3 used with affirmative. 4 used with negative. 5 one speaker had /-csma:na/. 6 An unusual shape for this person/tense, resembling as cited by Bertonio. 7 used with affirmative and negative. 8 used with negative by one speaker who used /-irija:na/ for affirmative. 9 Tiahuanaco, with the verb sa.na. lOEbbing (1965:149); probably has vowel length on the penultimate vowel and probably submorphemically /-irissma:na/. 11 submorphemically probably /-irissma:n/. 12 Ebbing (1965:149); these probably have vowel length on the penultimate vowel. 13 ;-irij~ta:na/ attested by one speaker.
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416 reinstated and usually followed by two marks of the Remote Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense: /-:-/ plus /-na/. D-2 D-1 1-+3 /-sa:na/ /-sa/ 2-+3 /-s (~)ma: na/ /-sma/ 3-+3 /-s(~.)pa:na/ /-spa/ 4-+3 /-sna:na/ /-sna/ /-s~sna/ /-sna/ 2-+l / -i tas (~)ma: na/ /itasma/ 3-+l /-i tas (~)pa: na/ /-itaspa/ 3-+4 /-istas(~}pa:na/ /-istaspa/ Calacoa forms differ in having /si/ before the /sa/ form, or replacing it, in the following: D-2 D-1 2-+3 /-sisama:na/ /-sma/ 3-+3 /-sisapa:na/ /-spa/ 4-+3 /-sina:na/ /-sna/
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417 The remaining two forms, both of which occur only in Huancane, differ from the others in beginning with /-ta-/ marker of 2p. They may be analyzed as follows: /-ta:sna/ = /-ta-/+ RDK */-:sna/ 27 /-taspa:na/ = /-ta-/+ D-2 6-3.34.22 /iri/ forms of D-2 6-3.34.22.l Morphophonemics The behavior of the final vowels of /iri/ forms of D-2 corresponds to that of the final vowels of the RDK (see 6-3.35. l) or D-2 /sa/ suffixes with which they end. 6-3.34.22.2 Structure and distribution As indicated for D-1, /iri/ forms are followed by a phoneme or combination of phonemes that mark the contrary-to-fact tenses. The contrary-to-fact mark is not exactly the same in D-2 as in D-1, even allowing for reinsertion of vowels. La Paz Juli D-2 /-iri~ iriska-/ /-irik~-/ -1 D-1 /-iri~-/ /-iri!_~ -iriks-/
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Sacca Huancane Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca I Bertonio (1603b) D-2 /-iri~ -irika-/ /-irik ~ -iriks-/ /-irka-/ /-ir_j_a~ -irij-irijs-/ I ... a / -1 r1J~-1 418 /-irij(a)~ -iri~-/ /-irika~ -irik 11 a/ (l+i~ 3+2) D-1 /-irik~ -iri_j_-/ /-iri~~ -iriks-/ /-irik~ -iriks-/ /-irij_-irijs-/ /-irij~ -ir_j_-/ /iri_j_~ -iri~-/ /-irif'a-/(3+4) ~ /-iri~-/ When, as is usually the case, there is more than one /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact form in a given dialect, there may be switches from D-1 to D-2 in one person/ tense, e. g. Morocomarca 1+3 D-1 /-iri~ta/ and 1+3 D-2 /-iri~at 11 a/. In La Paz D-2 forms, /sk/ appears where only /s/ appears in D-1. The form with /k/ may represent a meta thesis of the combination /ks/ that occurs frequently in other dialects.
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419 Following the contrary-to-fact mark, /iri/ forms with 3p complement have the appropriate RDK (non /-ya-/) inflection, as shown in the following examples: RDK D-2 1+3 La Paz /-iriska-/ + /-:ta/ = /-iriska:ta/ 2+3 Sitajara /-irja-/ + /-:ta/ = /-irja:ta/ 3+3 Jopoqueri /-irija-/ + /-:na/ = /-irija:na/ 4+3 Bertonio +/-irika-/ + +/-vtana/=+/-irikatana/ {1603b) Ebbing (1965:124) cites a 1+3 form for La Paz with RDK /-ya:ta/, +/-iriskaya:ta/. /iri/ inflections for 1+2 and 3+2 D-2 are more complex, as may be seen below. 'Part l I is an abbrevia tion for 1 /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark'. 1+2 Part l + 1+2 S + /-:na/ (Sitajara) 1+2 S (reduced)+ /-:na/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas) 1+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli) 2+3 D-2 /sa/ form (La Paz, Sacca, Calacoa, Salinas, Morocomarca) +1+2 RDK (Bertonio 1603b)
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420 3+2 Part l + 3+2 S + /-:na/ (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morcomarca; also Bertonio 1603b) 3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Socca, also cited in Ebbing 1965) 3+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli) +3+3 D-2 /sa/ form (Ebbing 1965) +/-ta-/ 2p mark+ 3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Ebbing 1965) The other forms are 2+1 Socca /-iri-/ + 2+1 D-2 /sa/ form /-itasama:na/ = /-iritasama:na/ 3+1 /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark+ 3+1 RDK (non /-ya-/) /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark+ 3+4 RDK (non /-ya-/) Sitajara 3+1 and 3+4 have fallen together. The 3+1 form has apparently fallen out, leaving only 3+4 for both. On the other hand, in Morocomarca 3+4 appears to be falling out, as at first the 3+1 form was given for both 3+1 and 3+4. 6-3.34.3 Dialectal patterning of /sa/ and /iri/ forms A comparison of the incidence of /iri/ and /sa/ forms in the D-1 and D-2 tenses shows that, as might be expected, the most complete paradigms for both sets
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421 are those cited by Bertonio (1603b). Of contemporary dialects, Salinas has the most forms of both types. Contemporary dialects may be divided into two main groups, those with a preponderance of /sa/ over /iri/ forms (Juli, La Paz, Socca, Huancan~, Calacoa, and Morocomarca) and those with a preponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms (Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas). Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms have both /iri/ and /sa/ forms for certain person/tense slots: Sitajara 2+3, Jopoqueri 3+3, and Salinas 3+1 and 3+4. This overlap is lacking in dialects having a pre dominance of /sa/ forms, the only exceptions being the forms attested by Ebbing (1965) and Ross (1963) for La Paz 1+3, and Morocomarca 3+4 D-1 /-irik 11 a/, a form anomalous in shape and possibly in error. Interestingly, dialects with a predominance of /iri/ have forms for 3+1 and 3+4 which are missing from Bertonio (1603b), although he cited 4+3 /iri/ forms which the former lack. Except for La Paz dialects alleged by Ebbing and Ross, no known contemporary dialects have /sa/ forms for 1+3, but rather only the /iri/ form. 1+3 and 4+3 /sa/ forms have fallen together as 4+3, and the 4+3 /iri/ form has disappeared. The /iri/ forms apparently took over the 1+3 slot when 1+3 and 4+3 /sa/ forms fell together as 4+3.
PAGE 439
422 Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms have /iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ contrary-to-fact markers. Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms have them with /j{s)/ contrary-to-fact markers. 6-3.34.31 Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms La Paz Juli, Calacoa Sacca /iri/ D-1: 3 (1-+3, 1-+2, 3+2) D-2: 3 (1+3, 1-+2, 3+2) D-1 & D-2 : 3 ( 1-+3 , l -+2 , 3+2) Dl : 3 ( l -+3 , 1-+2 , 3+2 ) /sa/ 6 (+ 1-+3, Ebbing) 6 (+l-+3, Ross and Ebbing) 6 6 D-2: 4 (1-+3, 1-+2, 3+2) 5 Huancan~ Dl : 3 ( l -+3, l -+2, 3+2) D-2: 2 (1-+3, 3-+3) Morocomarca D-1: 4 (1-+3, 1-+2, 3+2, 3+4) 6 7 (including. 1-+2, 3-+2 /ta/ forms) 6 (the rest+ 3-+4) D-2: 3 (l-+3, 1-+2, 3+2) 6
PAGE 440
423 /iri/ /sa/ Bertonio D-1: 6 (all but 2-+l, 3-+l, 8 (all but 1-+2) (1603b) 3-+4) D-2: 6 ( a 11 but 2-+ 1 , 3-+l, 7 (all but 1-+2, 3-+4) 4-+3) 6-3.34.32 Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas 6-3.34.33 D-1 & /iri/ D-2: 7 (all but 4-+3, 2-+l) 0-1 & D-2: 6 (all but 4-+3, 2-+l, 2-+3) D-1: 6 (all but 4-+3, 2-+ 1, 2-+3) D-2: 6 (all but 4-+3, 2-+ 1, 2-+3) Dialectal distribution /sa/ 3 (2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+l) 4 (2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+l, 3-+3) 6 ( 2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+l, 3-+3, 3-+ 1, 3-+4) 5 ( 2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+ l, 3-+l, 3-+4) of /iri/ and /sa/ forms by persons and tense /iri/ /sa/ a 11 dialects (Ebbing, Ross) Sitajara; also Bertonio all dialects
PAGE 441
D-1: D-2: D-2 D-2: D-2: D-2: 424 /iri/ Sitajara, Jopoqueri Salinas; also Bertonio Same as D-1 plus Huancane no contemporary dialects; cited by Bertonio all dialects all except Huancane all dialects all except Huancane no dialects Sitajara Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas /sa/ D-1: all dialects except Sitajara D-2: all dialects except Sitajara and Huancane D-1: all dialects D-2: all dialects (not cited by Bertonio) D-1: no dialects D-2: Huancane D-1: no contemporary dialects; cited by Bertonio D-2: Huancane D-1: all dialects D-2: all except Sitajara all except Sitajara and Jopoqueri D-1: all except Sitajara and Jopoqueri D-2: all except Sitajara and Jopoqueri
PAGE 442
425 6-3.35 Remote tenses Two remote tenses were encountered in this re search: one direct knowledge tense (RDK) and one in direct knowledge tense (RIK). The distinction of direct, personal knowledge and of indirect (sometimes called non personal) knowledge is a linguistic postulate of Aymara (see 8-2.3). RDK (called personal or near remote) and RIK (called far, or hearsay remote) were discussed by Hardman et al. (1975:3.218-222). Only RDK was attested by Bertonio (1603b) as a paradigm, although RIK 3+3 occurred in examples of sentences. In contemporary dialects the most commonly occurring Remote inflections are the 3+3 suffixes of each tense, as noted by Hardman et al. (1975:3.219) for La Paz. All consonant-initial Remote suffixes {except allomorphs of 3+4) require a preceding vowel. 6-3.35. l Direct knowledge remote tense (RDK) Spanish used to elicit: Yo le dL 1 I gave it to him/her. 1 Yo le estaba dando. 1 I was giving to him/her. 1 6-3.35. 11 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-7) As in the case of the Desiderative and Remonstra tor tenses, this tense appears to represent a
PAGE 443
la Paz 1 Bertonto 2 Juli Socca Huancand Calacoa 1603b 1+3 •-t•a -:t"a -:t"a -tana -ya:ta -ya:ta 2+3 +-ta •:ta 0 -nta -ya:ta -ya:ta 3+3 + -:na -na -:na •:na -:na 4-+3 -:tana -:ntan6 •-ntan7 -ya: tun -ya:tan 1+2 + -:sma -smana -:sma •!S,!!11 -ya:sma -ya :sma 3+2 -: t,1m 9 -:tama + -nturn -ya: tal'l -yatain9 -ya:tam 2+1 + -ltata -lya:sta 10 -istaya:t,111 -ltayasta -ltaylsta 3+1 -ita:na -lta :na -lta:na 1 2 -lta:na •-ttana9 -ltana12 -yitu -yltu l+4 -lsta:na •-tstana9 •-tstana -slta:na -s1ta:na +.•-~una9 -chita:na •-stana9 -chlsta:na •-stuna9 -schlsta:na Figure 6-7. Aymara Remote Direct Knowledge Tense {RDK) Sitajara Jopoquer1 3 -:t•a -t"a -ya: t"a -ta -ya:ta -:na -:na -ya:na -sna:na -ya:tan -sma:na -ya: sma •tama:na -ya:tam -lstan -yt :sta -ltan -yl:tu -lstan -yl :stu Sal lnas 4 -:t"a •ya:t"a -:ta -:na -lta:na Horocomarca 4 5 -:t"a -:ta -:na -sa:n -sma:n -tma :na -lta:ta -lta:na -I tan -ts tan .i:::, N O'I
PAGE 444
427 Notes to Figure 6-7 1 La Paz forms not otherwise identified are from the paradigm for Compi and Tiahuanaco (Hardman 1975) which preface all non-/-ya-/ forms by -chi NI, -pacha IF, or a verbal derivational suffix such as /-ka-/ incom pletive. 2 No vowel length was indicated for these forms. 3 Non-/-ya-/ forms occurred preceded by -chi NI or by /-ja-/ incompletive. 4 Except for /-ita:na/ which occurred preceded by -chi, these forms occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incom pletive. 5 A source from San Andr~s de Machaca, province of Ingavi, La Paz, had forms identical to these, also (except for /-ita:na/) preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive. 6 Ross (1963:145); attributed to Iquipuni, between Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, province of Camacho, La Paz. 7 Ebbing (1965:121). 8 occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive or /-s.ka-/ continuative. 9 Ebbing (1965:146). 10 c~curred preceded by -chi NI. 11 san Andr~s de Machaca. 12 o~curred on the verb sa.na 'to say'.
PAGE 445
428 falling-together of two paradigms, one with the partial /-ya-/ in initial (occasionally medial) position in the suffix, and one without. This is not a case of phono logical alternation of /ya/~/:/, as in almost all cases the /-ya-/ is followed by/:/ mark of Remote tenses. There are indications that forms with /-ya-/ gloss as more remote (farther in the past) than forms without it, but at present the contrast is not clear enough to postulate two separate tenses. In any case, complete paradigms of forms with and without initial /-ya-/ were obtained for only one dialect, Jopoqueri, while most dialects had a mixture of the two forms, with one favored over the other: Juli has mostly /-ya-/ forms, Socca and Morocomarca have one /-ya-/ form each, and La Paz has six. One dialect, Sitajara, apparently has no /-ya-/ forms, as sources interpreted stems with /-ya-/ as containing /-ya-/ causative. In dialects that do have /-ya-/ Remote forms, the causative may pre cede the Remote. Chura.ya.ya:t.wa. 1 I made X give to Y. 1 (La Paz) Socca is the only dialect for which all forms without /-ya-/ were obtained without preceding suffixes in the verb stem. In other dialects, except for /-:na/, RDK person/tense suffixes without /-ya-/ almost
PAGE 446
429 always occurred preceded by a verbal derivational suffix or one of the compounding suffixes: -chi Non-Involver, -pacha Inferential, or -iri. Forms with /-ya-/ occurred more readily without preceding suffixes. When preceded by -ja~ -kaincompletive, this tense translates as a past progressive. This use has occurred in La Paz, Morocomarca, Salinas, and Jopoqueri. Examples of 1+3 with the verb chura.na 1 to give• are chur.ka.:t 11 a (Morocomarca) chur.ka.:ta ~ chur.ka.ya:ta (San Andr~s de Machaca) Chur.ja.t.wa. {Jopoqueri) Yo 1_ estaba dando. 1 I was giving to him/her.• Apart from this fairly common usage, this tense (especially the forms without /-ya-/) occurs most often in the speech of elderly persons, for example in discuss ing their illnesses. 3+1 Kap 11 iyaspi ri na. w ri skansa .y. ita: na. 'Cafeaspirina eased my pain.' (Compi) (-yacausative) 3+ l kama. cha. ta.:. rak. pa cha.: t 11 a 'what could have happened to me' (Sitajara)
PAGE 447
430 It also occurred in the speech of young persons talking with older ones about their illnesses. Qal g'ip.nag.pacha.:ta.x. stone carry if 'You must have carried a load of stone.' (Sitajara) Kun.jam.iri.:tam.s? 'How did it use to affect you?' what like (Campi) Ratu.t ratu.ru.t sar.t.iri.:tam? time go up 'From time to time did it use to hurt you?' (Campi) In the last two examples, the RDK inflection follows -iri nominalizer plus-:verbalizer, which becomes neutralized in the length of the RDK inflection. Other dialects use the -iri plus RDK forms in stories (see 6-3.37). As indicated in 6-3.34, the Remonstrator tense contains the partials that mark the RDK. Apart from the sometime presence of /-ya-/, the marks of this tense are vowel length or alveolar nasal or both together plus /a/. One dialect, Jopoqueri, has plain vowel marking and forms without /-ya-/, although its /-ya-/ forms are followed by vowel length. In general, inflections with 3p and 2p complements consist
PAGE 448
431 of vowel length or alveolar nasal plus Simple inflection, or Simple inflection plus /-:na/, except in the case of which is /-(ya):na/ (unmarked for person). The struc ture of the and suffixes is discussed below. 6-3.35. 11. l Forms without /-ya-/ S preceded by long vowel (plain vowel in Jopoqueri) except for La Paz variants alleged by Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965), which have S plus /-:na/. S precededby lo~gvowel in most dialects and thus homophonous with the Future. Sacca uses S instead. Jopoqueri has S pre ceded by plain vowel. Ebbing (1965) attested S preceded by /n/. /-:na/, all dialects. La Paz and Sacca have S preceded by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have forms homophonous with their D-2 /sa/ forms, except that the Morocomarca allomorph loses its final vowel. Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965) attested S preceded by either /-n-/ alone or /-:n-/. La Paz, Sacca, and Huancan~ have S preceded by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have forms homophonous with their D-2 /sa/ forms.
PAGE 449
432 3+2 La Paz and Sacca have 3+2 S preceded by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have 3+2 Splus /-:na/. 2+1 Not attested for Campi, Tiahuanaco, and San Andres de Machaca. Jopoqueri has 2+1 S plus /-n/ with out preceding vowel length. Morocomarca has a form homophonous with its 2+1 F. Ebbing attested +/-ita~ta/, not homophonous with his 2+1 F, +/-itata/. 3+1 /-ita(:)n(a)/ everywhere. Ebbing attests forms alternating vowel /a/ and /u/. 3+4 /-ista(:)n(a)/ everywhere except Juli and Sacca, which have /-sita:na/. Juli also has the usual compound forms. Jopoqueri's /-istan/ is homo phonous with its 2+1. Ebbing attested forms alternating vowel /a/ and /u/. 6-3.35. 11.2 Forms with /-ya-/ 1+3 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+3 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. 2+3 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 2+3 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri. 3+3 /-ya:na/ occurred only in Jopoqueri. 4+3 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 4+3 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri 1+2 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+2 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri.
PAGE 450
433 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri. Ebbing attested /-ya-/ plus S. /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus S, Jopoqueri; forms with medial /-ya-/, apparently based on S, in La Paz, Juli, and Socca. Ebbing alleged another similar form. /-y-/ plus S, Juli and Socca; /-y-/ plus vowel length plus S, Jopoqueri. /y/ plus vowel length plus S, Jopoqueri. 6-3.35. 12 Dialectal patterning Although final analysis must await the elicita tion of full paradigms for Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Salinas, the following summary statement may be made at this time. The dialect with the greatest number of /-ya-/ forms is Jopoqueri, which also has a full para digm of non-/-ya-/ forms. Spoken La Paz dialects in vestigated in this research have /-ya-/ forms for all but and 3+4 and non-/-ya-/ forms for all but but a non-/-ya-/ 2+1 form was alleged by Ebbing. One /-ya-/ form occurred for Salinas 1+3, but none for Morocomarca, which has a full paradigm of non /-ya-/ forms. It is interesting to note that Bertonio (1603b) attested only forms without /-ya-/ in this tense.
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434 6-3.35.2 Remote indirect knowledge tense (RIK) Spanish used to elicit: Ta le habfas dado. -'You gave it to him!• ( surpri sa l) 6-3.35.21 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-8) Suffixes with 3p or 2p complements are formed on the base of /-ta:-/ or /-tay-/ recurrent partial marker of remote indirect knowledge plus the corresponding Simple tense suffix. Person/tense suffixes with lp and 4p complements have some allomorphs formed by the same rule as the above, but also have allomorphs (those that begin with the vowel /i/) that are reduplicative or formed in more complex ways. The most varied suffix in this tense is 3+3, commonly used in stories and as a surprisal. Although /-tayna/ occurs in all dialects except Morocomarca, other allomorphs also occur. /-tana/, probably a metathesis of /-tayna/, occurs in La Paz and Calacoa. /-ta:na/ occurs in La Paz. The form /-tawi/ alternates with /-tana/ in Morocomarca and Calacala. For some speakers the /w/ of -/tawi/ is somewhat unrounded, approximating /y/. /-tay(i)/ occurs in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. Tschopik (1948) attested +/-tawna/ in stories recorded in 1940-42 in Chucuito, near Juli and Socca. The variants cited by Bertonio (1603b) are +/-tawina/ and +/-tawi/.
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La Paz Bertonio Ju11 Socca Huancane Calecoa Sttajara Jopoquert Saltnas l'brocomarc1 1603b 1+3 -ta:ta -ta:ta -ta:t•a 1 -ta:t"a -ta:t"a -ta:t"a -t11Yt"a -tayta . -tayt"a 2+3 -ta:ta -ta:ta -ta: ta -tata -tayta -tayta -tayta J.+3 -tana -ta -tana -tant -tan -tana -taiia -taiia -tayna2 -tayt •tay( I) -tay( I) •tawt -tayna +-tawina -tayna . -tayna -tayna •tayna •tayna •tayna 4-+3 -ta:tan -ta:tan 3 -ta:tan -tetna -taytana -taytana -taytna 1+2 -ta:Slllil •ta !S!!.4 •ta :sma -ta: tsma -taysma •taysma •taysma J.+2 -ta:tam -ta:tama -ta:tam •tata:ma •tatma -taytam -taytama -taytam +" w 2 -tsta:sta (.Tl -1stata4 •fsta:ta stata -tta:sta •tt:sta -ftaysta -f tays ta -itaytaysta J.+1 -ltu: tu tt tu 5 •ftu:tu •ttutu -1tutu4 -t1:tu5 •tt:tu -taytu 4 -ttaytu -ftaytu 6 -taytu -taytu :M -fstu:tu •ti :stu -tstu:tu -1stutu -1stutu4 -stutu4 -taystu4 -ch Hays tu -sftaytu •taystu -schitaystu -schitaytu -sltaystu Figure 6-8. Aymara Remote Indirect Knowledge Tense (RIK)
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436 Notes to Figure 6-8 1 Tarata, Tacna, Peru. 2 occurred after -iri. 3 only 4+3 S could be elicited here; was rejected. 4 Ebbing (1965:147). * /-taytana/ 5 occurred in an account by an older speaker. 6 occurred in paradigm given by a young speaker.
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437 In certain texts from Huancane, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, there occur instances of /-ta/ where other dialects would use RIK. This /-ta/ is probably best analyzed as the resultant nominalizer -ta, used instead of a verb inflection (see 7-4.21.3). Examples: Jani ut.j.ka.ta.t uka.t sar.xa.ta. no exist so leave 'There being none, he left. 1 (Huancan~) Manq 1 .xa.ta.wa. 'They have eaten.• (Huancane) eat Sawu.p ap.ta.si.s weaving carry sara.ta. go 'Carrying her weaving, she left. 1 (Jopoqueri) The following was said by another Huancan~ speaker who also used /-tayna/ in another instance: Qamagi.raki.s sar.k.xa.ta.xa.:. fox and go 'And the fox was gone for good! 1 If the /-ta/ in all these examples is in fact the re sultant nominalizer used in place of verb inflection,
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438 it suggests the following hypothetical derivations of RIK 3+3, determination of whose correctness must await further study. [ */-ya-/] -ta resultant + */-wa-/ /-:-/ [ */-taya-/] verbalizer --> */-tawa-/ */-ta:-/ [ */-taya-/] [ /-tayna ~ -tana/] */-tawa-/ + /-na/ remote --> /-tawna/ */-ta:-/ /-ta:na/ l*/-taya-/] + -i L/-tawa-/ 3 + 3 s --> [/-tayi/l /-tawi/ J /-tawi/ + /-na/ remote --> /-tawina/ Neither */-ya-/ nor */-wa-/ has been attested as a verbalizer in modern Aymara, but they may be postu lated as underlying forms on the basis of the existence of -waverbalizer in Jaqaru (Hardman 1966:109) and the + /-wa-/ attested by Bertonio as a variant of the causative verbal derivational suffix whose other allomorphs, /-ya-/ and /-:-/, exist today. The alternation of /ya/ and/:/ in numerous other morphemes across and within dialects is also common (see 3-4.31). In some dialects RIK 3+3 forms occur after -iri nominalizer in stories (see 6-3.37). For a further dis cussion of the use of 3+3 RIK, see 9-6. 13.
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439 6-3.35.22 Dialectal patterning Leaving aside the 3+3 allomorph /-tayna/, which all dialects except Morocomarca attest, two main dialect groups may be identified for this tense: dialects having forms based on /-tay-/ (Juli, Sacca, Sitajara, and prob ably Calacoa, for which a paradigm was not obtained) and dialects with forms based on /-ta:/ (all the rest). 6-3.36 Compound tenses Paradigms for La Paz for these tenses were given by Hardman et al. (1975:3.222-23). For the present study they were not elicited in paradigms but did occur in texts. They consist of -chi Non-Involver or -pacha Inferential followed by tense inflection, except in the case of 3+3 S forms which consist of -chi or -pacha alone. 6-3.36.1 -chi Non-Involver This suffix enters into compounds with the Simple, Future, Desiderative, Remonstrative, and Remote tenses. 6-3.36. 11 Morphophonemics -chi requires a preceding consonant. Its vowel drops if the following suffix requires a preceding
PAGE 457
440 consonant. If a cluster of /ch/ plus consonant occurs, /ch/ reduces to /s/ (see 4-3.22.25.2). 6-3.36.12 Structure and distribution i~hen it occurs with D-2 / i ri / forms, -chi sep arates the /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark from the rest of the inflection. Examples of this have been found in La Paz, Jopoqueri, and Tarata, Peru (near Sitajara). La Paz Jopoqueri /-iriskchi:ta/ /-irijchi:ta/ (also Tarata) (not elicited) /-irijchi:na/ /-iriskchisama:na/ /-irij~sma: n/ (not elicited) /-irijchita:na/ (not elicited) /-irijchista:na/ In Jul i , as i n d i cat e d earlier, al l tenses have forms frozen to a preceding /-chi-/ or /-schi-/. Those frozen to /-chi-/ are homophonous with the Non involver forms (except in the case of the Imperative, with which the Non-involver does not occur). 6-3.36.13 Semantics Bertonio (1603b:276) called this suffix a con ditional or dubitative. He noted that the Aymara tended
PAGE 458
441 to use it when repeating back an order which they had been given--an interesting illustration of the semantics of this suffix, conveying non-involvement of the speaker. The non-involvement usually implies lack of control over a situation or outcome rather than unwillingness or doubt as to its desirability, but forms with this suffix have often been misinterpreted in translation. -chi is very common in all Aymara dialects and is used extensively in conversation. Examples: Wali kus very beautiful jach' big marka.chi.y. country 'It must be a very beautiful big country. 1 (Sitajara) S: Wijita.x.s.t.xa.y. 'I'm an old lady already. 1 (Corque) old lady s < Spanish viejita 'little old lady' F: Inas jan sar.k.chi.:ta.ti. perhaps no go F 'Perhaps you will not go. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 6-3.36. 14 Dialectal patterning Certain dialects use -chi not only as indicated above, but also as a narrative device in stories.
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442 Contemporary dialects that do this are Juli, Sacca, and Huancan~; Tschopik (1948) reported it for Chucuito, and Bertonio (1603b:276) used it to translate a passage about the death of St. Stephen by stoning. 6-3.36.2 -pacha Inferential According to Hardman et al. (1975:3), this suf fix occurs with the Simple, Future, and Remote tenses. It is mentioned here only to complete the list of tenses, as it occurred but rarely in this research. -pacha requires a preceding consonant. Its final vowel drops if the following suffix requires a preceding consonant. As indicated in 6-2.26, the combination of the derivational -ka~ -jaincompletive with -pacha means 'instead of' in La Paz/Tiahuanaco and was cited with this meaning by Ebbing (1965), but it does not necessarily have this meaning elsewhere. -pacha occurred with the Imperative in Cala coa and Juli, in forms which are rather rude. Am.pacha.m. 'Shut up!' (Calacoa) Am.pacha.p.x.ma 'You (pl.) shut up! 1 (Juli) *amu.na 'to shut up' (unattested) amuki.na 'to shut up' (La Paz)
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443 6-3.37 Combinations with -iri nominalizer 6-3.37.1 With-:verbalization--Customary The combination of -iri nominalizer (see 7-4.21.1) plus-:verbalization plus verb inflection means to be accustomed to do an action. Such combinations are to be distinguished from the /iri/ forms of D-1 and D-2. Customary: chur.iri.:.sma 'I usually give to you' ,~ s D-1: chur.irisma 'I may give to you' 1+2 Examples with the Remote tenses are the following: 3+1 RDK: Kap 11 iyaspirina.x nayra.x t'aku.y.iri.:.ita:n. before ease pain 2+3 RDK: 'Cafeaspirina used to ease my pain before. 1 (Campi) Pata.tug pampa . . t t"? sar.1r1.:.ya: a. 1. go 'Did you use to go around the pampa?' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.422) 6-3.37.2 Without verbalization, with 3+3 RIK--Narrative -iri plus 3+3 RIK without intervening verbaliza tion is used in Juli, Sacca, Chucuito (Tschopik 1948),
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444 and Calacoa in telling stories. These dialects also use the 3+3 RIK without -iri in stories but seem to prefer forms with -iri. In view of the absence of verbalization it would probably be better to view the combinations as synchronically unitary, as in the case of D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms. Examples: sar.x.iritayna.x 'he left' (Juli) jisk.t'.iritayn 'she asked' (Sacca) +sar. x. i ri tawna I he went 1 ( Chucuito) g'ip.kata.w.j.iritan 'he had carried her' (Calacoa) A case of -iri apparently frozen to a verb root is the following from Calacoa. The verb is sa.na, which is highly irregular in all its inflected forms (see 6-4). Sir.sma.w. 'I said to you.' /-sma/ 1+2 S Jani.w sir.k.sma.ti. 'I didn't say to you. 1 Note that in the second example the verbal derivational suffix /-ka-/ incompletive intervenes between /iri/ and the inflection, whereas in the previous examples of /iri/ plus 3+3 RIK the verbal derivationals preceded /iri/ on the stem.
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445 6-4 The Verb sa.na 'to say' This verb is of extremely frequent occurrence in Aymara as a reportive and subordinator. Embedding with sa.na is discussed in 7-4.4. Variation in inflected forms of sa.na is extensive. This is due to its unusual canonical shape, and the different morphophonemic rules operating upon it in different dialects. As indicated earlier, sa.na is the only verb in contemporary Aymara with only one unlengthened root vowei. 28 (The verb *masurvives today only frozen in longer stems like ma.nta.na 'to go in', and the verb pa:.na 'to cook', used in Sitajara, has a long root vowel.} Actually, as indicated in 4-3.13, it is probably best to postulate the underlying form of sa.na as Jisa-, which loses its initial CV obligatorily before s-the nominalizer suffix -na and optionally in other circumstances that vary dialectically. In many dia lects, the reduced root occurs before suffixes that require a preceding consonant, creating an initial /sC/ cluster. This occurs, for example, with Simple tense inflections. In La Paz and Huancan~ such initial clusters are commonly, though not invariably, avoided by reten tion of /si/ or jji/ on the verb root. In Socca, initial
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446 /si/ or /ji/ is usually deleted; according to two speakers in their twenties, forms with initial /ji/ or /si/ sound overly emphatic and old-fashioned, 'the way old people talk'. The one form that usually has a preposed /si/ or /ji/ in Socca is S. Huancan~ has /ji/ on S and /j/ alone, optionally, on S; /ji/ occurs option ally on RIK also, as in {ji)s.xa.tayn, but is required before -chi NI. Bertonio attests forms with optional initial /i/ (but no /j/ or reduplicated /s/). Like La Paz and Huancan~, Jopoqueri usually avoids initial clusters in sa.na, but does so not by retaining /si/ or /ji/ but by reduplicating the root vowel and re taining the length before consonant-requiring suffixes beginning with a consonant, e.g. S sa:.t 11 a 'I said'. In Sitajara, where initial clusters in sa.na are more usual, the root vowel of the verb may also sometimes be lengthened. (Vowel length retention, rather than vowel reduplication, occurs in Sitajara in certain other verb roots whose vowel length is analogous to the phoneme sequence /ya/.; see 4-3.22.15). Lengthening of the root vowel of sa.na results in certain forms for the Simple tense which are homo phonous with RDK in certain persons, namely and When there is a verbal derivational suffix in the stem, however, it is clear that the length goes with the root, not the inflection. Examples:
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447 1+3 S: sa:.t 11 a 'I said to him/her/them' 1+3 RDK: sa.: t 11 a I I said to him/her/them' (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) 1+3 S with /-ja-/ incompletive: Jani.w sa:.j.t.ti. 1 1 didn't say to him/her/ them. 1 (Jopoqueri) In the third example above, it is clear that the vowel length goes with the verb root before the derivational suffix /-ja-/ (which usually takes a preceding consonant). If the vowel length went with the tense, it would go between the /j/ and the /t/. 1+3 F with /-ja-/ also has vowel length on the verb root. Another dialect that avoids initial consonant clusters with sa.na is Calacoa. Like Jopoqueri, Calacoa does not prepose /si/ or /ji/, but unlike Jopoqueri, it does not lengthen the root vowel. Instead, Calacoa forms occur with the root safollowed by verbal deri vationals or the initial /s/ followed by -iri, when there would otherwise be an initial cluster. Only the Simple and Future tenses were formally elicited for this verb, but many examples of other tenses occurred in texts. 6-4. l sa.na with Simple tense (see Figure 6-9) Some comments about Simple forms have already been made above. In La Paz and Juli the alternation of
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L1 Pilz Bertonlo 1603b I Jult Socci Huancan~ C1lacoa Sttajara Jopoquert Salinas Horocomarca 1+3 s +(1).s. tua I s Gi) .s.tM1. -t.s. ta -t .s. ta jt.s.ta s. t"a s. t"a s.t"a J +s.trf,tM1 I J s.frl.t"11 sa:.t"a sa:.t"a sa.s.t"a sa.s,ka.pun.t"a s1.s.k.t"1 sa.s.ka.t"a 2+3 s I +(t}.s.t1 ( ~t) .s.ta -t.1.t1 s,ta (j),s.ta s.ta sa.s.ta J s. tr1. ta sa:.ta sa.s.ka.pun.ta sa.ptn.ta 3+3 s. 1 I +s. t s.t s.t s. 1 s .1 s.t s.t s.t s.1 s. trl sa.s.ka.pun.1 4+3 ~t.s.tan I I ( ~1). s.tan s. tan s.tan s. tan s.lr.tan sa:.tan sa.s.ka.pun.tan sa.s.ka.pln.t"1 sa.s.ka.tna 1-+2 s •c1) .s.sma (H .s.sma -1.s.s.ma (JI ).s.srr.a 5,5!!.I s.sma s.sma .i:,. +=J 51,Sma s.tr.sma sa:.sma 00 sa.s.ka.pun.sma sa.s.ka.sma l+Z s +co. s. tama .s.tam t ,s. tam (jt).s.tam s.tama s.tam s.tam s.tma J s.tr.tam sa:. tam sa.s.ka.pun. tam 2+1 s + s -. tsta s.1tta -.tsta s.tsta s.1sta s.ttta s. 1sta s. tsta sa.k. fsta J j s.tr.tsta sa.s.ka.pun.tsta 3+1 s.ttu I s.ttu s.ttu s.ttu s.ttu 1.ttu s.ttu s. ttu s. ttu s, tr.1tu sa.s.ka.pun.ttu s s 3--4 ,. tstu 11,chttu -t.s.sttu .tstu I, ltu s. tstu s. tstu s. tstu 11. schltu J J s.tr.stu u.s.ka,pun.stu Figure 6-9. sa.na with Simple Tense
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449 /s/ ~ /j/ occurs in the root consonant in and in Socca and Huancane, in Forms elicited paradigmat ically for Calacoa all had the continuative /-s.ka-/ followed by the independent suffix /-puni/ 'really', or else were built on -iri (see 6-3.37). with -iri was also attested by Bertonio. The continuative is common with sa.na in other dialects, namely Sitajara, Salinas, and Morocomarca. The independent /-pini/ 'really' and the independent -ki 'just' occur in Moroco marca S. An epenthetic vowel /u/ occurs in Moroco marca before the sentence suffix -wa: s.t".u.wa 'I said'. The Morocomarca forms having variants with /-s.ka-/ are anomalous in that /-ka-/ keeps its final vowel before consonant-requiring suffixes. Such forms are probably instances of RDK rather than Simple tense, although forms different from some of those in the regu lar RDK paradigm occurred. Juli forms for contain a zero allomorph of the root sa-, apparently by assimilation of the initial /s/ to the /ch/ or /sch/ of the inflection. As with all Aymara verbs, the proper use of sa.na requires facility in manipulating verbal derivational and independent suffixes. The following forms built on S occurred frequently in this research and all gloss 'he/she/they said', with different degrees of personal knowledge not pertinent to this discussion:
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6-4.2 s.i.lla (Sitajara) s.i.pi.lla (Sitajara) s.x.i.wa (Salinas) s.i.wa (all dialects) 450 sa.wiy.wa (Morocomarca) sa.k.i.lla (Salinas) sa.s.ka.rak.i (Corque) sa.s.ka.pun.i (Calacoa) sa.na with Future tense (see Figure 6-10) Future forms for sa.na were elicited for all dialects except Morocomarca and Calacala. The La Paz forms shown are from San Andres de Machaca. In La Paz, Juli, and Socca, 4+3 Future with sa.na has vowel length in the inflection, which it does not usually have with other verbs. A variant of 3+4 with a three-consonant initial cluster occurred in Socca: s.t'.sitani, with the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. For La Paz speakers it is a tongue-twister, the corresponding La Paz variant be i n g j i . s . t. 'i st an i . The form that occurred for 3+2 Fin Jopoqueri, /sa.mpa/, contains the allomorph /-mpa/ that occurred earlier as the 3+2 Imperative in that dialect. Further checking will be required to see if the form /-mpa/ is shared by both the Imperative and Future tenses. The Calacoa paradigm has the distinctive verbal derivational suffix -wjawhich accompanies most tenses in that dialect. Most of the Sitajara forms
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La Paz Ju11 Sacca~ Huancane _ Calacoa Sftajara Jopoquerf Salinas 1-+3 sa.: sa.ja: sa.: sa.ja: sa.w.ja.: sa.nf.wa.nh sa.nha sa.: sa.w.ja. :xa 2+3 sa. :ta sa. :ta sa.:ta sa.nta sa.w.ja. :ta sa.nf.wa.nha:ta sa.nta [sa.nda] 3+3 sa.nf sa.nf sa.nf sa.w.ja.n1 sa.n1.wa.n1 sa.n1 sa.nf 4+3 sa.na:n1 sa.iia:n1 sa.na:nf sa.w.ja.rakf.tan sa.nf.wa.nh sa.nanf sa.nan1 sa. :tan 1+2 sa. :ma sa.mama sa.mama sa.mama sa.mam sa. :ma sa. :ma sa.w.ja.ma:ma 3+2 sa.:tam sa. :tam sa.: tam sa.w.ja.tma *sa.nhata:ma 1 sa.mpa sa.nma 2+1 s.1ta:ta s. fta: ta s. fta: ta s.1ta:ta s.ftanhata s. ftanta [s. 1 tanda] sa.w.j. ita:ta (J'1 3+1 s.1tan1 s.1tan1 s.1tani sa.w.j.1tan1 s.1tan1 s.1tan1 _. s.1tan1 3->4 s. fstanf s1.s.ch1stan1 s.s1tan1 s.stan1 sa.w.j.stan1 sa.wa.stanf s. 1stan1 s. fstani ji .s. t' .1stan1 s. t 1 s 1tan1 1 Not elicited, but fits pattern. Figure 6-10. sa.na with Future Tense
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452 occurred with the combination /-ni.wa-/. (Of course, it is quite possible that the combinations of deriva tional suffixes that occurred in essentially artificial elicited paradigms might not necessarily occur so often in free texts.) Negative forms with the Future were elicited only for Jopoqueri and Salinas. A preposed jani.w 'no, not' and the final suffix -ti negative occurred with these. In Jopoqueri and Salinas negatives occur with and without incompletive or completive suffixes, according to rules as yet imperfectly understood; see 7-4.5. Jopoqueri Salinas 1-+3 /sa:.ja.nh.ti/ Is . ka . : . ti/ 2-+3 /sa.nta.ti/ [sa.nda. ti J 3-+3 /sa. ni. ti/ /sa.ni.ti/ 4-+3 /sa.fiani.ti/ /s.ka.nani.ti ~ sa.:tan.ti/ 1-+2 /sa: .ja. :ma. ti/ Is. ka. : ma.ti/ 3-+2 / sa : . j a. mpa. ti/ /s.ka.nma.ti/ 2-+l /s.itanta.ti/ [s.itanda.ti]
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453 Jopoqueri Salinas 3+1 /sa:.j.itani.ti/ / s . i tan i . ti / 3+4 /sa:.j.istani.ti/ /s.istani.ti/ 6-4.3 sa.na with other tenses The only complete paradigm of sa.na with the Imperative was obtained for Juli. l 3 / . /29 + sa.:.xa ~ sa.Ja:.xa 2+3 /sa.m/ 3+3 /s.pana/ 4+3 /sa.nani/ 1+2 /sa.mama/ 3+2 /s.pana/ 2+1 /s.ita:ta/ (Future) 3+1 /s.itpa(na)/ 3+4 /si.s.chistpana/ 2+3 /sa.m/ is very common in all dialects, even those in which initial clusters are common, probably to avoid confusion with 1+2 S /s.sma/. In the following examples from Sacca the source's comments, if any, are shown in parentheses:
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454 Sa .ma. lla. 'Say it. 1 ('not so imperative') Sa.w.ma. lla. 'Tell him on your way. 1 Sa.w.x.ma. lla. 'Tell him right this minute! 1 {peremptory) In Sitajara 2+1 Imperative occurred instead of the Future form given in Juli: /s.ita/ 'tell me'. The following example of sa.na with the Desidera tive occurred in Calacoa: /sa.ni.p.xa.sma.lla/ 'You {pl.) should say .. 2+3 The following examples of sa.na with Remote tenses occurred in Huancan~: 3+1 RDK /sa.rak.ita:n.s/ .. and he said to me 3+3 RIK /ji.s.xa.tayn/ 1 he said 1 (narrative) Other forms commonly used in stories are given in 7-4.4. 6-4.4 Dialectal patterning As has been said, inflected forms of sa.na display considerable variation. Dialects tending to avoid initial consonant clusters are La Paz, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, and Calacoa, but each of these uses different recourses for avoiding them.
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455 There is some semantic variation as well. In Sitajara sa.na 3+1 and 3+4 S forms have fallen together as /s.itu/, with loss of the 3+4 form, and sa.na 1+3 and 4+3 F forms have fallen together as sa.ni.wa.nha, with loss of the 4+3 form. In Socca the sa.na 3+1 and 3+4 F forms /-sitani/ and /s.sitani/ are in process of falling together. 6-5 65. l Summary and Conclusions Types of variation in the verb system As in the case of the noun system, variation in the verb system may be divided into internal and external. External variation involves the entry of Spanish verbs into Aymara, a continuing process. In certain areas Spanish loans have apparently replaced native roots still in use elsewhere. Examples of these are given in 8-3.21. Internal variation in the verb system is sum marized in the following sections. 6-5. 11 Variation in verb roots and stems Internal variation in verb roots is slight and may be divided into two types: phonological (variation in the shape of the root) and semantic (where a given root has different meanings in different dialects or
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456 exists only in some and not in others). Examples of phonological variation in verb roots were given in Chapter 3. Semantic variation in verb roots is discussed in 8-3.21. Variation in verb stems depends on the suffixes occurring in them. 6-5.12 Verb suffixes Verb suffixes display phonological and semantic differences across dialects. Variation in verbal deriva tional suffixes is relatively slight; that in verbal inflectional suffixes is more extensive. 6-5.12.l Derivational suffixes Six of the Class l suffixes have variable phono logical shapes involving alternations of /ya/~/:/, vowels, stops and continuants, and plain and aspirated stops. The two Class l suffixes beginning with /nV/ (-nuga~ -nuguand -naga-) have variable morphophonemics with respect to preceding vowel or consonant. Another Class l suffix beginning with /n/, -nta-, is affected by obligatory stop-voicing in Salinas (see 4-3.21.33). Variation in Class 2 suffixes involves different shapes for fou~ with alternations of /ya/ and/:/, vowels, and stops and nonstops. A morphophonemic
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457 rule in Salinas reduces the /k/ of /-ka-/ incompletive to /j/ in certain environments (see 4-3.22.23). Certain dialects usually have the incompletive (or less often, the completive) suffix in negative expressions, while other dialects do not (see 7-4.5). With respect to inventory and meaning, Calacoa alone has the apparently unitary suffix -wja-. No formal attempt was made in this research to determine whether all verbal derivational suffixes occur in all dialects or whether those that occur have the same or different meanings. However, it appears that the meanings of Class 2 suffixes are usually predictable, while the meanings of Class l suffixes vary according to the root, stem, or theme they occur on. Sometimes a stem containing the same root and derivational suffix(es) was found to gloss differently in one dialect than in another. Additional examples of such stems will be found in 8-3.2, but a more thorough determination of regional variation in this respect will require more research. 6-5.12.2 Inflectional suffixes Most variation in verbal inflectional suffixes is in phonological shape attributable to instability of vowels and nonstop consonants and to a lesser extent, of stops; the latter also vary in presence or absence of
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458 aspiration. Other variations in phonological shape are attributable to different processes of morphological change with preservation or loss of different (now submorphemic) recurrent partials. In two tenses, D-1 and D-2, exten sive variation results from the apparent falling-together of two separate paradigms in each tense. Still other vari ations in shape are due to processes of analogy at work within a dialect, resulting in symmetrical variation across all its tenses. The most striking instance of this is the shape of 3+4 suffixes in all tenses elicited for Juli. All have allomorphs frozen to the NI suffix -chi and thus homophonous, in that person/tense, with NI compound verb forms. Not only is there variation in shape across dialects; there is considerable variation in allomorphs within dialects, and a larger sample of speakers would probably turn up more forms. While most Aymara speakers have a receptive competence in inflectional variants they do not use themselves, recognizing them as the way some people talk, not all variants are equally accept able. What belongs in one tense in one dialect may belong in a different tense in another. For example, speakers who have only /-nani/ for 4+3 F reject the use of /-tana/ for it, saying it means a past action, not future. There are also some overlaps of person and tense, a given suffix being used for a certain subject,
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459 complement, and tense in one dialect and for a different subject, complement, and tense in another dialect (see 8-3.22 for examples). In some dialects, in some tenses, person/tense suffixes involving lp and 4p have fallen together or are in process of doing so, but this does not appear to be a very widespread phenomenon (see 8-2.1). The most complex and variable person/tense suf fixes in all tenses are 1+2, 3+2, and 2+1. The 3+3 suffixes are almost invariable except that D-1, D-2, and RIK have complex allomorphs. In contrast to the variety of their shapes, the morphophonemics of verbal inflectional suffixes are remarkably uniform across dialects. The only dif ferences noted so far are in the 1+3 Simple suffix, which keeps its final vowel before succeeding suffixes in Calacoa but loses it in other dialects; and in the morphophonemics of the 2+3 I suffix, which in some dia lects vary according to whether the verb is used in the affirmative or the negative. 6-5.2 Dialectal patterning Certain dialect groups emerge on the basis of phonological, morphophonemic, and morphological varia tion in the verb system, especially in verbal inflec tional suffixes. As in the case of the noun system, there is considerable isoglossic overlapping.
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460 6-5.21 Dialects near Lake Titicaca (northern group) La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Huancan~: 6-5.21. l Retention of /si/ or /ji/ on sa.na 6-5.21.2 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in 1+3 F 6-5.21.3 Preponderance of /sa/ forms in D-1 and D-2, and of /iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ in those tenses 6-5.21.4 Negative usually accompanied by /-ka-/ incom pletive or /-xa-/ completive on verb The following subgroups in the northern group may be identified on the basis of the features indicated. Juli, Socca, Huancan~: 6-5.21.5 /-wa-/ allomorph of distancer (verbal deriva tional suffix) 6-5.21.6 -chi NI plus 3+3 Sin stories Juli, Sacca: 6-5.21.7 -iri plus 3+3 RIK in stories 6-5.21.8 RIK forms based on /-tay-/ rather than /-ta:-/ La Paz, Huancane: 6-5.21.9 In general, lack of aspiration where other dialects have it in verbal inflectional suf fixes
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6-5.22 461 Dialects farther from Lake Titicaca (southern group) Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala): 6-5.22.l /-wi/ ~ /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer 6-5.22.2 /-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive, either as the sole allomorph or alternating with /-ka-/, or as the result of a morphophonemic rule operating on /-ka-/ 6-5.22.3 Negative usually not accompanied by presence of incompletive or completive suffix(es) The following subgroups in the southern group may be identified on the basis of the features indicated. Jopoqueri, Salinas: 6-5.22.4 Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar nasals in four Future suffixes: 1+3, 2+3, 3+2, and 2+1 6-5.22.5 Suffixes of the D-1 and 0-2 tenses identical o r v er y s i m i l a r i n b o t h d i a l e c ts, w i t h a p re ponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms in those tenses Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala: 6-5.22.6 4+3 Future /-vtan(a)/ ~/-:tan/~ /-:tna/ 6-5.23 Dialects sharing features of both groups Calacoa, Sitajara: These two dialects have several features in common with the northern group and one each in common
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462 with the southern group, but only three features in common with each other. One of the latter is shared with Moro comarca alone of the southern group: 6-5.23. l Occurrence of plural -owithout a following incompletive or completive suffix3O Below are listed the features that Calacoa and Sitajara share with the northern and southern groups. Calacoa: 6-5.21.3 (northern group) 6-5.21.4 (northern group) 6-5.21.5 (northern group) 6-5.22.6 (southern group) Sitajara: 6-5.21.4 (northern group) 6-5.21.5 (northern group) 6-5.21.8 (northern group) 6-5.22.4 (southern group) As may be seen, Calacoa and Sitajara share 6-5.21.4 and 6-5.21.5 in addition to 6-5.23.l.
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463 6-5.24 Dialects sharing features across regional lines Two dialects that belong respectively to the northern and southern groups have one feature each of the opposite group. These are Huancane {in the north) and Morocomarca (in the south). Huancan~ shares the feature 6-5.22.4 with Sitajara and with Jopoqueri and Salinas of the southern group, except that in Huancane the 1+3 F suffix has no nasal. Morocomarca shares the feature 6-5.21.3 with Calacoa and with the northern group. It may also be noted that Calacoa and Morocomarca have similar unusual forms for 4+3 Snot found elsewhere: Calacoa /-vsna/ and Morocomarca /-sna/. The morphophonemics of the 2+3 Imperative suffix also may be cited as an example of a feature cutting across regional lines. Socca, Huancane, and Juli in the northern group and Morocomarca in the southern group have a rule whereby the 2+3 I suffix requires a preceding vowel after the suffix -kaincompletive but otherwise takes a preceding consonant. This rule has not been found elsewhere.
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464 Notes 1 These suffixes were not considered verbal deri vationals by England. 2 The suffix -payahas been added to the 21 listed by England, who identified 10 verbal derivational suffixes as verbalizing noun roots only. The three additional verbalizers now identified are -su-, -ta-, and -kipa-. Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize certain noun stems as well as roots are -cha-, -t 11 api-, and -t'a-. -chaalso verbalizes noun themes ending in -na. 3 citation given with -na in Simple tense. by stem alone. forms of verb roots and stems are not Bertonio's grammars, but rather with Verbs from Bertonio will here be cited 4 1n this stem the three-vowel rule operates to cause the three-vowel stem uta.chato lose its final vowel before -kipa-. 5 The three-vowel rule operates on this and the next two examples built on ali.si-, a stem with -si frozen to the root (see 6-2. 19. l and 6-2.21, belowT:" 6 . Again, the three-vowel rule causes the final vowel of k'umara to drop before -tata-, as it also does in the case of aru.s.tata.na. 7 The /-xa-/ in this stem is believed to be an instance of the Class 2 completive suffix frozen to the root (see 6-2.25.2). 8 The present treatment of -sidiffers from England's. 9 some verbs with -sitake complements which must be marked with the nounsuffix -mpi ~ -nti. (See my earlier treatment in Hardman et al. 1975:3.323).
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465 10 1n dialects studied, -sidoes not occur before the incompletive in negative expressions, e. g. *Jani.w aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti. Rather, the following occur: Jani.w aka.n.k.k.i.ti. no s 'He is not here. 1 Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti. 11 some verbs with~ require that the agentive complement (the someone who is caused to do something) be marked with the noun complement suffix -ru; others mark the agent with the noun complement suffix -mpi ~ -nti. 12 If the beneficiary complement is expressed by a noun in the sentence, it is marked by the suffix -taki; see 5-3.31.5. 13 The victimary complement may be expressed in the sentence by a possessive noun phrase, or the possession alone may be indicated. 14 1n order to determine the vowel of the suffix .:..P.:.. it will be necessary to elicit forms that require a preceding vowel, for example the Remote or Future. 15 /sj/ reduces to [s] in Salinas; see 4-3.22.24. 16 Another form which lends itself to analysis as -chaalternative question plus *ja root is +J . h . an1.c .Ja.w. 'I don't think so.' (Ebbing 1965:209) In this -ch.jaoccurs on the particle jani 'no'. 17 The basic analysis of Aymara verbal inflec tional suffixes, for the dialects of Compi and Tia huanaco, is in Hardman et al. (1975:3.209-245).
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466 18 verbal inflectional suffixes with 3p comple ments (1+3, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3) may have no expressed complement in translation, e. g. chur.i 'he/she gave (something to someone)' 3+3 s 19 For an explanation of what are meant by D-1 and D-2 /sa/ forms and /iri/ forms, see 6-3.34. 20 Hardman (Hardman et al. 1975:3.233) has pointed out that contemporary 2+1 forms represent a falling-together of earlier 2+1 and 2+4 forms. Seman tically 2+4 has now fallen out, but some contemporary 2+1 forms have a formal vestige of the 4p complement in an /s/ that recurs intermittently in different tenses. It also recurs in the 1+2 S suffix -sma (see also Hardman 1975). -21As indicated in note 20, the /s/ in 1+2 Simple -sma is a vestige of the 4p marker. 22 when 1+3 F /-:/ is followed by -xa sentence suffix, the resulting combination /:xa/ i"sTndistinguish able from one of the other voiceless fricative allo morphs of 1+3 F, /-:xa/. The latter may be followed by the sentence suffix -wa, as in the following examples from Campi: -Sara. :xa.w. 1 I 1 m going to go. 1 Chura. :xa.w. 1 (Now that you ask) I wi 11 give it to him.' However, -xa sentence suffix does not occur after /-:xa/ 1+3 F; *chura.:xa.xa is rejected. We are left with a possible ambiguity in such forms as chura:xa, which may be analyzed as either chura.:xa or chura. :.xa. So far, no predictable difference in meaning has been discovered that would facilitate determining which is occurring. 23 An example of 1+3 F with palatal glide, for La Paz and Sacca, is Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:.wa. 1 1 will be here.'
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467 24 vapita (La Paz/Compi) indicates that 3+1 or 3+4 may sometimes occur with final vowel and sentence suffix other than -wa, which implies that the syntactic conditioning here discussed needs further investigation in La Paz as well as elsewhere. Of course, where the suffix is a form peculiar to the Imperative (for example 3+1 and 3+4 for La Paz and most other places), the pres ence or absence of vowel or sentence suffix is irrelevant for identifying the tense. It is only in the case of forms homophonous with the Future that the syntactic mark may be significant. 25 D-l and D-2 based on -iri are to be distin guished from sequences of -iri plus-:verbalizer plus inflection (see 6-3.37). --26apa.na 'to carry' has in contemporary La Paz Aymara the derived meaning 'person of the same age, con temporary'; see 2-2. 27 1+2 D-1 has not yet been elicited for Huancan~, but the form */-:sna/ fits the pattern for that tense and dialect. 28 A second one-vowel verb root discovered late in the research is ta'make a noise' (inanimate object). See Chapter 7, Note73. 29 These forms have 1+3 /-:/ or /-ja:/ plus -xa sentence suffix. 30 According to Hardman (personal communication) .:..P..::. without a following incompletive or completive also occurs occasionally in La Paz, but I have yet to hear it myself.
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CHAPTER 7 SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION 7-1 Introduction Morphosyntactic structures are morphemes belonging to neither the noun nor verb systems but operating at both the morphological and syntactic levels. They are (1) particles, and (2) syntactic suffixes. Particles are roots that take neither noun nor verb suffixes, although they may take syntactic suffixes. Syntactic suffixes, which occur on nouns, verbs, and particles, are subdivided into nonfinal (independent) and final (sentence) suffixes. Nonfinal suffixes occur on nouns, verbs, and particles before final suffixes. On nouns nonfinal suffixes occur after noun suffixes; on verbs they separate derivation from inflection. Final suffixes occur after all other suffixes, marking phrase and sentence boundaries. They define sentence types, conveying attenuation, absolute ness, vouching for information, repetition of information known to the hearer, disclaiming of knowledge, and con tingency; they mark yes/no questions, alternate questions, and information questions; they list in a series, link 468
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469 sentences, and subordinate one part of a sentence to another. Their meanings are often lost in translation, however, which is why most Aymara grammars have dismissed them as ornamental. Morphosyntactic processes in Aymara include re duplication; subordination by noun-phrase embedding, nominalization, or with sentence suffixes; use of the demonstrative uka 'that' as summarizer and sentence linker; sentence embedding with the reportive verb sa.na 'to say'; and negation. In Aymara word order is fixed only within the noun phrase and in the placement of the summarizer uka after what is being summarized. Syntactically-conditioned vowel retention and dropping rules were discussed in 4-3.31. 7-2 Particles and Syntactic Suffixes 7-2. l Particles Particles are roots that take neither noun nor verb suffixes. Some of them take nonfinal or final suffixes; others always occur unsuffixed. Some of the most common are listed below in alphabetical order. (Onomatopoeic particles are listed in Appendix B.) ampi 'isn't that so?', 'no?' (tag question) (Calacala, Jopoqueri; also Herrero 1971-72:228, for Omasuyos)
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470 Ch'ug al.ja.p.x.ta ampi.x? (Jopoqueri) potato sell 2+3 s 'You sell potatoes, don't you?' ampi softener; 'please, then, so' amp juta.ma.y 'please come, then' (La Paz/Campi) ina.ki 'in vain' (Calacala) inak 11 i 'in vain' (Salinas) ina.ta.lla 'in vain' (Sitajara) ina.y 'in vain' (Sitajara) +. k" rna.maya. 1 'needlessly, in vain' (Tschopik 1948:111,112) jalla 'thus, like that' (all dialects) jina ma:ji maki ma:ki mak 11 i Aka Istaru Uniru.n jall asiru.x ut.j.chi.x. United States steel exist NI 'There may be steel like that in the United States. 1 (Sitajara) 1 let I s go 1 (all dialects) 'quickly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) 'quickly' (Calacala; also reduplicated, mak.maki) 'quickly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'quickly' (Calacoa)
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471 Mak II i . k ma k II i . k sara.w.ja. tan. go 4+3 Mak II i . x ma k II i . x F 'Quickly, quickly we will go. 1 (words of a song) ma:ski 'or other' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Ma:sk kun.ja:ma.s sar.chi.:.xa.y however go NI 1+3 F 'Somehow or other, I'll go.' musp 11 a 'much, very' (Salinas, Calacala) Musp 11 a jaya.wa. 'It's very far.' A special class of particles consists of terms for affirmation and negation. The negative jani and its occurrences in negative phrases are discussed in 7-4.5. The affirmative jisa 'yes' occurs in all dialects also; sometimes either jani or jisa may lose its first syllable. In some dialects jisa usually occurs with the final suf fix -lla ~ -ya. Examples: jisa (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) jisa.ya (Morocomarca, Calacala) sa. lla (Salinas) sa.ya (La Paz, Calacala)
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472 iyaw 'okay, yes' (most dialects) 'you're welcome' (Calacoa; thought by source to be a Quechua word) Other affirmative particles are the following, both given by a source in Sitajara; the second is attributed to Candarave (also in the province of Tarata). kuwat.xa 'yes' (Sitajara) ja:t.xa 'yes' (attributed to Candarave by Sitajara speaker) Interjections are a special kind of particle. They usually end in /w/ or /y/ (possibly the final suf fixes~ or -wa). These were not elicited for all dia lects, so the following is probably an incomplete list. achijuway 'it's hot!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ach 11 ich 11 iw ach"i k 11 iw } expressions of pain (La Paz/Compi) alalaw 'it's cold, brrr!' (La Paz/Campi, Corque) alalay 'it's cold, brrr!' (Corque) anay 'how pretty!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) atataw expression of pain (La Paz/Compi)
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473 atatay expression of pain (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) titila ~ titilay expression of disgust (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) wa: ~ way [bayJ 1 'wow!' expression of admiration or surprise (La Paz/Compi, La Paz/ Tiahuanaco, and probably elsewhere) ju: 'wow! 1 expression of dismay (Hardman et al. 1975:l. 170) There are also several particles which are Spanish loans (see Hardman et al. 1975:3. 134). 7-2.2 Syntactic suffixes 7-2.21 Non'final (independent) suffixes These suffixes occur on a stem before final suf fixes. They may become part of a preceding noun or verb stem and be immediately followed by verbalization or nominalization, or they may occur after such thematic alternation. On inflected verbs they occur directly before the inflectional suffix. A noun stem ending in -ki or -pini (etc.) may be a zero complement, the inde pendent losing its final vowel. -raki (etc.) occurs after zero complement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.403-409). 7-2.21. l -vki ~ -ji ~ -y 'just, only' (limitative) The allomorph /-ji/ was heard in Salinas and Morocomarca in word-final position. These dialects also have /-ki/ both medially and finally. The allomorphs
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474 /-ki/ and /-y/ occurred in Sitajara. /-ki/ occurs else where. The suffix requires a preceding vowel, except in Huancane when following -raki. It loses its vowel before consonant-requiring suffixes, in zero complement vowel drop, when preceding the final sentence suffix -sa in Calacoa, and when preceding the final suffix -sti in Sitajara. /-ki/ may reduplicate on a stem. It frequently occurs as a softener on verbs with the Imperative. Examples: suma.ta.ji 'slowly' (Salinas) suma. ta. ki 'gently' (La Paz/Compi} k'acha.ta.ji 'slowly' (Morocomarca) juk'a.pacha.ki 'a little' (Morocomarca) Juta.rak.ki.ni.w. 'They will arrive.' (Huancan~) 3+3 F Uk"ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.ch.i.xa.y. 'That's the way it always is.' """NI (Huancan~) juma.ki.ki. :ma.s 'just like you' (Juli) t"aga.ki t"ag.ta.s 'looking and looking' (Calacoa) Say.t'a.ki.m. 'Stand up.' (Calacoa) 2+3 I
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475 uka.y. ti I and that? 1 (Sitajara) Sara.s.ka.x_.ma. 'Just go on.' (Sitajara) I ija.nha.ru.k.sti 'and to my daughter' (Sitajara) is.t 1 a.ki.na 1 to listen quietly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Sara.ki.ya:. 1 I 1 ll just go. 1 (Sacca) 1+3 F Chura.k.ita.lla. 'Please give me. 1 (Jopoqueri) I Sa.ki.pin.itu.wa. 1 He always told me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 3+1 s In Calacoa /-ki/ plus -sa final suffix usually occurred on the head of the first noun phrase in a riddle, as in the following examples: Ma: a gala.taypi.na.k.s stone middle ma: a pala.cha ucha.nta.tastick place :.s.k.i.w. s Uka.x kuna.s? Ampar sillu. that what finger nail 1 In the middle of a stone a little stick is placed. What is it? A fingernail. 1
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476 Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin a woman turning turning Uka.x kuna.s? Q 11 apu.w. distaff usu.r.ta.si.w.x.i. pregnant 3+3 s 1 A woman turning, turning gets pregnant. What is it? A distaff. 1 7-2.21.2 -vpini ~ -puni ~ -pani ~ -pi emphatic /-pani/ occurs in Jopoqueri; /-pi/ occurs in Calacala; /-pini/ occurs in Juli, Sitajara, La Paz, Salinas, Calacala, and Morocomarca and was alleged by Bertonio (1603b); /-puni/ occurs in Huancane, Sacca, Calacoa, and La Paz and was alleged by Tschopik (1948). As this indicates, /-pini/ and /-puni/ occur in La Paz, and /-pi/ and /-pini/ occur in Calacala, /-pi/ either before /-pini/ or before ..:_Qj_ sentence suffix. The meanings of this suffix may be expressed in translation as 1 always 1 , 1 still 1, 1 really 1 , or 1 definitely 1 , but it is basically an emphatic. Examples: Ina.ki.pini.w. 1 It 1 s really in vain.• (Calacala) ch 1 ugi.pi.pini.k 'just potatoes, really' (Calacala) Uka.pi.ki.pi.y. 1 It 1 s just that, really.• {Calacala)
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Ut.nha.pani.:.s.j.i.w. lp -3+3 s Uta.ja.pini.:.s.k.i.wa. lp Uta.nha.pini.w. Uta.na.pini.wa. lp Ut.fia.~. Uta.ja.puni.w. Uta. j a. : . s . ka . pun . i. wa . ~+3 Sara.puni.:.w. --i+3 F s 477 'It's really my house. 1 'I'm really going. 1 Sara.puni.ya:.wa. 1+3 F (Jopoqueri) (Juli) (Sitajara) (Salinas) (Morocomarca) (La Paz) (Huancane, Calacoa) (Juli) (Sacca) There seems to be some relation between this suffix and the sentence suffix .:....P..i, although it may be due only to their partial homophony. As shown in the example given above for Calacala, /-pi/ allomorph of the nonfinal suffix may occur before /-pini/ or before .:....P..i sentence suffix, in both cases with reduplication of the segment /pi/.
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478 In the following pair of utterances, where Vito cota has the sentence suffix .::.tl La Paz/Tiahuanaco has the independent /-puni/. Jani . .ej_.y jala.qa.y.i.ti.xa. no fall 3+3 s Jani.puni.w jala.g.ta.y.k.i.ti. (Vitocota) 'He did not cause it to fall. 1 (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 7-2.21.3 ra ~ -rara ~ -:ra ~ -ray 'still, yet' V In Modern Aymara this suffix persists only on the negative particle jani. (It is a productive final suffix in Jaqaru; see Hardman 1966.) It is classified as a nonfinal suffix in Aymara because its allomorph /-rara/ has occurred before -raki nonfinal independent on a stem. /-ray/ occurs only in Sitajara. /-:ra/ and /-ra/ occur in Huancan~. /-:ra/ occurs in La Paz/Campi. /-rara/ occurs in Juli; /-rara/ and /-ra/ occur in Jopoqueri. Elsewhere /-ra/ or /-:ra/ occurs. Some occurrences of /-ray/ may be analyzed as allomorphs of -raki (7-2.21.4). However, occurrences of /-ray/ on jani occupy the same slot as /-ra/ and /-rara/, with the same meaning, and therefore must belong to this suffix. Examples:
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479 jani.ra jani.: ra jani.rara jani. rara. raki. s 'not yet' jani.ra.11 jani.:ra.y jani.ray.s 7-2.21.4 -raki (and variants) (Jopoqueri) (La Paz/Campi) (Jopoqueri) (Salinas) (Huancane) (Huancane) (Sitajara) This suffix translates variously, as an aggregate, cautionary (see 6-3.34), complainer, objector, or chal lenger. It may occur on interrogatives immediately before or in place of the final suffix -sa. It occurs after zero complement vowel drop on a noun stem. As for morphophonemics, this suffix requires a preceding vowel except after the complement/relational suffixes -na and -ta~ -t"a and zero complement vowel drop. In one instance (Calacala) it was preceded by a consonant on a verb root. Dialects that have only /-raki/ are Juli, Sacca, Calacoa, Jopoqueri, and La Paz. In Huancane this suffix often occurs instead of -sa interrogative; /-raki/ is the most usual allomorph, but /-raj-/ occurs before
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480 -chi NI. In Salinas /-raj-/ occurs before consonant requiring verbal inflectional suffixes; /-raji/ or /-rak 11 i/ occurs before vowel-requiring inflectional suffixes; /-raji/, /-raki/, /-ra:/ and /-ra/ alternate freely word-finally on interrogatives. In Calacala and Morocomarca /-raji/ and /-raki/ both occur. In Sitajara /-raki/ and /-raji/ are in free varia tion medially before verbal inflections; the allomorph /-rk/ occurred once before verbal inflection; and /-ray/ also occurred before the final suffix -sa although a homophonous /-ray/ is the allomorph of the suffix -ra ~ -ray in Sitajara (see 7-2.21.3). It might be better to analyze all occurrences of /-ray/ in Sitajara, both those on jani and others, as an independent suffix resulting from the convergence of -ra 'yet' and -raki aggregate and overlapping the domains of both in other dialects: on jani it means 'yet', and elsewhere it has the meanings of -raki. Examples of -raki and its allomorphs on different roots, stems, and themes are given below. 7-2.21.41 On interrogatives Kuna.rak aka.sti?} 'And what is this?' Kuna.ra: aka.sti? (Huancan~) (Salinas)
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481 Kuna.ra uka ispiritu.sti? 'And what are those spirits?' (Salinas) Kun.ra: lura.n mun.ta? do want 2+3 s Kuna. taki. rak.s? Kuna. taki. raki? 'What do you want to do?' (Salinas) (Huancane) 'Why?' (Morocomarca) Kuna.t.raji? (Morocomarca) *kuna.taki.raji (rejected in Morocomarca) Kawki. ray. sa? 'Where is it?' (Sitajara) Kawki.t.ra(j) pur.ta? arrive 2+3 s 'Where are you coming from?' (Salinas) Kawki.ru.rak sara.nta? 'Where are you going?' (Salinas) go 2+3 F 7-2.21.42 On other nouns and nominalized forms juma.raki 'you too' (all dialects) wali.ray 'well' (Sitajara) Aka. ray. sa. 1 Here it is. 1 (Sitajara)
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482 Sa.na.ray. 1 It must be said. 1 (Sitajara) Allchi.nha.pini.ray. 1 He 1 s really my grandchild.' (Sitajara) uka.t.raji •and then• [uatraji] (Calacala) Ujtur paxsi.n.rak.wa. 1 It was in the month of October. 1 (Corque) 7-2.21 .43 On inflected verb stems or themes Sa.rak.sma.sa.y. 1 1 already told you! 1 (Calacoa) 1-+2 s Wali.:. ka. raj. chi. ni. t. NI 3-+3 F . raj. kama.cha.ta.: .rak. . rk. = 1 It may not be good.• (Huancane) (Note: -:verbalizer reduces to plain vowel before -kaincom pletive.) 1-+3 RDK 1 what could have happened to me 1 (Sitajara) Muna.raj.t.wa. 1 1 want.' (Salinas) --i-+3 s tani.ki.raki.tay 1 he ran again' (Salinas) -3-+3 I k . mag . ra . 1 ~-+3 s RIK •and he ate• (Calacala)
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483 apa.ki.raki.tay 1 he had taken it' (Calacala) RIK 7-2.22 Final (sentence) suffixes Final, or sentence, suffixes occur after all other suffixes on nouns, verbs, and particles. They mark phrase, clause, or sentence boundaries and play a role in syntactic subordination. All except -lla ~ -ya politive and..:.._;_ emphatic, which require a preceding vowel, allow the preceding morpheme or syntactic considerations to determine their preceding environments. Final suffixes encountered in this research which do not vary in phonemic shape or usage from one dialect to another are -cha alternative interrogative, -sa in formation interrogative/indefinite/linker, -sti follow-up, -ti yes/no interrogative and negative,..:.._;_ emphatic, and -wa absolute. An unvarying suffix combination is -wa.ya, consisting of -wa absolute plus~ politive, which almost always is accompanied by rising intonation and always occurs in this form even in dialects which have the allomorph /-lla/ instead of /-ya/ for the politive (see below). All dialects sometimes have final vowel length..:.._;_ as an exclamatory, and this may be in distinguishable from instances of /-ya/ reduced to /y/ after /i/.
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484 Sentence suffixes which do show variation, either in locale of occurrence, frequency of occurrence, phonemic shape, or combinations thereof, are the topic/summarizer suffix -ka (probably a reduced form of aka or uka demonstratives), -lla ~ -ya politive, -m disclaimer and its variants, and -pi ~ -pi: ~ -pu ~ -pu: reiterator of absolute (stating information already known to the hearer). Sentence suffix combinations showing variation are -pi. lla ~-pi.ya~ -pi.:, -sa.ya ~ -sa. :, -xa. lla ~ -xa.ya, and -ti.xa which occurs as a subordinator in certain dialects and will be discussed under subordination (7-4.23.3). 7-2.22. l -ka topic/summarizer and -xa ~ attenuator topic/ Only one contemporary dialect, Calacala, was found to have both -ka and /-xa/. Bertonio (1603b) cited +g (phonemically /ka/ or /qa/?) and +kha (phonemically /xa/ or /k"a/ or /q"a/?) occurring in environments apparently like those of -ka and -xa ~ in contemporary dialects. Most dialects today have only /-xa/. Morocomarca was found to have only -ka and/-:/. This/-:/ must be distinguished from other morphemes of vowel length. It is clearly not.:__;_ emphatic since it occurs in the same or similar environments as /-xa/ attenuator with apparently the same function and meaning.
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485 7-2.22.11 -ka topic/summarizer This suffix has occurred only in Morocomarca and Calacala. At first it was thought that it might be*~ cognate to Jaqaru final suffix (Hardman 1966), or possibly a borrowing from Bolivian Quechua~ topic marker, as all sources for Morocomarca and Calacala were bilingual in Quechua. 2 However, the suffix here re ferred to is clearly phonemically /ka/, beginning with the velar stop, and as noted in note 2 to Chapter 5, /k/ is not considered a normal reflex of /q/ in Jaqi languages. It was then thought that -ka might represent a falling-together of several suffixes, perhaps related to the Jaqaru final suffix -ja surprisal or to the Jaqaru noun suffix -ja accusative, cognate to Aymara zero complement (Hardman 1966). As we have seen, the alternation of /j/ ~ /k/ does occur in Aymara and pre sumably might across Jaqi languages. The semantics of Jaqaru -ja surprisal do not correspond to the semantics of Aymara -ka, however, and Jaqaru -ja accusative is cognate to Aymara zero complement, while Aymara -ka occurs on both subjects and complements. Yapita (La Paz/Compi), who assisted me in analyz ing a recorded Calacala text, indicated that he would replace most instances of -ka with -xa topic/attenuator.
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486 The distributions of the two suffixes are not identical, however. Unlike most final suffixes, including -xa, -ka has not occurred before -lla ~ -ya politive in data analyzed so far. And, in some cases, Yapita would replace -ka by either -xa topic/attenuator or the demonstrative uka as syntactic summarizer (7-4.3). As will be seen in the examples that follow, -ka seems to function both as topic marker and as a summarizer of what precedes it in a sentence. The latter function is fulfilled in all Aymara dialects (including those that have -ka topic/summarizer) by the demonstratives uka and (to a lesser extent) aka. In all Aymara dialects, also, aka and uka act like suffixes in phrases such as naya.n uka 'my house', literally 'mine, that' but conveying the sense of the French chez moi. In the data analyzed for this study, -ka occurs only on nouns of the open class or the demonstratives aka and uka and usually only when they occur sentence initially or -finally. On the demonstratives, -ka recalls the noun suffix -:ka that occurs on demonstratives in La Paz and Sacca and possibly elsewhere (see 5-3.12.6). In one case in Calacala -ka ([a]) is obviously a re duced form of uka 1 chez 1 , being followed by the noun suffix -na 'in, of': padre.[a].n 'at the priest's (house)'. The suffix -ka might therefore be considered a noun suffix, but for the fact that when it occurs
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487 word-finally (without a following -na) it seems to require something before it to summarize. On aka and.!!._~, which already have a potential summarizing function, ~ka occurs directly on the root, whether it is sentence-initial or -final. On other nouns the behavior of -ka is different. Sentence-initial nouns may take final -ka only if one or more deriva tional suffixes (or zero complement vowel drop, which a~ts like a suffix) orecede it on the stem; -ka does . -not occur directly on a plain noun root occurring sen tence initially. On the other hand, sentence-final nouns are not so restricted. Such nouns may take the suffix -ka whether or not there are any derivational suffixes on the noun root. All of this suggests that when it occurs word finally (with no other suffixes after it), -ka must have something before it longer than a single root. Thus, in order to take -ka a sentence-initial noun must have suffixes on it. A sentence-final noun need not have such suffixes, because when -ka occurs on a sentence final noun, -ka summarizes not only the word it occurs on but all else that went before it in the sentence. Although this hypothesis needs further testing, it appears that -ka is probably best analyzed at present as a reduced (but already frozen) form of uka or aka. More study of its occurrences is needed to determine
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488 whether it should be considered a noun suffix, albeit one with a special summarizing function when it occurs word finally, or whether it belongs in the final suffix class, in which case occurrences of -ka followed by -na must be considered morphophonemic reductions of aka or uka rather than occurrences of the final suffix -ka. 7-2.22. 11. 1 Distribution of -ka in Morocomarca -ka was rejected on certain nouns. It occurred on the first noun in a sentence if the stem ended in -naka plural, a personal possessive suffix, or zero complement vowel drop, but it did not occur on plain noun roots that occurred first in a sentence, unless they were zero complements. However, Yapita (La Paz/Campi) reported hearing -ka on the plain demonstrative aka occurring --first in a sentence, in an utterance by a speaker in the town of Morocomarca. -ka did occur on plain nouns occurring at the end of a sentence. Where -ka was not permitted (namely, on plain roots occurring first in a sentence), plain vowel or vowel length (probably an allomorph of -xa topic/attenuator; see 7-2.22.12) occurred. Vowel length did not occur on the last vowel of a sentence-final noun, where either -ka or plain vowel occurred. Examples of occurrences and non-occurrences of -ka in Morocomarca are the following:
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489 Tiyula.naka.ka suma jagi.:.tawi.wa. uncle = good person 3+3 RIK 'The uncles are good people.' Mis.na.ka jach'a.wa. 'My table is big. 1 table lp big Ch'un0.ka kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.si.: ? chuno what with eat 1+3 F 'What am I going to eat the chuno with?' Kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.s.i ch'unu.ka? 1+3 s 'What is chuno eaten with?' Aka.ka uta. 'This is a house. 1 (reported by Yapita) this house *Uta.ka jach 1 a.wa. 'The house is big. 1 (rejected) sut.ma Kuna.s { ? 'What is your name?' sut.ma. ka what name 2p Naya.n sut.na Usiwyu sa.ta.wa. lp name lp 1 My name is Eusebio.' ('My name Eusebio is called.')
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490 7-2.22. 11.2 Distribution of -ka in Calacala In Calacala -ka occurred primarily in stories, on the first noun in a sentence (or the head of a noun phrase) ending in the diminutive -ita or -ta nominalizer. It also occurred on the last noun in a sentence or phrase, a position where -xa (and in one case~) also occurred. -xa, vowel length, or plain vowel occurred on a sentence initial plain root. When -ka occurred after a vowel or a voiced continuant such as /r/, the /k/ usually reduced to the voiced fricative[]. (In Calacala stops frequently voice before vowels, regardless of the preceding environment; see 4-3.21.32.) In the following examples voiced stops are shown in square brackets, unless they occur in Spanish loans in Spanish phonology. Achol.it.ka ma:.m[b]i.x another b t . 3 urru way.xaru.:. aw,. bring RIK 'He had another Acholita, a burro, brought.' Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka sa.sa.ki.y kriy.i.s padre.[]a.:. young woman bring say think s s 'Then the priest thought it was true that he had had the young woman brought.'
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491 [a] in the above example would be replaced by -xa by Yapita (La Paz/Campi). awisa.taw. tell 3-+3 RIK no person 111 Don 1 t send anyone 11 , he told him. 1 sa.s treat say sa.tawi abuelo.ka. 3-+3 old man RIK 111 Treat me (forillness) 11 , said the old man.' La Paz/Campi version of the above: sa.sa.w sa.tayn awuylu.xa. 3-+3 RIK 3 Uka arun[d]a.ta way.xaru.: uka achach bur.[]a. that night bring 3-+3 old man burro s 'That night he had the old man's burro brought. 1 La Paz/Campi version of the above: Uka aruma.w way.xaru.y.i uka achach 3-+3 s { bur.xa. bur uka.
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492 The following examples show the distribution of -ka compared to /-xa/ and/-:/ and plain vowel, all in Calacala: Kuna.s uka. k ? 'What is that?' Kuna.s aka.xa ? 'What is this?' Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table. I Naya chura.n ch'ugi. I I will give him potatoes. 1 lp give 1+3 potato F An example which appears to have a reduced form of uka.n 'in (someone's) place' (i. e. in someone's house) is the following: Uka k'us uma.p.xa.taw padre.[]a.n am[b]i? that chicha drink 3+3 no? RIK 'They drank that chicha at the priest's house (Radre uka.n) didn't they?' As mentioned earlier, uka summarizer does occur in Morocomarca and Calacala, as in the following example from Morocomarca which incidentally has vowel length on u ka. Jan chur.ita:t uka.: no give 2+1 F k'asa. :.wa. cry 1+3 F 'If you don't give it to me, I'll cry. 1
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493 7-2.22.12 -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator /-xa/ occurs in data obtained for all dialects except Morocomarca but may possibly occur there in free texts, none of which were obtained for that dialect. On the other hand, the/-:/ which occurs in Morocomarca may be the sole allomorph of this suffix occurring there. The allomorph of vowel length does not occur in Sacca, Jopoqueri or La Paz dialects encountered so far; however, it was attested for Irpa Chico, Ingavi province, by H. Martfn (1969). Vowel length occasionally occurred instead of /-xa/ in Sitajara and Juli in material trans lated from Spanish, but only on the first person pronoun. In Jopoqueri /-xa/ was occasionally absent where it might be expected in La Paz. In Calacoa and Salinas /-xa/ was often absent or replaced by/-:/ on personal pronouns in translations from Spanish, but /-xa/ occurred more often in free texts. In Calacala /-xa/ was found in all types of data, elicited and free; again, when/-:/ or plain vowel occurred, it was usually on personal pro nouns. The suffix -xa ~ -: occurs most often on nouns, but also on verbs and particles. The number of /-xa/s occurring in a given sentence varies according to the degree of attenuation expressed and appears also to vary dialectically or idiolectically, but this needs further
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494 study. Some dialects have plain vowel where other dia lects would have /-xa/ or/-:/. Such absences of /-xa/ and/-:/ must be distinguished from their syntactically conditioned absence on subjects of subordinated verbs; see 4-3.31. 1. Examples of /-xa/, /-:/, and their absence follow: Ch 11 armanti.x juma.x this morning 2p iskuyla.x jut.ta.xa. school come S 'This morning you came to school (I do believe, right?). 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:3.413; La Paz) Naya.x lp Nay a 2S sara.: .wa. go sara. : . xa. F Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p 'I will go.' 'I will go, okay?' } (Hardman et al. 1975: 3.412) (La Paz) 'What's your name?' (La Paz, Sacca, Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Juli, Salinas) Naya.xa aka Lima marka.n ut.j.ta pir jani.w live but not lp town naya.: aka.:.k.t.ti. here s s 'I live in Lima but I'm not (from) here.' (Huancan~)
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495 Na.: } chura. nh. give F 'I will give to him. 1 (Sitajara) Na.x Na.: aka waynu.wa tagi chuyma huayno all heart tirik.t'a.w.sma. dedicate s 'I dedicate this huayno (song) to you with all my heart. 1 (Juli) (In the last two examples na.: could be /na:/ allomorph of first person pronoun.) naya aru.nt.t'a.ni.p.x.ma. . 'I greet you' (Jopoqueri) Juma un.ch'uki.~.ka.p.ista.x 2p look at na.naka.ru. lp s 'You are looking at us. 1 (Calacoa) Jupa mang'a.ya.w.i wawa.pa.naka.r.x. 3p feed child s 'He fed his children. 1 (Calacala) Na uta.ja.n.ka.s.ka.t.wa. 'I was in my house.' (Calacoa) lp house s
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496 Kuna.mp.s jit.sna.x ch'ugi ? what dig 4-+3 D-1 'With what can we dig potatoes?' (Calacoa) Uta.pa.: Uta.pa.x house Jupa. : 3p } j a ch I a . wa . big 'Her house is big. 1 mag'a.na chura.tayna wawa.naka.pa.ru. food give 3+3 children RIK 'He fed his children.' (Salinas) Jan puri.nt uka jiwa.ya.si.:.wa. no arrive that die cause 1+3 F (Salinas) 1 If you don't come I 1 11 kill myself. 1 (Salinas) Ch 11 a.sti juma aka.t now and 2p here ni.w mistu.n[d]a.ti. no get out 2+3 F 'And now you won 1 t get out of here. 1 (Salinas; story) The following are all from Calacala: Kam sa.ta.s sut.ma.x? 1 What 1 s your name?' how called name 2p
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497 Naya sa.ta.t.wa Antunu. 'I'm called Antonio.• lp 1+3 s Naya jaqi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. lp man Naya.xa lp help sa.:.w. say 1+3 F 'I'm a person (man) from Calacala. 1 'I'll say (yell) Help!' Uka misk 1 i.ti.x uka naranja.: ? 'Is that orange sweet?' sweet orange (See also the first example given in 7-2.22. 11.2.) Kuna.s aka.xa? 'What is this?' Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table.• The following are from Morocomarca: Uka misa.: jani.w naya.n.k.i.ti. tableno lp 3+3 s 'That table isn't mine. 1 Uta.: jach 1 a.wa. 'The house is big. 1 house big
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498 7-2.22.2 vlla ~ -ya politive/vocative/attenuator The allomorph /-lla/ occurs everywhere except in parts of La Paz (including Campi and Tiahuanaco) and Morocomarca, which have only /-ya/. Both /-lla/ and /-ya/ occur in Sitajara and Huancan~. Calacoa has /-ya/ in songs, but /-lla/ elsewhere. In Juli, Sacca, Jopo queri, Salinas, and Calacala the usual allomorph is /-lla/. This suffix occurs often as a softener of the imperative, occurring on the verb itself or on some other word in the sentence. Examples: Amus.t'a.g.i. lla. 3+3 'He made him shut up.' (Calacala) s Uka.t tani.n.i.11 mama.pa.ru. run 3+3 s 'Then he ran to his mother.' (Salinas) Sar.xa.ma.11. 'Go away.' (Salinas) 2+3 I Awis.t'a.k.ita. lla. 'Tell me.' (Jopoqueri) 2+1 I Mayt.ita.11. 'Lend it to me.' (Juli) 2+1 I
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499 Sara.w.x.ma. lla. 'Go away. 1 (Sacca) I Sar.xa.ma. lla. 'Go away. 1 (Sitajara) I 1 thus 1 (Sitajara) Uk 11 am.pacha.:.xa.rak.ki.spa.y. D-1 'They can be like that. 1 (Huancan~) Irpa.n.ma.y. 'Take her. 1 (Huancan~) I Uk 11 ama.x Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m. carry I 'Then have Johnny carry it. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:3.305; La Paz) Chur.xa.tma.ya. 'Let him give it to you. 1 (Morocomarca) I Jisa.y. 'Yes. 1 (Morocomarca, Calacala)
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500 /-lla/ and /-ya/ may follow the final suffixes -xa and .::.2.i_ (7-2.22.4}; only /-ya/ follows -wa. 7-2.22.3 -m ~ -ma ~ -mna ~ -mnam disclaimer In La Paz (as reported in Hardman et al. 1975: 3.420} this suffix occurs in the form /-m/ preceded by the limited final suffix -chi(which occurs only before /-m/ or -xa}, as in K 11 ari.k 11 ari.chi.m k 11 ar.su.s.k.ch.i. fat-cutter cut NI 3+3 s 'No doubt the k 11 arik 11 ari 4 cut out (his fat}. 1 Another dialect found to have a similar construc tion was Huancan~. K 11 ari.s.iri.k.chi.ma uka uka.na k 11 ar.s.ch.i. NI 3+3 s 'The k 11 arisiri must have cut out (his fat}. 1 The sentence as given for La Paz was also acceptable in Juli, but not volunteered. Elsewhere expressions of this type were rejected, but this may have been due to cul tural, rather than grammatical, factors. -mna is a productive final suffix in Jaqaru (Hardman 1966), and Bertonio cited a number of examples
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501 (1603b:141-142, 250) of an apparently cognate suffix + -mna. Some contemporary examples offered by V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) are the following: Kama.cha.ki.ni.m.(s) how 3+3 F un.ja.ni.m. see 2+3 I 'Go and see what he's doing (what he will do). 1 K 11 iti.mna(m). 'Let's find out who (is coming).' who K 11 iti.ki.m juta.ni. 'Let's see who's coming.' who come 3+3 F { mnaml Kamisa. = how s jan yati.ni.x? no know 3+3 'How could he not know? (of course he does)' F Another example is the following from La Paz/Campi: Naya.m lp sara.: .xa. go 1+3 F 'l will go?!?' (said musingly to oneself, e. g., 'Who could think I'd go (of course I won't).') The above examples occurred too late in the research to check their possible occurrence in other dialects.
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502 7-2.22.4 -pi ~ -pi: ~ -pu ~ -pu: reiterator of known information The allomorph /-pu/ occurs only in Salinas, Jopo queri, Corque (which also has /-pu:/) and Sitajara (which also has /-pi:/). Elsewhere /-pi/ occurred, except in Calacoa where this suffix did not occur. Jopoqueri and Salinas have both /-pi/ and /-pu/. /-pi/ usually occurs in combination with /-lla/ or /-ya/, but /-pu/ does not. /-pu:/ occurred once before -xa. Examples: S.tam.pu. 'He said to you.' (Salinas) 3+2 s kinsa.pu 'three, then' (Salinas) Jiw.x.i.pu. 'He died. 1 (Salinas) 3+3 s S. istu.pu. 'He told us. 1 (Jopoqueri) 3+4 s sa.ta.pu:.xa. 'it's called' (repeating name of place) say (Corque) Saw Jan p"ista.pu , sa.na.w. 'It's called the fiesta of San Juan. 1 (Sitajara)
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503 Jall s.i.pi. 'So they say.• (Sitajara) 3+3 s Intint.i.pi:.xa. 'She understands!?' (Sitajara) 3+3 s Nina.n.pi.ch. 'Or in the fire.• (Tarata) -cha alternative question suffix 7-2.22.5 Combinations of final suffixes 7-2.22.51 -pi.lla ~ -pi.ya These occur more often than plain /-pi/. As /-pi.ya/ frequently reduces to /-pi~y/, indistinguish able from /-pi:/, it is not possible to tell which is occurring unless /-pi:/ is followed by -xa. The distri bution of /-pi. lla/ and /-pi.ya/ does not exactly corre spond to that of /-lla/ and /-ya/. Sacca and Jopoqueri, which have only /-lla/ occurring without a previous final suffix, both have /-pi .ya/. Juli has both /-pi .ya/ and /-pi. lla/, although it too has only plain /-lla/. Both /-pi.ya/ and /-pi. lla/ occur in Huancan~ and Sita jara. Neither occurred in Calacoa, Morocomarca, or Calacala. La Paz has only /-pi.ya/. Examples: sa.sa.pi.y 'saying' (Sacca)
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504 Sajama.xa uka Mururat gullu.n p'igi.pa.pi.y. mountain head 3p 'Sajama is the head (top) of that Mururata Mountain.' (Jopoqueri) Naya.t.pi.y. 'It was me! 1 (Juli) amiku.ja.pi. ll , jilata.ja.pi.ll 'my friend, my brother' (Juli) Q' . ana.p1.y. 'It is clear. 1 (Huancan~) pu:ri.pi.ll 'the poor' (Huancan~) < Spanish pobre I II. k t . n p 1 rmu . : . s . a . . p 1 . y. 1+3 s no Spanish 'I've been sick. 1 s. ta. pi. 11. 2+3 s 111 Not in Spanish, 11 you said.' (Sitajara) Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. teach 2p 1+3 F (Sitajara) 'What you taught me, I'll teach him. 1 (La Paz/Campi)
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505 Jani.~ jala.ga.y.i.ti.xa. no fall 3+3 s 'He didn't make it fall down.' (Vitocota) Kamisa.raki.x uka.x s.i.s.t.pi.y. h~ sey 1~ s 'Whatever will be will be, I said.' (Vitocota) Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) would replace /-pi.ya/ in the last two examples with /-puni.wa/ or -wa but would use /-pi.ya/ in the following: Jan pani. :.k.irist.x sar.irist.pi.y. no two go 1+3 D-1 'If I weren't married I'd go.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 7-2.22.52 -sa.ya ~ -sa.: exclamatory, emphatic /-sa.ya/ was found in Calacoa and in Tarata. /-sa.:/ occurred only rarely. Forms elicited for Remote Indirect Knowledge tense in Morocomarca usually had /-sa. :/, as did certain Simple tense forms with sa.na 'to say'. It also occurred in La Paz, Huancan~, and Sitajara. Examples: Puri.n.x.irij.chi.t.sa.y. NI 1+3 ~l 'Perhaps I would arrive.' (Tarata)
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506 Chur.xa.ta:tsma.sa.:. 1 I gave it to you. 1 (Morocomarca) 1+2 RIK Sa.wiy.sma.sa. :. 1 I told you! 1 (Morocomarca) s Sa.rak.sma.sa. :. 1 I told you! 1 (La Paz) s Uka.sa.:. 1 There it is, that 1 s it. 1 (Sitajara) 7-2.22.53 -xa. lla ~ -xa.ya /-xa. lla/ has occurred only in Sitajara and Juli, both of which also have /-xa.ya/. /-xa.ya/ has also occurred in La Paz, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, Corque, and Calacala. It occurs most often on a verb with -chi Non-Involver in the stem. Examples: Uk.s yati.rak.chi.:ta.xa.lla. that know NI 2+3 F 1 You would know that. 1 (Juli) Usu.t.w sick 1+3 s wal lupi. t.xa.y japu t 11 aya. t.xa.y. very sunlighrcold 1 l'm very sick from the sun, from the cold. 1 (Juli)
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Ayri.chi.xa.11 air NI 507 Ayri.xa.y chur.s.tam.x. give s 'It must have been bad air! Bad air gave it to you.' (Sitajara) Jaya.n.k.chi.xa.y. 'He's far away. 1 (La Paz) NI -Kuna wak'a.chi.:n.xa.y uka.xa.y what devil NI -that RDK 'What strange devil was that ... (Huancane) Uk 11 ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.chi.xa.y. NI 'That's the way it always is. 1 (Huancane) wawa.nak.pa.sti children 3p laka.xa.y chixchi.pacha.naka.ki mouth open 1 and her children had their mouths open ... 1 (Jopoqueri) Tinta.n.ka.rak.s.t.xa.y. 'I'm in the store.' (Corque) NI < Spanish tienda s Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka chiqa.xa.y then priest think 3+3 that true s 'Then the priest thought it was true .. (Calacala)
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508 7-J Basic Sentence Types Basic sentence types in Aymara have been analyzed and described by Hardman et al. (1975:3.425-458). De fined by occurrences of the four basic sentence suffixes, they are as follows. (The order of the suffixes in each pair is not significant; the opposite order occurs also.) Questions Answer/Statement (-xa)/-ti (yes/no) -sa/(-xa) (information) The present research has turned up sentences with the suffix -ka (possibly a reduced form of aka or uka) in place of -xa in the information question and in the answer/statement. A plain -ka statement also occurred. Schematically, the -ka sentence types may be written as Question Answer/Statements (-ka )/-wa -ka/~ (No example of a *(-ka)/-ti yes/no question occurred in the data, but it may be presumed to exist.) Examples:
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509 Kuna.s sut.ma.ka? 'What is your name?' (Morocomarca) Kuna.s uka.k? 'What is that?' (Calacala) Mis.na.ka jach'a.wa. 'My table is big. 1 (Morocomarca) Instances of vowel length where /-xa/ is found in other dialects, as indicated above, may be considered allo morphs of -xa, as in 7-4 7-4. 1 Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table.' Morphosyntactic Processes Reduplication This is a fairly productive process in Aymara. Certain noun roots are reduplicative, never occurring except in doubled form. These roots are to be dis tinguished from other noun, particle, and verb roots that may occur alone or reduplicated; when reduplicated, they form stems that act as new semantic units with meanings derived from their base roots. Noun and verb roots and certain suffixes may also reduplicate inter mittently for emphasis (a process here referred to as 'nonce reduplication'). There are certain roots of the canonical shape c 1 v 1 c 2 c 1 v 1 in which the initial CV is reduplicated (L. Martin-Barber, in Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 105-106).
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510 7-4. 11 Reduplicative noun roots These are noun roots that never occur except in doubled form. They refer primarily to animals, plants, or other natural phenomena. Some of them may be onomato poeic, referring to the sound made by an animal or bird. Below are those that have occurred in this research, in alphabetical order. ch'umi ch'umi 5 kusi kusi jillu jillu lari lari .ligj__ l i qi suku suku suxu suxu t'uxu t'uxu 'woods' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'spider' (Juli) 'selfish person' (egoista) (Huancan~) 'evil little animal (an owl?) that turns into a cat' (La Paz/San Andres de Machaca) 'quail' (codorniz) (Juli) 'lightning' (Pomata, Chucuito) 'a dance' (Huancan{!) 'sound of rattle; rattlesnake' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) yellow or orange flower, reportedly used in Puno for medicine (Calacoa) aquatic plant with small round light green leaves that float on the water's surface, covering it like algae (Tiahuanaco)
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511 wara wara 1 star' (all dialects) wira wira 'plant for making cough medicine' (Salinas) Some reduplicative noun roots found in pre-Hardman pub lished sources are the following: + h' .. C lQl ch' iqi + pul la pull a +t . am, tami 'beetles' (Tschopik 1948:112) 'spines' (Tschopik 1948:109) 'at nightfall' (Bertonio 1603b:185) 7-4. 12 Reduplicative stems occurring as nouns These consist of roots that may also occur singly. They sometimes lose the last vowel of the base root. The meaning may be an emphatic or plural, but not always. Examples: Particle: Nouns: mak.maki 'fast' maki 'fast, quickly' (Calacala) may.maya 'different' maya 'another' (Jopoqueri) gala.gala 'place of many stones' 'stone' (all dialects; also Bertonio 1603b:260)
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512 guga.guga 'forest' .9.!!9.! 'tree' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1603b:260) g II i p. g II i pa 1 1 ate/ ear 1 y 1 g 11 ipa 'behind' g 11 ip.g 11 ip aruma 'late at night, early in the morning 1 (Juli) g'awa.g'awa 'gully, dry riverbed' (Jopoqueri) q'awa (this meaning in other dialects) sama. sama I lung I sama I breath 1 (Jopoqueri) sillu.sillu pinkish-purple flower with five little petals in form of a star sillu 'fingernail, toenail 1 (Calacoa) sip'u.sip'u 'wrinkle' sip'u 'wrinkle' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sullk.sullka 'youngest child' sullka 'younger' (La Paz/ Ti ahuanaco) Nouns from verb roots or stems: k 11 ari.k 11 ari muni.muni 9 1 ip.9 1 ipi 'fat-taker' k 11 ari.na 'to cut, butcher' (La Paz) 'a seed with a sharp point that catches on clothing' mun.i 'he wants' muna.na 'to want' (La Paz/ Tiahuan aco) 'piggy-back' g'ipi.na 'to carry on the back' (g'ipi also a noun root, 'bundle') (Calacoa)
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513 7-4. 13 Nonce reduplication 7-4.13. 1 Nouns Reduplication that repeats for emphasis is quite common. P"irsa, strength p 11 irsa, na.x k'ata.mp chich lp more ama:. t"a. want s 'Strength, strength, I want more chicha (for strength)!' (Sitajara) Calacoa has a verse to introduce riddles that contains two reduplications of this type frozen into a jingle. May may sa.mama. F Kun ku n s . i ta : ta ? F 'One, one I'll say to you.' 'What, what will you say to me?' The following is an example of a reduplicative number phrase. tunka tunka juspajara.mpi 'ten (times) ten thank you' (e. g., 'thank you very, very much') (Juli)
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514 Another common kind of reduplication is that in which the reduplicated noun root is suffixed with a complement/relational suffix or -ki nonfinal suffix. This kind of reduplication is common in all dialects, and phrases formed thereby are a subclass of head-head noun phrases that are not necessarily reduplicative (see my treatment of this in Hardman et al. 1975:3.375376). Examples: Interrogative: gawg 11 a.t gawg 11 a.t.s 'how many by how many?' (La Paz) Number: may.ni.t may.ni.t 'one by one' (La Paz, Calacoa) may.ni.r may.ni.r may.ni.r 'one by one by one' (Sitajara) Other nouns: jaya.t jaya.tak 'after a long time, over a long distance' (Campi) k"uska.t k"uska.r 'from everywhere' (de un canto) (Juli) k'ata.mpi k'ata.mpi 'little by little' (Juli) pachpa.t pachpa.t 'after a while' (Jopoqueri) ratu.t ratu.r 'from time to time' (Campi)
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515 7-4.13.2 Verbs A verb stem before inflection or nominalization may be reduplicated for emphasis. ar.ch 1 uk yell ar.ch 1 uk.iritan 3+3 RIK 1 he yelled and yelled' (Calacoa) jacha jacha.na tear >N 1 to have one's eyes brimming with tears, to be about to cry• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Kat.j kat.ja.puni.ya:.wa. 1 ! 1 11 catch you somehow! 1 (Sacca) catch 1+3 F katu katu.ja.x wallat.x -catch 1+3 t 11 aga.si search uma.nt.t• drink F t 11 aga.s.iritan 3+3 RIK uma.nt.t•a.ma 2+3 I 1 I 1 ll catch the lake bird' (Calacoa) 'she searched and searched' (Calacoa) 1 drink, drink 1 (Sita,jara) una look una.na >N 1 to look many times• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) A whole inflected verb may be reduplicated, as follows:
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516 amiku.ni.x.chi , amiku.ni.x.chi 1 they became good friends' friend NI (Huancane) jala.nta.n , jala.nta.n fly 3+3 F 'they will fly, they will fly' (Jopoqueri) A whole sentence may be reduplicated. Um lag.su.tay s.i , um lag.su.tay s.i. water drink 3+3 say 3 3 RIK S 'She drank the water, they say, she drank the water, they say.' 7-4. 13.3 Suffixes Reduplication of suffixes differs from that of roots in not usually resulting in emphasis or plurality. Verbalization or nominalization may recur on a stem, as in the case of the verbalizer -kabelow. The suffix -na possessive/locational also reduplicates. In order to reduplicate, these suffixes must be separated by nominalization, in this case with -iri. Juma.n.k.iri.n.k.i.wa. 2p >N -:3+3 s 'It's your spouse's (property). 1 (La Paz/Campi) The following occurred in Sacca but was not ac ceptable in La Paz:
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517 Uta.ja.n.ka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house. 1 ---RDK The La Paz equivalent has no reduplication. Uta.xa.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house. 1 RDK + The Sacca example recalls the verb kanka'to be' alleged by Bertonio and his imitators {see 8-2.23). Verbal derivational suffixes which may redupli cate are -sireciprocal/reflexive, ::.B:__ causative, the incompletive -ja~ -ka-, and the completive -xa-. {The incompletive and completive suffixes reduplicate only when separated by .:.Q.:_ plural). In all dialects the nonfinal independent suffix -ki may reduplicate for empha sis, as may .:.Qi nonfinal independent in Calacoa. The noun/independent -jama reduplicates also. The only other noun suffix that has reduplicated in this research is -lla diminutive. 7-4.2 Subordination Subordination is an important area of Aymara grammar. One kind of subordination occurs in the noun phrase {see my treatment of noun phrase formation in Hardman et al. 1975:3.363-379). Nouns may be subordinated
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518 as modifiers in noun phrases, which allow recursive embeddings of up to five nouns or nominalized forms, the head of the phrase constituting a sixth. Nouns within a noun phrase must be ordered. Example: k 11 a: jach'a wila punku.n tinta taypi.n that big red door store middle 'in the middle of that store with the big red door' Such extensive noun embedding occurs rather infrequently. The longest noun phrase to occur in a free text in this research is the following from La Paz/Campi: uka latinu. t that Latin anu.mp parl.ir d~_Jlk tata.x man 'that man who talked in Latin with a dog'
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519 The basic Aymara verb phrase consists of a verb with one or more complements or relationals. In the above example, latinu.t anu.mp parl.ir is a nominalized verb phrase, consisting of the verb parla'speak' with -ta and -mpi relationals, nominalized with -iri 'actor' (see 7-4. 21. l). The following examples are of verb phrases nomi nalized with the suffix -na (also see 7-4.21.2): ch I uq0 apa.na 'to bring potatoes' (zero complement) jum0 irpa.na 'to bring you' (zero complement) juma.r chura.na 'to give to you' (-ru complement) Lapasa.r sara.i'ia 'to go to La Paz' (-ru relational) naya.t may.t'a.i'ia 'to borrow from me' (-ta complement) awtu.t apa.na 'to take by car' (-ta relational) uma.mp wayu.ni.waya.na 'to bring water' (-mpi relational) juma.taki chura.rapi.na 'to give on your (-taki complement) behalf' Lapasa.n ut.ja.i'ia 'to live in La Paz' (-na relational) Nominalization is one kind of subordination in Aymara. An inflected verb may not be nominalized, but a nominalized verb may be reverbalized and then inflected. Nominalized
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520 verbs may take subjects, complements, or relationals. As we have seen, they may be embedded in noun phrases. Embedding in verb phrases involves nominalized forms serving as zero complements and is more limited than is embedding in noun phrases. Two kinds of nominalization may be distinguished in Aymara: regular and restricted. Regular nominaliza tion creates nominals which within certain syntactic and semantic limits may take any noun suffixes. Restricted nominalization creates nominals which have been found to take only the final noun suffixes -jama and -kama (the former a borderline independent), but they function syntactically like regular nominalized forms. 7-4.21 Regular nominalization I previously analyzed this process in detail (Hardman et al. 3:270-279). Some changes in analysis are contained in the present treatment. 7-4.21. l -iri This suffix has two functions. In the first it changes a verb to a (habitual) doer of the action of the verb. In the second it is a purposive. 6 7-4.21.11 -iri actor, usual doer of action In this function verbs nominalized with -iri take noun suffixes freely, enter freely into noun
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521 phrases, and may be complements of verbs. They may fill the paradigm slot for 3+3 Simple tense without verbaliza tion, as in Uma.nt. iri .w. 'They usually drink.' (Sitajara) 'They are drinkers.' Other examples: muru.s.iri 'hair-cutting godfather' (Socca) muru.na 'to cut hair' lik'i.ch.iri 'fat-maker' (Salinas) (cf. k"ari.s.iri) lik'i.cha.na 'to make fat' ach.ja.s.ir anu.x bite dog 'biting dog, dog that bites' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 7-4.21.12 -iri purposive In this syntactic function a verb nominalized with -iri does not usually take any noun suffixes except the borderline noun/independent suffix -jama. As pur posive -iri occurs on a verb subordinated syntactically to another verb. It translates as 'in order to, for the purpose of' and answers questions like the following: Kuna.ru.s } Kuna.taki.s why jut. ta / 2-+3 s 'Why did you come?'
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522 Aymar yati.q.iri.w jut.ta. learn s Other examples: 1 I came to learn Aymara. 1 (La Paz/Campi, Morocomarca; similar answers elsewhere) Luriya mis is.t'.ir sara.w.sna.y. heaven mass hear go 4+3 D-1 'We should go to hear mass in Heaven.• (luriya < Spanish gloria 'heaven') (Juli; story of fox and condor) Ma: imilla.s uwij awat.ir sar.iritan. go 3+3 RIK a girl sheep herd 'A girl went out to pasture her sheep.' (Calacoa) Um way. t. iri .w bring sara.nh. F 'I'm going to bring water.' (Sitajara) Sara. tayn jisk. t'. iri. 'He went to ask. 1 (Sacca) go ask RIK Iwij ala.s.ir.jama.w naya.x jala.ni.way.t.wa. sheep buy like lp run over s 1 I ran over to buy sheep, sort of.' (La Paz/Campi)
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523 In Salinas the following were given with the final suffix /-ru/, an allomorph of -iri on verbs ending in stem vowel /u/. ch'axch'u.ru 'in order to water, person who waters' t II ugu. ru I in order to dance, dancer 1 In all Aymara dialects a final verb root vowel /u/ over rides a following /i/ by regular morphophonemic rule, but it does not usually affect any subsequent /i/ as in this case; the word for 'dancer' in La Paz is t 11 ugu.ri. The rule in Salinas may reflect an earlier stage of vowel harmony in the language. 7-4.21.2 na vAll verb roots may take -na to form an infini tive (abstract noun of the action) which may or may not imply obligation. Most verb stems may also take -na. Examples of verb roots and stems nominalized with -na were given in 7-4.2. Some verb stems do not take -na if the stem does not take a human subject. The following examples show some semantic constraints operating in La Paz: apa.na 'to take' (human subject)
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524 * t ~ ap.s. a.na 'for a human being to cloud over' Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. 'It clouded over. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) cloud s Although *ap.s.ta.na is not grammatical, ap.s.t.i.w 'it clouded over' is, with an inanimate nonhuman subject. This recalls the behavior of verb themes created with the verbalizer -pta(see 5-3.42. 1). Some verb themes with-:verbalizer are similarly restricted in La Paz, e. g. lupi.:(from l!!..2_i 'sunlight'), because the nominalized form *lupi. :.na means 'for a person to become sunlight'. Whether these semantic constraints operate similarly in other dialects is not known at this time. Certain verb infinitives with -na may imply a nonhuman subject in one dialect but may permit a human subject in other dialects. An example is wawa.cha.na, which in La Paz means 'for animals to have offspring' while elsewhere it is not restricted to animals but may be used also for people. (See 8-2.25 for a fuller discussion of verb subject semantics.) Certain nominalizations with -na have derived meanings as concrete objects. Examples: iki.na 'to sleep; bed, blanket, bedding' (general) iya.na 'stone for grinding flour, etc. 1 (Juli) 'to grind' (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; possibly also Juli) iy.ta.na 'to grind' (Campi)
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525 jaka.na 'to live; life' (general) jiwa.na 'to die; death' (general) jist 1 a.na 'to close• (La Paz); 1 door 1 (Calacoa) jist'a.ra.na •to open a door' (La Paz) jist'a.nta.na 'to close• (Calacoa) sit 1 a.na 1 door 1 (Salinas) (for other variants, see 3-4.23.1) panta.na 'to err, make a mistake; error• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) picha.na 'to sweep; broom• (La Paz) sawu.iia 'to weave; weaving, loom• (sawu noun/verb root 'to weave, weaving') (general) uma.na 1 to drink 1 ( genera 1) 'drinking cup used at festivals' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Nouns ending in -na but having no corresponding verb are the following, which must therefore be analyzed as unitary roots: jaxt 1 ana kankana kirkina 1 ugly 1 (Sitajara; other variants, 3-5.24) 'essence, nature, being, power' (La Paz) (See 8-2.23; not to be confused with homopho nous nominalized verb kanka.na 1 to fry') 'plant for salad' (La Paz)
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526 liwk'afia 'hoe' (Salinas) simpafia 1 spider web' (all dialects) 7-4.21.21 -na abstraction of action Verb infinitives in citation form do not neces sarily imply an obligation. Many cases of -na nominaliza tions are nonobligatory when serving as zero complements of other verbs, especially if the verb nominalized with -na occurs without a personal possessive suffix and the final suffix -wa does not occur in the sentence. Verbs that frequently take -na zero complements are the following: ama:.na 'to want' (Sitajara) muna.na 'to want' (elsewhere) gallta.na 'to begin' (general) tuku.na 1 to finish' (general) yanapa.na 1 to help' (general) yati.na 'to know' (general) yati.nta.na 'to learn by oneself' (Calacoa) yati.ga.na 1 to learn from someone else' (Calacoa) 'to learn• (elsewhere)
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-na: 527 ati.na 1 to be able 1 (Jopoqueri, Corque, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) puyri.na 1 to be able 1 (elsewhere;< Spanish poder) Examples of nonobligatory zero complements with Kun.s what lura.n0 mun.ta? do want 2+3 Aymar parla.n0 speak s ama:.t 11 a. want 1+3 s 1 What do you want to do? 1 (all dialects except Sitajara) 1 I want to speak Aymara. 1 (Sitajara) Uk 11 ama. 11 so g 11 ana.k clear sara.naga.si.n0 yat.chi. go around know NI •so it's clear she must know how to live. 1 (Sitajara) Surki.ya.n0 yanap.t 1 .ita. 1 Help me make furrows.• (Calacoa) furrow help 2+1 I surki < Spanish surco 7-4.21.22 -na obligatory Most sentences with a main verb nominalized with -na are translated as obligatory, especially when suffixed with -wa absolute (final suffix). Such sen tences, which contain no inflection, translate as 1 it is necessary to•, 1 we/one must', or a passive construction.
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528 Examples: Yanap.xa.na.w. 'It is necessary to help.' (Huancane) Jira.na.wa. 'It is necessary to fertilize. 1 (Corque) With uma 'water' as zero com.plement: Um way.ta.na.wa. = 'To bring up water is necessary.' (Sitajara, La Paz/Compi) With uma 'water' as topic (or goal) of the action: Uma.x way.ta.na.wa. Uma.w way.ta.na.x. 'Water has to be brought up.' (La Paz/Compi)(e. g. 'Water is to bring up. 1 ) 'What has to be brought up is water.' (La Paz/Campi) Sentences like the last three above are to be distinguished from sentences consisting of a noun phrase made up of a modifier with its final vowel retained (unless the three-vowel rule applies) and a nominalized verb as head, e. g. Uma way.ta.na.wa. 'It's a place to bring up water from. 1 (i. e. a place to get water) (La Paz/ Campi)
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529 A human third person topic may occur in a sen tence with a -na nominalized verb. Usu.ri.x un.ja.na.wa. 'The sick person {~!s} to be cared for. 1 (La Paz/Campi) sick see 3p Apart from the above types of occurrences, which are believed to be general, several paradigms of -na obligatory may be cited. Some are more common in certain dialects than in others. A -na nominalized verb may be reverbalized and then inflected for all persons except 3+3. This para digm has occurred in La Paz and Jopoqueri. The follow ing are examples with 1+3 and 2+3 Simple tense inflec t i on s, from La Pa z / Comp i : (Naya.x) lp (Juma.x) 2p chura.na.:. t.wa. give 1+3 s chura.na.:.ta.wa. 2+3 s 'I have to give to X. 1 'You have to give to X. 1 A -na nominalized verb plus the possessor suffix -ni may also be verbalized and inflected, usually to express obligation, as in the following examples from La Paz (Campi and Tiahuanaco). The paradigm is restricted
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530 to 1+3, 2+3, and 4+3, with an uninflected unmarked form occurring instead of 3+3; the 4+3 form is uncommon and the paradigm as a whole is less common than the pre ceding one. Examples of 1+3 Sand the uninflected 3p form in this paradigm are Apa.na.ni.:. t.wa. 1 I have to carry. 1 carry l:;J s Apa.na.ni.wa. 'He/she/they has/have to carry.• A more common paradigm occurring in La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, and Calacoa has -na followed by one of the four personal possessive suffixes without verbalization or inflection. These forms act like inflected verbs but with a paradigm of only four persons. The third person complement is unmarked. The complete paradigm for La Paz is 1+3 (Naya.x) lp 2+3 (Juma.x) 2p 3+3 (Jupa.x) 3p chura.i'ia.xa.w. give rp chura.na.ma.w. 2p chura.na.pa.w. 3p 'I have to give to X. 1 'You have to give to X. 1 'He/she/they has/have to give to X. 1
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4+3 (Jiwasa.x) 4p 531 chura.na.sa.w. 4p 'We have to give to X. 1 When used in the above paradigm, the pronouns redundantly express subjects already expressed by the possessive suf fixes. However, a verb nominalized with -na plus a per sonal possessive suffix may also function as the head of a noun phrase modified by a noun plus the complement/ relational suffix -na possessive, as in the following examples from La Paz and Salinas: 1+3 (Naya.n) lp 1+3 2+3 3+3 (Naya.n) lp (Juma. n) 2p (Jupa. n) 3p chura.na.xa.w. give lp sara.na.na.w. go Tp sara.na.ma.w. 2p sara.na.pa.w. 3p 4+3 (Jiwasa.n) sara.na.sa.w. 4p 4p 'I have to give to X. 1 (La Paz) (My giving is obligatory. 1 ) 1 I had to go. 1 ( Sa 1 i nas) ('My going was obligatory.') 1 You had to go. 1 (Salinas) 'He (etc.) had to go. 1 (Salinas) 'We had to go.' (Salinas) An example of a possessive phrase of this type without a personal possessive suffix on the -na nomina lized verb is the following, which has an unusual
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532 reversed word order: Sar.xa.na.w na.n.xa. 'I have/had to go. 1 (Sitajara) go lp In Jopoqueri and Morocomarca and to some extent in La Paz, a -na nominalized verb plus personal possessive suffix may be reverbalized (with vowel length) and then inflected. Most often, inflections occur, the subject then being the obligation that is possessed. In Moroco marca and inflections also occurred. Examples, all with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense, are as follows: Sar.xa.n.nha.:.:n.wa. 1 I had to go. 1 ( Jopoqueri ) go lp >V RDK ('My going was necessary.') s.itu.wa. not yet come 2p -:f+3 say RDK S 111 You shouldn't have come yet, 11 he said to me. 1 (Jopoqueri) Jani.ra.raki.s not yet juta.na.ma.:.ka.:n.ti.xa. come 2p RDK 'You shouldn't have come yet. 1 (La Paz/Campi) Jani.ra.w juma.x not yet 2p sara.~a.ma.:.ka.:n.ti. RDK 'You shouldn't have gone yet. 1 (La Paz/Campi)
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533 Sara.na.ja.:.s.ka.:n.wa. 'I had to go. 1 (Calacoa) ('My going was necessary.') lp 3+3 RDK S ~ ~ t" ara.n.na.:.ya a. 'I had to go. 1 (Morocomarca) Juma 2p lp 1+3 RDK sara.n.ma.:.yata. 2p 2+3 RDK 'You had to go.' (Morocomarca) Note that in the second example given above for La Paz/Campi the subject 2p pronoun juma does not corre spond to the 3p subject of the verbal inflection, 3+3 RDK -:na. In the second example given for Morocomarca, on the other hand, the 2p pronoun juma does correspond to the 2p subject of the verb inflection, 2+3 RDK -yata. Another paradigm built on a possessive phrase acting as subject occurred in Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala. It was objected to by a speaker from La Paz/Compi as sounding translated from Spanish. It uses the verb ut.ja.na 'to exist' with 3+3 inflection, here the Simple tense -i. In Jopoqueri the pronoun is suffixed with -na; in Morocomarca and Calacala it is not, as in the case of La Paz/Campi mentioned above. Examples: Juma.n 2p sar.xa.n.ma.w go 2p ut.j.i. 3+3 s 'You have to go.' (Jopoqueri)
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534 (Naya) lp (Jupa) 3p sara.n.na ut.j.i. go lp sara.n.ma ut.j.i. -rp sara.n.pa ut.j.i. 3p 'I have to go.' (Morocomarca) 'You have to go. 1 (Morocomarca) 'He/she/they has/have to go. 1 (Morocomarca) (Jiwasa) *sara.n.sa ut.j.i. 'We have to go.' (not elicited) 4p An example that occurred in a sentence was Juma kumpli.n.ma ut.j.i. 'You must comply.' (Calacala) comply 2p 7-4.21.23 -na.taki subordination The combination -na plus -taki complement/ relational 'for' may be used as a purposive subordinate with a less narrow focus than -iri. However, verbs nominalized with -na often take -taki as any other noun might, without subordination to another verb. Liwru.x kuna.taki.sa? 'What is the book for?' book what Liwru.x liyi.na.taki.w. 'The book is for reading. 1 (La Paz) read
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535 Such sentences are parallel to the following: Aka.x k 11 iti.taki.sa? 1 Who is this for? 1 this who Uka.x juma.taki.w. 1 That is for you. 1 (La Paz) that 2p -na.taki occurs in all dialects. -n.taki occurred in Huancan~ by the three-vowel morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.16). In Jopoqueri -n.taki occurred in free texts and in one sentence translated from Spanish. Data are insufficient at present to determine the sig nificance of the vowel drop in Jopoqueri. A distinction of subordinating (purposive) and nonsubordinating func tions may be involved. Examples: K 11 iti who ut.j.i.t s sara.n.taki ? 1 Is there someone to go? 1 (Jopoqueri) go --Yati.ga.na.taki.w jut.ta. 1 earn 1-+3 s 1 I 1 ve come in order to learn. 1 (Jopoqueri) The second example above is clearly a purposive subordi nated to the verb jut.ta 1 I 1 ve come•. Other examples from other dialects:
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536 Aka yapu.t trawaji.na.tay, yapu.nak trawaji.na.tay, field work uka.x ... chicha.xa lura.na.w, chicha.x piwuna.tay. make 'Chicha has to be made, chicha for the workers, to work this field, to work the fields. 1 (Sitajara) Uka.pacha.ki.w p"alt.tma aymar yati.ga.n.ma.taki. that lack 3+2 learn s 'Only a little is lacking to you, for learning Aymara.' (Morocomarca) 7-4.21.3 -vta realized action, resultant This suffix requires a preceding vowel and keeps its own vowel except before consonant-requiring suffixes or when zero complement vowel drop occurs. Unlike -ta complement/relational suffix 'from, of 1 , it does not have an aspirated allomorph in any dialect so far encountered. It is distinguished from all other homopho nous suffixes by morphophonemics as well as by distribu tion and function. Like all nouns, -ta nominalized forms may occur in the Simple tense slot. Uwija.x wali sisa.ra.ta.w. sheep sate 'The sheep were well sated (had eaten their fill).' (Sitajara)
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537 Ima.nta.ta.w. 'He/she/it/they is/are hidden. 1 (Juli) The two examples above translate in English with past participles or passives. Not all -ta nominalizations necessarily do. Qamagi.w sar.k.xa.t fox go s.i.w. 3+3 s Wawa.naka.na.x mag'a.ta.wa. 8 children eat 'The fox was gone for good, they say. 1 (Huancan~) 'My children have {been fed. 1 eaten. 1 (Salinas) Q 11 ana t 1 ant 1 a.x mang'a.ta.w. 'Clearly, the bread has been clear bread eat eaten. 1 (La Paz/Compi) As indicated in 6-3.35.2, synchronically unitary allo morphs of 3+3 RIK, all of which contain the partial /-ta-/, may be analyzed as derived from -ta nominalizer plus verbalization and either 3+3 Sor 3+3 RDK inflec tion. Synchronically -ta nominalizations may be rever balized with-:as in the following examples from Huancan~: kumpa.na.ta.:.p.x.i 'they went around together' 3+3 S < Spanish acompanar 'to accompany' Yati.ta.:.p.xa.tayna.w. 'They really came to know each other.' know 3+3 RIK
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538 Other examples of reverbalizations: ampara. t kat. t 11 api. ta. : . na hand/arm grab 1 to be grabbed by the hand' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) I t ~ mang a.ga. a.:.na eat 1 to have one's food taken away' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Tuk'a.pta.ta.raki.:.:n.wa. 1 He was thin.' (Salinas) thin >V 3+3 RDK Jayp 1 u.:.ta.x.t.wa. 'I'm getting old. 1 (Sacca) evening 1+3 s As in the case of -na nominalizations, personal possessive suffixes often occur after -ta. Jupa.x } Jupa.n 3p Qawg 11 a.ti how much 9 sar.xa.ta.pa.w. 3p gawg 11 .ch 1 a.ti aka kwint.t'a.p.xa.mama. this tell 1+2 F 1 It looks like he left.' (La Paz/Campi) yati. ta.j know 1 p 'However much I know, this I will tell you.' (Huancan~)
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539 Muna.t.nha.x love lp ch 1 aq 11 i .w. lose 3+3 s 'What I loved got lost. 1 (Jopoqueri) A paradigm on the verb jaqu.rpa:.na 'to throw away' was elicited in Jopoqueri on the basis of a form that occurred in conversation in Sitajara: jagu.rpa:.t.pa.t 'after his throwing away, after he threw it away', which has the personal possessive 3p followed by -ta comple ment/relational, here meaning 'after'. This was the only instance for Sitajara of a personal possessive preceded by a consonant instead of a vowel and probably is a vestige of an earlier morphophonemic rule like that now operating regularly in Morocomarca and sporadically in Jopoqueri (see 5-3.24). The Jopoqueri paradigm based on the Sitajara form is the following: jagu.rpa:.t.nha 'what I threw out' lp jaqu.rpa:.t.ma 'what you threw out' 2p (e. g. a former girl friend) jagu.rpa:.t.pa 'what he/she/they threw out' -rp jagu.rpa:.t.sa 'what we threw out' 4p
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540 The following examples are of -ta nominalizations without possessives. They translate as subordinate verb clauses. < Iyaw > sa. ta.w sara. tayn yes say go 3+3 RIK s.i.w. 3+3 s "'Yes, 11 said, she went on her way, they say. ' (Juli) ('Agreeing, she went on her way.') Manq'a.t awt.ja.ta.w manq'a.si.tayn. food hunger eat 3+3 RIK 'Of food hungered, he ate. 1 (La Paz/Compi) ('As he was hungry, he ate.') Aka jallu gall.ta.ta, this rain begin jich"a primir ti akustu.t now first of August sata.si.p.x.t. aka yapu.nak.s plant 1+3 fields s 'The rain (having) started, now on the first of August we pl anted these fields. 1 ( Corque) It is difficult for a person who is not a native speaker of Aymara to distinguish Calacala forms such as ma.n[d]a.ta.w 'entered', with -ta nominalizer, from the almost homophonous 3+3 RIK ma.n[d]a.taw(i) 1 (he) entered' if the final /i/ of the latter is dropped or devoiced.
PAGE 558
541 The following example as it stands is ambiguous, although a native speaker would probably hear a devoiced /a/ or /i/ and therefore would know which is occurring. Llawi.n.[d]a.t ma.n[d]a. { ta.w(a)} taw( i) 3+3 RIK , s. i.w. say 3+3 s { he was gone in,} '(The door) locked they say.' (Calacala) he went in, ('(The sexton) having locked him in, (the priest) went in (to the bedroom).') The following sentence from a folk tale told by a Jopoqueri source has subordinated verbs nominalized with -iri purposive, -na.taki purposive, and -ta resultant: Tatala.p irp.t'.ir sara.ta.:.ni.n.pa.taki.x father 3p get go 3p wawa.nak.x yapi.n[d]a.ta.w children tie up wawa.lla.naka.x sa.tayn. children treat give 2+1 say 3+3 I RIK 'While she went to get their father, (leaving) the children tied up, the children said (to the ostrich), "Give us a treat".'
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542 (Through a slip of the tongue, the storyteller said 'leaving the children tied up', when actually it was the ostrich that had been left tied.) 7-4.21.4 wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi v--------'place or occasion of action' -•f!> No examples of this suffix occurred in free texts in this research, showing it is not very productive today. A check with V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) of forms with this suffix given by Bertonio (1603b) resulted in sub stitution of +-wi by -ta nominalizer in most instances. In contemporary La Paz/Tiahuanaco Aymara some forms occur with -wi, others with -:wi. Only one instance of -awi was found. The following are all from La Paz/ Tiahuanaco: yura.wi 'place of birth' yuri.na 'to be born' yati.wi 'news' yati.na 'to know' yati.ga.wi 'place where one learns' yati.ga.na 'to learn' iki.:wi 'bedroom' iki.na 'to sleep, bed' jay.cha.si.wi 'past quarrel' jay.cha.si.na 'to quarrel' sata.wi 'time to plant' sata.na 'to plant' tanta.cha.wi 'meeting, gathering' tanta.cha.na 'to gather' jiwa.wi 'death' jiwa.na 'to die, death'
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543 Llaki.s.ka.wi.w sar.nag.i. worry go s 'He's always going around worried.' The following from La Paz/Campi show the closeness of meaning o~ -ta and -wi nominalizers. Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. 'What you taught me I teach will teach him.' F Yati.cha.wi.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. 'Your teaching I will teach to him.' 7-4.22 Restricted nominalization The restricted nominalizing suffixes are -sa, -sina ~ -sina:n ~ -sana ~ -sna, and -ipana. 7-4.22. l sa and sina (and variants) vv-Distribution of these suffixes will be discussed first, and afterwards their functions and semantics. In Juli and Sacca -sa is rarely used except with sa.na 'to say' in embedding (see 7-4.4). In all dialects -sa is more used than -sina (and variants) in sa.na embedding. The allomorph /-sina:n/ occurred only once, in a text from Achocalla, just outside the city of La Paz; it is recognized by Yapita (La Paz/Campi) as a variant used in some areas. The allomorph /-sina/ also occurs
PAGE 561
544 in Achocalla and in all other dialects investigated except Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala, which have /-sana/. Both /-sina/ and /-sna/ are used in Juli, Sacca, and parts of La Paz, apparently interchangeably. Of the older sources, Bertonio (1603b) reported both +-sa and +-sina. LaBarre (1950) cited both also, but the former more often than the latter. Tschopik (1948) sources evidently used +-sa rarely, with greater use of +/-sna/ and +/-sina/, especially the former. Two texts obtained in most dialects illustrate variation in occurrences of -sa and ~sina (and variants of the latter). The first is a saying about reporting on the basis of personal knowledge (seeing with one's own eyes), which was obtained in all Aymara dialects except Calacoa and Sitajara. The version obtained in Sacca, which has /-sna/, is given below. (Other ver sions may be found in Appendix D.) Un.ja.sn.wa see see 1+3 s sa.na.xa. say Jan un.ja.sn.xa no see jani.w no see sa.na.ti. say 'Having seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having seen, one must not say "I have seen".' The following is a breakdown of incidence of -sa and
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545 -sina (and variants) in this saying by the dialect areas where it was obtained: -sa (La Paz, Salinas) /-sina/ (Juli, Huancane) /-sna/ (Sacca) /-sana/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) In all versions the main verb is sa.na, usually in the obligatory form sa.na.wa, and the subordinate verb is un.ja.na ~ in.ja.na 1 to see•. The second text is a riddle about a spindle, which was obtained everywhere except in Sitajara, Sacca, and Huancane. Most dialects have -sa in this riddle, as in the following version from Salinas. (Other ver sions may be found in Appendix D.) Ma: tawagu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.s wal a young woman turn well Uka kuna.sa? Uka.pi.y gapu.w. that what that spindle I •t g l .X.l. expand 3+3 s 1 A young woman turning, turning gets pregnant. 1 What is that? That is a spindle. 1
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546 Juli and La Paz use the same subordinate verb as that used here, muy.ka.na; others are t 11 ugu.na or t 11 ug.ta.na 'to dance, leap' (La Paz) and tan.ja.na 'to run• (Jopo queri). The following is the breakdown of incidence of the suffixes in this riddle, by dialect: -sa (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) /-sina/ (Juli, Calacoa) Juli and Calacoa have the main verb usu.ri. :.na 'to be ill 1 (euphemism for 'to be pregnant') with different subordinate verbs. The versions with -sa have one of the following variants of 'to get pregnant, expand': q 1 ita.na (Salinas and Jopoqueri), g'inta.na (Salinas), q'ipta.na (Juli), and g 11 ipta.na (La Paz). It seems that where La Paz dialects would use -sa or /-sina/, Juli and Socca would use either /-sina/ or /-sna/, except that those dialects do use -sa with sa.na, as noted above. Use of both /-sna/ and /-sina/ in one sentence in a folk tale is the following from Juli. May t 11 ugu.ka.ni.sn once jump kasara.s.ir.n marry punku. pa. ru door 3p may say.ta.sin once stand up kasara.s.iri.r, ara padrinu.r, marry godfather (continued)
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547 tagi iw.x.iri.nak pug.pach ch 11 uxa.ni.wa.sin all advise full urinate t ll t •t ug.s. a.n1.w.x.1r1 ayn. escape 3+3 RIK 'All at once giving a jump, standing up at the door of the married couple, urinating all over them, the godparents, and the advisors (other wedding guests), he escaped. 1 This heavily subordinated sentence closes the story of a skunk-turned-man who attends and ultimately disrupts a wedding. As for function and semantics, -sina is some times used when the subjects of the main and subordinate verb are different, in parts of La Paz (for example Achocalla) where the use of -ipana (7-4.22.2) is rare. Dialects having -ipana use -ipana when the subjects are different, and use -sa and -sina (or variants of the latter) when the subjects are the same. Some writers have claimed that -sa indicates an action simultaneous with the action of the main verb, while -sina indicates an action occurring before the action of the main verb. This claim is not supported by evidence obtained in this study. Numerous examples obtained in free texts undermine any argument for a simul taneous/nonsimultaneous distinction (or any other con sistent distinction) between -sa and -sina, as will be seen below.
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548 A speaker from Morocomarca accepted the first of the following pair, with /-sana/, but rejected the second, with -sa. Jamach'i bird ap.ta.si.sana, pick up sar.x.i.wa. go 1+3 s 'Picking up the birds, he left.' (Morocomarca) *Jamach'i ap.ta.si.sa , sar.x.i.wa. The reason for rejection of /-sa/ in this context is probably semantic, but is yet to be determined with certainty. The role of the final suffix -wa must be taken into account in determining the factors condi tioning acceptability. In Campi and Tiahuanaco it appears that -sa implies more personal knowledge of the subordinated topic than does -sina (Hardman et al. 1975:3.234-235). On the basis of present evidence this distinction cannot be confirmed for Aymara as a whole. Both -sa and -sina {and variants) may take -wa absolute sentence suffix, and like -sina, -sa may occur with the Remote Indirect Knowledge tense in stories. Examples: Uka.t tiwula.xa wayna.ru then fox youth tuk.t'a.sa.w jik.xata.tayna. turn meet 3+3 RIK 'Then a fox who had turned into a young man met her.' (La Paz/Compi)
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549 Q l . t t k . . t 11 t I amag1.xa wa 1 con en o, us1.:.s1.sa, ug. a.s,.sa , fox very contented feel happy dance muyu.si.sa turn ispiritu.x galla.si.sin.x spirits carry ma: jach'a taki.ru a big road katu.n[d]a.sina. take sar.x.i go 3-+3 s 'The fox, very content, feeling happy, dancing, turning, went away carrying the spirits {birds), taking a main road.' (Salinas) The suffix -sina does occur in personal knowledge accounts. An example of /-sina/ in discussion of one's childhood (a context where personal knowledge forms would be expected) is the following, in which it is used with two subjects: Uka.n jila.wa:.sin.xa propietario na.ru.x there grow owner lp intirisi.way.x.itu.x. interest 'There, where I had grown up, the owner began to take an interest in me. 1 (Achocalla) An example of /-sina/ with the sentence suffix -wa is the following from Huancan~:
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550 Iklisa.t church jich 11 a.x now mistu.w.sina.w father 2p 'Now coming out of the church, "Where will the father arrive, your father will arrive, 11 they said.' ('Coming out of the church, they asked him when his father would arrive.') An example of /-sna/ with -wa sentence suffix occurred in the Socca version of the saying about seeing with one's own eyes. The same Socca source used /-sna/ in an account of his younger days. On the basis of the inconclusive evidence here adduced, it appears that the distinction, if any, between -sa and -sina is now becoming blurred. Either suffix may serve to indicate simultaneous or previous action, subject to certain semantic restrictions inherent in verb roots and stems. Either may indicate personal or nonpersonal knowledge. Semantic restrictions governing the use of the suffixes may be shared by several dia lects or may be dialect-specific. Further study is needed to establish the facts about the two suffixes.
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551 7-4.22.2 -ipana and variants As noted above, this suffix is used when the sub jects of the main verb and of the subordinate verb are different. Time is not the significant factor, as the -ipana subordinated action may take place before, during, or after the action of the main verb. This suffix is used only infrequently in certain dialects, especially those of La Paz. In Jaqaru there exists a cognate subordinating paradigm of 11 persons, with two separate suffixes for 3+3, one used when the subjects of the main and subordinate verb are the same and one when they are different. In the Jaqaru paradigm -ipana occupies the 3+3 slot for different subjects (Hardman 1966). Only one Aymara dialect, Morocomarca, has been found to have a productive use of more than -ipana, and that dialect has a paradigm of only four persons: 1+3, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3. Although no attempt was made to elicit the paradigm in Calacala, it probably occurs there also; the -ipana form occurred more often in Calacala texts than in any others. In Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Huancan~ only 3+3 -ipana occurred spontaneously in translations of Spanish elicitation sentences and in free texts, but forms for 1+3, 2+3, and 4+3 were acceptable there.
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552 The paradigm was also reported by Bertonio, but he noted that only the first person +-ijana, second + . d th. d + . . 1 person -1mana, an 1r person -1pana were 1n genera use, the form +-isana (which we call fourth person) being very rare in the province of Chucuito and +-ipana being used more often for all persons (Bertonio 1603b:37). Attempts to elicit the paradigm in dialects lack ing it, using sentences translated from or similar to Jaqaru sentences cited by Hardman (1966) or based on examples given by Bertonio (1603b), resulted in Aymara sentences with a variety of tenses or nominalized forms. The following sentence was inspired by an example cited by Bertonio (1603b:234) which had +_ijana on the subor dinated verb: Mang'a.na.x.kama.x Pedru.r awisa.ni.rap.ita. eat lp notify 2+3 I 'While I'm eating, {you) notify Pedro for me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Examples of forms elicited for each of the four persons in the paradigm are given below. In dialects having the forms, variations follow those found in per sonal possessive suffixes. -ipana is treated last as more can be said about it in view of its greater general ity and more frequent occurrence.
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553 1+3 /-ijana/ (accepted in Huancan~; also cited in Bertonio 1603b) /-inana/ (Morocomarca; accepted in Salinas, but Future, 0-1, or 0-2 tenses preferred there) /-inhana/ (Jopoqueri) Examples: Naya jan jut 11 a.n.inana jiwa.ya.si.spana. lp no come kill 3+3 0-1 1 If I don't come he may kill himself. 1 (Morocomarca) ~lO jayt.inan jiw.xa.spa.wa. lp leave-die 3+3 0-1 1 If I leave him he may die. 1 (Salinas) jayt.inhan.xa 1 p 1 eave jiw.x. iriji .w. 3+3 0-1 1 If I leave him he may die. 1 (Jopoqueri) 2+3 -imana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, Salinas; acceptable in Huancan~; also Bertonio 1603b) Examples: Juma jan jut 11 a.n.imana no come jiwa.ya.si.:.wa. ki 11 1+3 F 1 If you don't come I'll kill myself. 1 (Morocomarca)
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554 jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas) die 3+3 D-1 Jum jayt.iman.xa jiw.x. iriji .w. (Jopoqueri) die 3+3 D-1 'If you leave him he may die.' 4+3 -isana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri; accepted in Salinas and Huancane; also cited in Bertonio 1603b) Examples: Jiwasa jan jut 11 a.n.isana jup 11 a 3p jiwa.ya.si.spana. 4p no come kill 3+3 D-1 1 If we don't come he may kill himself. 1 (Morocomarca) jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas) die 3+3 D-1 Jiwas jayt.isan.xa jiw.x. iriji .w. die 3+3 D-1 (Jopoqueri) 'If we leave him he may die.' 3+3 /-i:pana/ (Salinas; some speakers have -ipana) /-ipuna/ (Calacala) [-ieuna] /-ipana/ /-ipna/ (elsewhere, including Calacala; also cited in Bertonio 1603b and Ebbing 1965} (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; occurred only frozen to sa.na 'to say' as s.ipna)
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555 The following examples are all from free texts: Sar.i:pan.kama.t go chikutillu.x jagu.x.ta.n.i.x. whip whip 3+3 s 'When they had left ... the whip flailed (the others)' (Salinas) Q'urawa.ru slingshot ucha.nta.sana g'uraw.t'a.tayna set sling 3+3 RIK jach'a gullu.ru k 11 un.j.ipan.xa. bit mountain snow -uka 'Having set the slingshot, he hurled it at that big mountain where it had snowed heavily.' (Jopoqueri) Uka.t pur.i[s]un k 11 ita.n[d]a.:t. then arrive send 2+3 F 'Then when (the day) arrives, you will send her.' (Calacala) Jan mam.it ut.j.ipan un.s.ta.n.s.ta. no mother be appear NI 2+3 s 'Since there was no mother (no one to treat us like a mother) you appeared.' (Juli) Jan sar.x.ipan jani.w sar.k.t.ti. no go -no go 1+3 s 'Since he didn't go, I didn't go.' (La Paz/Campi)
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556 Kims t'uq.t.ipana.w ap.su.wja.tan three burst take out 4+3 F 'When they burst three times, we'll take them out.• (Calacoa) Qamaqi.x t"uqu. ritayn fox dance 3+3 each RIK p 11 all. ipan. each explod_e_ I t t p u . J. . 1 pan , pop 'The fox danced around each time one popped, each time one exploded. 1 (Sacca) (Examples on the verb sa.na 'to say' are given in 7-4.4.) /-ipana/ occurs relatively infrequently on ver balized nouns. In La Paz, verbalization with..:...:...::. fol lowed by /-ipana/ means 'thanks to', unless -layku 'on account of' is also on the stem, in which case verbaliza tion plus /-ipana/ means 'due to', sometimes with a connotation of blame. The vowel length goes on the /i/ of /-ipana/. The following examples are from La Paz/ Tiahuanaco, inspired by some similar ones by Ebbing (1965). K 11 it.i:pan.s who jiwasa.x 4p aymar qillga.n yati.g.tan? write learn 4+3 s 'Thanks to whom have we learned to write Aymara?'
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557 Tuktura Hardman.i:pan(w) jiwasa.x aymar qillga.n doctor yati.q.tan. 'Thanks to Dr. Hardman we have learned to write Aymara.' The following is from La Paz/Compi: K 11 iti.layku.:pan.s jut.ta. 'On whose account did you come?' come 2+3 s 7-4.23 Subordination with final suffixes 7-4.23.l -sa 11 This suffix may be used to link sentences as well as parts of sentences. It also occurs on inter rogatives {see 5-2.1) and on jani negative {7-4.52). In the following examples -sa usually translates as Ii f I : karta.ni.:.ta:t.sa 1+3 RIK 'if I had received a letter' {Tarata, near Sitajara) Jut.ka.sapan.s jani.pini.w come 3+3 = no qatuq.k.iriska:t.ti. receive 1+3 D-2 D-2 'If he had come I wouldn't have received him.' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
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558 7-4.23.2 -xa topic/attenuator This suffix often acts like a subordinator of verbs in La Paz (Hardman et al. 1975:3.453). Other dialects, such as Sitajara, Salinas, Calacala, and Jopo queri, more frequently use other types of subordination. The following examples all occurred with different sub jects for the main and subordinate verbs. In most cases the tense of the main and the subordinate verb is the same. (No examples of/-:/ allomorph of -xa topic/attenuator or of -ka final suffix occurred as subordinators.) Pug.u.xa al.ja.si.p.k.t 11 a naya.x. produce sell 1+3 lp s 'If it produces, we sell. 1 (Calacala) p 11 all a. ni. xa juma. xa wal i t 11 ugu .wa.: ta. x. each burst 3+3 2p well dance 2+3 F F 'Each time one bursts, you will dance a lot.' (Sacca) Juma.x tij.itasma.x 2p leave 2+1 D-1 g'awa.ru ravine jala.nta.s.k.irista. throw into 1+3 D-1 'If you were to leave me, I'd throw myself into a ravine.• (San Andr~s de Machaca)
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559 Sapa.:.s.k.irist.x wiyaja.s.k.irist.w. alone 1+3 travel 1+3 / I ,,,. " 0-1 D-1 1 If I were single, I'd travel.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Q 11 a n tat i. tayi. X 9 11 ipa.n tul.tayi.x wal dawn 3+3 after very RIK ~ tll una.nuga.s1.wa.x. a. look 1+2 s 'At dawn, from then on, I tried hard to see.' {Sitajara) 7-4.23.3 -ti.xa and -ti.ya These combinations occur on interrogatives (see 7-4.24), demonstratives, and verbs. -ti.xa is more frequent than -ti.ya; in fact, no examples of -ti.ya occurred in the data for this study, although it did occur in data from La Paz used by Hardman et al. {1975). -ti.xa has occasionally occurred as subordinator without a following uka summarizer in the sentence (see 7-4.24 and 7-4.3), but only in the speech of persons associated with missionary groups. Examples:
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560 masi.ja.mpi.x kasara.ya.k.s.t.ti.X> sa.sa.w sa.tayna.x. marry 1+3-say 3-+3 S RIK 111 To a really rich man I'll marry my child, not to just anyone, not to a poor man, (not) to a poor person from my own town like (the one) I married 11 saying, he said.' (Huancan~; said by a Seventh Day Adventist) Kat.ja.:.ti.xa wal catch 1-+3 uk.x tuku.si.ya.:.x war.ir.pun finish 1+3 cry F F tuku. si .ya.: .x. 'When I catch her I'll kill her, (she) crying I'll finish her.• (Sacca) 7-4.24 Interrogative as indefinite (translating as relative) Interrogatives serving as indefinites usually occur with -ti.xa, but may instead occur with -sa indefi nite or -xa attenuator, and it is the final suffixes rather than the interrogatives that perform the subordi nation. Interrogatives translating as relatives are often followed by uka resumator. Examples: Kun. s what kuynt.t 1 a.wa.rak.sma.xa nayra timpu.x tell 2-+3 old time s s. i. wa. 3-+3 s 'What I am telling you was told in olden times. 1 (Juli)
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561 Kuna p 11 utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak what photos come out those apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. send 2-+l F 'Whatever photos come out, those please send to me.' (Corque) Qawg.ch'a.kama.ti.x sar.ka.:ta uk sara.s.ka.k.ma. how go 2-+3 go I 'However far you will go, keep on going there.' (Juli) (advice to keep on working hard toward a goal) Na.naka.xa lp gillga.ni.p.xa.mama.w Istarus Uniru.ru write 1-+2 United States kawki.n.k.ka.:ta.ti.x , uka.ru. where 2-+3 tfiere F 'We will write to you in the United States, wherever you may be, there.' (Juli) K 11 iti.ti.x lura.wi chur.k.tam.xa uka.raki.x who work give 3-+2 that s pallja. tpa. pay 3-+2 D-1 'Whoever gives you work, he should also pay you. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, inspired by sentence in Bertonio l603b:l58)
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562 Persons educated or influenced by missionaries use more interrogatives as relatives than do other Aymara speakers. In missionary usage uka is often left out. Examples are given in 9-5. 7-4.3 uka linker and summarizer The demonstratives uka 'that' and (to a lesser extent) aka 'this' are used as sentence linkers and summarizers throughout the Aymara-speaking world. uka is by far the most frequent linker and summarizer in all types of discourse. 12 A folk tale about a lake bird (wallata) and a fox, told in Sacca, contains a total of 36 instances of uka and derived forms built on it and two instances of ak 11 ama 'like this'. A folk tale told in Huancane about a fox-turned-man who marries a rich girl contains 56 instances of uka and derived forms. While a controlled statistical study has yet to be made, it appears that the most common forms are uka.ta 'then' as linker and uk 11 ama 'like that, so, thus' as both 1 inker and summarizer. linker: Examples of uka as sentence Uka.t ma: qamaqi.xa sara.tayn jisk.t'.iri. then a fox go 3~3 ask RIK 'Then a fox went to ask. 1 {Sacca)
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563 Uka.n wawa.pa.r nutifika.sitayn s.i.w. then child order 3+3 say RIK 1 Then he gave his chi 1 d an order, they say. 1 (Huancan~) Uka.r jani.y jig 11 a.ta.:.n muna.tayna.t no meet want 3+3 RIK s.i.w. say 'At that he didn't want to meet him, they say.' (Huancan~) Examples of uka as linker and summarizer: Uka.ru.sti kun ma: urnu.ru uka.x p"ich.kata.:t then a oven tl'ia"'c" stoke fire 2+3 wawa.nakct.m.x children uka.ru suma ana.nta.:t.x ,n that well put 2+3 gallu.nak sa.s. children say F F uk 11 ama.k.x 1 i ke that "'Then in an oven, (in) there, you will build up a fire, your children in that you will carefully put, just like that, your little ones, 11 saying.' (Sacca) Many of the other examples in this chapter con tain instances of uka summarizer and its derived forms. Examples as subject, zero complement, and -ru relational are found in 7-4.24. Hardman et al. (1975:3.454-455) gave other example~ showing greater depth of embedding.
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564 7-4.4 sa.i'la embedding The verb sa.i'ia 'to say• {see 6-4) is used in all dialects as a reportive, to embed direct quotes. 7-4.41 sa.na with Simple tense The simplest use of sa.na as embedder is the verb with 3+3 Simple tense, s.i, often suffixed with -wa absolute, as in the following: Jaya timpu.xa inka.xa tagi.ru.wa mant.iri.:n far time Inca all order 3+3 RDK s.i.w. 3+3 s 'Long ago, the Inca ruled over everything, they say.' {Jopoqueri) What occurs before s.i.w in the above example is a complete sentence, with -wa absolute on tagi.ru and with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense on the verb. Without the addition of s.i.wa the sentence would imply that the speaker had personal experience on which to base his statement. Adding s . i . wa indicates that the speaker is reporting information received at second hand.
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565 7-4.42 sa.na with Imperative tense The 2+3 Imperative on sa.na, sa.m(a) 'tell him/her/them', is considered rude when said alone but it may occur to embed another Imperative verb. Examples: sa.ma. give 2+i 1 Tell him "Give me". 1 ('Tell him to give you ... 1 ) (Huancan~) I A more complex embedding of sa.na with the Imperative is the following: Tiyu Juwana.x ak 11 am s.i.w uncle Juan thus 3-+3 < sa.m ) s. i.w. come 3+3 2+3 3+3 s I I S 'Uncle Juan thus said, '"Let him/her come', say, 11 he said.' ('Uncle Juan wants you to come. 1 ) (La Paz/Campi) This last example is a reduced form of a longer sentence with four embeddings of sa.na. Tiyu Juwana.x ak"am s.i.w 3-+3 s ~Jut.pan) ~23 3-->-3 3 1 I s. itu.wa ") 3+1 Y s sa. m"' s. i . wa. 3+3 I S
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566 Such extensive embedding of quotes is quite impossible in English. The sentence may be intelligibly rendered as 'Uncle Juan told me to tell you that he would like you to come', or more briefly, as in the reduced version given first above, 'Uncle Juan wants you to come'. 7-4.43 sa.na with subordinators -sa and -sina (or variants) As we have just seen, when an actual quote is embedded in Aymara a translation that does not use a direct quote may best convey the meaning of the sentence. This is also true of the following, in which sa.na occurs once inflected and once with -sa subordinator. Na.x sa. rak. sma.sa.y (apa. ni .w.ja.m) sa. sa.y. lp 1+2 bring 2+3 S I 'I already said to you, "Bring it", sa in . ('I already told you to bring it.') Calacoa) In the following example the 3p subject of the embedded quote is identical with the addressee. Nay a. x ( Juwana. w nay a. r t' ant' lp 3p lp bread sa.sa.w s.ist Ana Mariya.ru. 1+3 s chur. itani) give 3+1 F 'I "Juana will give me bread" sayi}g said to Ana Marfa.' ('I told Ana Marfa that you (Juana would give me bread.'J (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
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567 The above type of embedding is very common, but when the addressee is also the subject of the embedded quote a different structure may be used, according to Yapita (La Paz/Compi). In this structure the 2p pronoun re places the 3p subject of the quote, but remains outside the quote. Naya.x lp juma.w 2p give 3+1 F sa.sa.w 1 I (speaking of) i'.Q!!_ "She will give me bread" saying said to Ana Marfa.' {'I told Ana Marfa that you would give me bread.') The example above is evidence of what Hardman calls overmarking of the second person in Aymara, a phenomenon tied to the operation of the four-person system (see 8-2.1). Examples of sa.na embedding in longer sentences are the following, with -sa or -sina subordination and with the use of sa.na as obligatory. The first example comes from a comment on why fiestas often degenerate into fights, from a source in Juli. The second is from a description of the end of the fiesta of San Juan in Sitajara.
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568 Uragi.nak.xa.t ch'axwa.p.x.t.x uragi.naka.mp uka.n 1 and argue 1 and that jala.nta.ya.si.p.x.t, na.x no s -=rpland-owner s uragi.ni.:.ta.ti ?> land-owner s sa.s . =--= 'We argue over land (ownership), with land we get into (arguments), I 11 Do you own land? 11 11 No. 11 11 But I dor 11 saying . . . ('We argue over land ownership, each belittling the other's holdings and bragging about his own.') Ya: so dismiss 2+1 I yasta sa.sin uka.t uka.x sa.na.ray. drive down I I 'So, "We're getting ready to leave, ready now, dismiss us, 11 so saying then that 11 Drive (the animals) up, drive them down," has to be said also. 1 ('So, they announce their departure and ask permission to leave, and then the order must be given to drive the animals back up or down (wherever they came from). 1 ) These translations are tentative, in view of my unfamili arity with the events described and the somewhat tele graphic nature of the description, at least to someone
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569 unfamiliar with their cultural setting. (Translation of grammatical structures without a knowledge of the cultural meaning of the events described is hazardous at best.) The following example has /-sina:n/ allomorph of -sina: Asint uta.pa.n.s jani.raki.w jayta.n.s hacienda house no leave mun.ka.rak.itu.ti , sa.sina:n 2+3 I uka.nka.si.s.ka.m, stay there 2+3 I 1 The hacienda house he did not want to leave to me, 11 You will stay there, caretake it for me 11 , saying I ('He did not want to give the hacienda house to me, but instead asked me to stay there and caretake it for him. 1 ) (Achocalla) In certain contexts, especially when the subject of the main verb (sa.na) and the embedded verb are the same person, the sentence indicates that the subject is thinking of doing or wanting to do something. The Future or Desiderative tense is used on the embedded verb. Examples:
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570 s.t"a.x. 1-+3 111 We can be buying," I said. 1 ('I think we can buy it. 1 ) (Sitajara) buy 4-+3 go 1-+3 F s sa.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 1-+3 RDK 111 I wi 11 go to the movies, 11 I was saying. 1 ( La Paz/Compi) ('I was thinking of going to the movies. 1 ) movie go 1-+3 F sa.ja. :ta. 1-+3 RDK 111 ! will go to the movies," I said. 1 ('I was thinking of going to the movies. 1 ) (Carangas; reported by Yapita) Sometimes a verb other than sa.na may be the main verb of the sentence, with sa.na occurring in a subordinated form only, as in the following from a story told by V~squez: <.!l ap. SU. Si . : thread put 1-+3 F ap.su.si.:> 1-+3 F sa.s yana.tayna. try 3-+3 RIK 111 ! will put the thread through, I will put it through," saying, she tried. 1 ('She tried to thread the needle. 1 ) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; Hardman et al. 1975:1.402)
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571 sa.sa.w aka marka.naka.n sar.naga.s.k.t 11 a. study city go around F 111 I will study, 11 saying, I am living in these cities.• (Sacca) ( 1 Wanting to study, l 1 ve continued to live in these cities.•) 7-4.44 sa.na with -ipana ~ -ipna s This occurs infrequently. It is sometimes used as a comparative (Hardman et al. 1975:3.235), especially by missionary-instructed persons; such use has occurred only once in this research, in a reworking by V~squez of a Bertonio (1603b) example (which had neither sa.na nor -ipana). Cristobal Colona.x tagi.t s.ipan aka uraqi.ru all this land jut.i. come s 1 Christopher Columbus was the first to arrive in this land. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) A variant s.ipna also occurs in La Paz, but s.ipana is more common. Examples: yag 11 a aru.x aru.wa Chinu.t s. i pna, other languages (continued)
PAGE 589
572 Kuriyanu.t s.ipna , Turkisa.t s.ipna 1 other languages are (all) languages (whether) speaking of Chinese, speaking of Korean, speaking of Turkish . . 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, in Hardman et al. 1975:3.xxi) K 11 it s.ipan.s waw chur.tama. who baby give 2+3 s 'Who could have given you the baby?' (a rude question asked of a young mother in Calacoa) Srta. Lucy s.ipan.xa s.ipan.xa , na: .xa allux kusi.s.t 11 a. want 1+3 lp very happy 1+3 s s 'When Miss Lucy said "I want to learn Aymara", I was very happy.• (Salinas) kawk"a.t.s t'ij.tata.n.tam u jan s.ipan.xa where hurt 2+3 no kawk"a.t.s sint us.tam s s ... where did it hurt you, or else where does it hurt the most ... (Compi) 7-4.45 The particle iyaw plus sa.na The particle iyaw 1 yes 1 may be embedded with sa.na to mean 1 agree 1 In the usage of persons active in
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573 institutionalized religion it means 'to believe in, have faith', and the phrase iyaw sa.na may be used to translate 'faith' or 'belief'. !yaw sa.ta.w sara.tayn s.i.w. go 3+3 RIK 'Agreeing, she went on her way, they say.' (Juli) Jesucristo tat.itu.ru iyaw sa.m. father ~3 I 'Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ. 1 (La Paz, Baptist church) Jiwasa.x iyaw s.tan uka iyaw sa.na. 4p 4+3 s 'We accept that belief.' (La Paz, Baptist church) 7-4.46 sa.na 'to make a noise' Some sa.na embedding may mean 'to make a noise. 13 Pa:rinu.ki.w juta.s.k.i.x godfather come 3 3 s s. i.w say boom boom sa.s. say 'The godfather returned, they say, "Boom boom!" saying.' ('The godfather returned, they say, exploding firecrackers.') (Huancan~)
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574 On the other hand, sa.na embedding may be used to convey a visual rather than an auditory image, as in the following: Wich'inka.s sa.sa.w anu.x tail rigid rigid say dog g 11 ipa.p nayra.p jal.i. back forth run 3+3 s 'His tail "stiffly stiffly 11 saying, the dog ran back and forth. 1 ('Jauntily wagging his tail, the dog ran back and forth.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 7-4.47 sa.na in storytelling The first example given for sa.na embedding (7-4.41) was from a story, and the other types of embedding mentioned above occur in tales as well as in conversation. Complex embeddings especially charac teristic of storytelling style involve frequent use of -sa subordinator (less often -sina and variants or -ipana), sa.na with 3+3 Remote tenses or 3+3 NonInvolver, and the plain s.i.w, all together. As i ru. ra k i . : n snake 3+3 s s. i. w 3+3 s tawagu.mp girl parl.iritayna.x talk 3+3 RIK uka.x sara.w.x.iritayna.w s. i. w 3+3 s go 3+3 mark 2+1 RIK I (continued)
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575 sa.sa.w s.iritayna.x s.i.way. 3+3 RIK 'There was a snake, they say, who talked with a young woman; (before) he went out, they say, "Mark me 11 saying he said, they say.' ('There was a snake who talked with a young woman; before going out, he asked her to mark him.') (Juli) oven heat up 2+3 I gamagi.ru. fox sa.sa.w sa.wj. iri tayn 3+3 RIK 111 Now heat up the oven, 11 saying she said, they say, to the fox. 1 (Calacoa) Niyasta: ready awis. ta. :ma.11 tell 1+3 F sa.san sa.tayn 3+3 RIK pisaga.x. partridge '"Well then, I' 11 tel 1 you, 11 saying said the partridge.' (Jopoqueri) Uk 11 ama E!a:rin jut.i(:!an.x s. i(:!an. x then godfather come <~ s.i(:!an.x <.9.'.J!n. ~> s.i.sti 3 3 s that (continued)
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7-4.5 sa.sa.w sa.tayn 3+3 RIK s. i. w. 3+3 s 576 'Then the godfather having arrived, "Boom boom" saying, "Boom boom" s)ying, "Now what is _that 'boom boom' saidI don't (like that, not that--(nonsense syllables) saying he said, they say. 1 (Huancane) ('When the godfather arrived, he exploded firecrackers, and the groom became very much alarmed.'} (Huancan~) Uk"ama.x thus wali.raki.sa.: , awir well g 11 ana.pi.y clear sa.sa.xa.y jis.ch.i.x. how NI 3+3 F NI 3+3 s sa. rak. ( i} 3+3 s 'So then "Fine, let's see, it's clear," they said, "How will they get along?" saying, they said.' (Huancane) Negation Negation may affect most of the syntactic processes already described. It usually requires the presence of the negative particle jani or the reduced form .!!i_. The latter is more prevalent in Salinas and Calacoa but also occurs elsewhere, especially in ni.kuna 'nothing' and ni.k"iti 'no one', acting like a prefix (the only one in the language, if one discounts /si-/ and /ji-/ on sa.na}. ni may also occur on the interrogative verb kama.cha.na, as in the following sentence from Jopoqueri:
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577 Pisaga.sti yasta partridge ni.kama.cha.n.s yati.tayna.ti. how know 3+3 RIK 'And then the partridge didn't know what to do. 1 jani occurs in several derived forms: jan.ja~ jan.jama 'I don't think so' (literally 'like no'), with the noun/independent suffix -jama; jani.ra ~ jani.ray (the second from Sitajara) 'not yet'; jani.kucha 'better not' and jan.kucha 14 'or if not'; and jani.ch 'isn't that so?' (with -cha alternate question suffix). One form that occurred only i n Cal a cal a was j an a : 1 i s n I t that so?'. 7-4.51 Negation of basic sentences Basic sentences were discussed in 7-3. The basic negative statement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.432) consists of jani plus -wa absolute; -ti sentence suffix where -wa would be in an affirmative sentence; and -xa optionally on other words in the sentence. Example: T 1 ant 1 a.x jani.w ut.j.k.i.ti. bread exist 3+~ s 'There is no bread. 1 (La Paz/Compi) A basic negative statement may be changed to a negative yes/no question by removing the -wa on jani and replacing it by the -ti from the verb, as follows:
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578 T'ant'a.x jani.t ut.j.k.i ? 'Isn't there any bread?' (La Paz/Compi) bread J+3 s A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information question without any verbal inflection retains the interrogative as an indefinite, verbalized and suffixed with -sa, and adds jani plus -wa, resulting in a -sa/-wa sentence: Kuna.s uka.xa? (Uka.x) jani.w kuna.:.k.i.sa. what that ~+3 s 'What is that? (That) isn't anything.' (la Paz/Compi) A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information question containing an inflected verb consists of jani plus -wa; the interrogative with -sa; and if the verb is repeated, it takes -ti. Kuna.s what t . . ? U J. 1 3+3 s Jani.w kuna.s (ut.j.k.i.ti). ~+3 s 'What is there? There isn't anything. 1 ( La Paz/Compi) Kun.s what mun.ta? want 2+3 s Jani.w kun.s mun.k.t.ti. 7+3s 'What do you want? I don't want anything. 1 (la Paz/Compi)
PAGE 596
579 All other negative sentences or phrases may be derived from these basic sentences. 15 (Negative forms of the inflected verb sa.na 'to say' were given in 6-4). 7-4.52 Incompletive and completive verbal derivational suffixes with the negative In the examples above, the verbs contain the incompletive verbal derivational -kain the stem. In La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Sacca, Sitajara, and Calacoa the verb or verbalized noun in a negative statement usually has the incompletive -ka-. The completive -xa sometimes occurs instead (or in addition), but less often. In Salinas, Jopoqueri, Calacala, and Morocomarca the incompletive or completive suffixes are more often absent with the negative. The following all occurred in Salinas. Ni.w mun.k.irijt.ti. 'I wouldn't like to. 1 1+3 D-1 Ni. w mun. t. ti. 'I don't want to. 1 -1+3 s Ni.w mun.j.t.ti. 'I wouldn't like to. 1 -7+3 s
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Ni.w at.k.irijt.ti. 1+3 D-1 at.j.t.ti. -1+3s at.t.ti. 1+3s 580 'I can't. 1 The dialects where the incompletive occurs less often, have it on nouns verbalized with -kaor -:with the Simple tense, but not if verbalization is followed by a Remote tense. Examples: Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti. 1 It I s not here. 1 (Jopoqueri) here --:3+3 s Jani.w juma.taki.:.k.i.ti. 'It's not for you.• (Salinas) 2p --:3+3 s But (with -ra instead of -wa on jani), Jani.r juta.ni.n.ma.:.:n.ti. come 2p 3+3 RDK 'You should not have come yet. 1 (Morocomarca) The meaning differences between forms with and without
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581 the incompletive are often lost in translation, but the following pair shows one contrast: Jani.w yat.t.ti. 1+3s 1 I don I t know. 1 (Jopoqueri) Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. 1 ! don 1 t know yet. 1 (Jopoqueri) 16 7+3s Dialects that usually have -kaon the negative do not have it with the Future tense used as a polite command. Jani.w parla.nta.ti. 'You are not going to talk. 1 (Juli) 2+3 F 7-4.53 Permutations of basic negative sentences The basic negative sentences may be changed by replacing -wa by another sentence suffix, replacing -ti by -xa.ya, or dropping the final vowel on jani. 7-4.53. l Replacing -wa by another sentence suffix 7 4. 5 3 . 11 -w a -> 11 a ~ ya Ni.11 kun.s s.ka.nani.ti. what say 4+3 F 1 We won't tell them anything. 1 (Salinas)
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582 7-4.53. 12 -wa --> -sa linker 'but, however' Jani.s jut.k.i.ti.xa 3+3 'But he hasn't come (Huancan~) s Jani jank'a.s pur.k.i.t. fast 3+3 s 'But they weren't arriving fast.' (Sitajara) Kuna.t.s jani.s why uwij.sti sheep puri.ya.n.ta.xa? arrive 2+3 s 'But why didn't you bring the sheep?' (Juli) Jani.ra.raki.s juta.n.ma.:n.ti.xa. come 2p 3+3 RDK 'But you shouldn't have come yet!' (Salinas) 7-4.53.2 Replacing -ti by -xa.ya Jani sar.chi.:.xa.ya g"aru.ru.x. go NI 1+3 tomorrow F 'Won't I leave tomorrow?' (rhetorical question) (La Paz/Campi) (Because of -chi NI on the verb, there is no -wa in the sentence.)
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583 7-4.53.3 Morphophonemics of jani The final vowel of jani drops in noun phrases and when modifying nominalized verbs; in negative information questions and answers thereto; with the Imperative; and with verbs subordinated with a sentence suffix, uka, or sa.na embedding. 7-~.53.31 Negative noun phrases or nominalized verbs These are derived from the basic negative state ment. When modifying the head noun in a noun phrase, jani loses its final vowel, except that when modifying an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. The following occur generally unless otherwise noted. jan jayu.ni 'without salt' ('no salt-haver') -ni possessor ni.kuna 'nothing' kuna 'what' jan uka.x 'not that' jan un.j. iri . { un. ka.na Jan una.na 'someone who hasn't taken good care of some thing (a place) left in their charge' ( 1 nonwatcher 1 ) 'not to look' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) jan un.ja.na.taki 'so as not to see, for not seeing'
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584 jan un.ja.sa.x 'not having seen' (La Paz/Compi) jan un.ja.san.xa 'not having seen' (Jopoqueri) jan pur.iman 'your not having come' (Salinas) jan wal.t'a.w.xa.tayna 'he felt ill' ('not-good') (Juli) 3+3 RIK .!!.i may also be used before a noun that is not an inter rogative, in reduplicative phrases meaning 'neither .. nor', as in the following: Ni juma.s ni 2p naya.s sar.ka.nani.ti. l p go 4+3 F 'Neither you nor I will go.' (-sa lister on the pronouns) This ni is homophonous and apparently identical in func tion with Spanish ni 'neither, nor'; it may be a Spanish borrowing or merely a point at which the two languages converge, or both. 7-4.53.32 Negative information questions and negative answers thereto Examples (from La Paz/Campi): Kuna.s jan ut.j.k.i ? 'What isn't there?' what exist 3+3 s
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585 Ni kuna.s (jan ut.j.k.i.ti). 3+3 s 'Nothing isn't there.• ( i . e. , 'nothing is missing') Kun.s jan mun.k.ta? 'What don't you want?' want 2+3 s Ni kun.s (jan mun.k.t.ti). 1+3 'There's nothing I don't want.' Kuna.t.s jan jut.ta? 2+3 s s Kuna.t.s jan jut.k.ta? 2+3 s 'Why didn't you come?' 'Why didn't you come? {you had promised to) 1 The Morocomarca source insisted that the vowel of jani must be retained in negative information ques tions, e. g. Kuna.t.raji jani awis.ista.sti? •~~hy didn't you let --notify 2+1 me know?' s 7-4.53.53 Negative with Imperative Jan lura.m.ti. 2+3 I 'Don't do that. ' ( Jopoqueri, Sa 1 i nas, Sitajara, Calacoa, La Paz)
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586 Jan lur.m.ti. 2=8 1 Don 1 t do that.• (Juli} I Juma.x jan sar.ka.m.ti , jupa.w sara.ni. 2p go 2+3 3p go 3+3 I F 1 Don I t you go, he 1 s going to go. 1 (Juli} 7-4.53.34 Negative verb subordinated with sentence suffix, uka, or sa.na embedding Jum jan mun.k.s.ta.xa , naya.w sara.:. want 2+3 lp go 1+3 S F 1 If you don 1 t want to (go}, I 1 ll go. 1 (Juli} Jan pa.ni.:.k.irist.x couple 1+3 o.: l sar.irist.pi.y. go 1 If I weren 1 t married, I 1 d go. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Jan juma.s sara.n muna.s.ta.ti uka.x na: sara.:. 2p go want 2+3 Tp go 1+3 s F 1 But if you don 1 t want to go, I 1 ll go. I (Jopoqueri) < Ina.mpi.s jan jiki.s.x.sna.ti) sa.sa. perhaps meet 4+3 D-1 1 11 Perhaps we 1 11 never meet again, 11 saying. 1 ( La Paz/ Tiahuanaco)
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587 7-5 Summary and Conclusion Syntactic and morphosyntactic variation in Aymara is slight. Morphemes showing some variation in phono logical shape are the particles, the independent nonfinal and final suffixes, and some of the nominalizing (subordi nating) suffixes: the little-used -wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi and the more common -sina (and variants) and -ipana (and variants). The final suffix inventory varies a little from one dialect to another. The suffix -ka has been found only in Calacala and Morocomarca. The vowel length allomorph of -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator does not occur in La Paz, Sacca, or Jopoqueri. The disclaimer -m (and variants) has occurred only in Huancan~ and parts of La Paz. Morphosyntactic processes are essentially the same in all dialects. The southern group of dialects (Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca) plus Huancan~ in the north have a four-member subordinating paradigm of which the -ipana (or variants) is the sole member in other dialects; in some parts of La Paz even -ipana is falling into disuse. The use of -xa topic/attenuator as a subordinator of verbs appears to be more common in La Paz dialects than in dialects that make greater use of -sina or -ipana subordination.
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588 There is some variation in the semantics of the subordinators -sa, -sina (and variants) and -ipana (and variants~ and in use of the final suffix combina tion -ti.xa as a subordinator, but regional patterning (if any) of this semantic variation is yet to be deter mined.
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589 Notes 1 This may be a Spanish loan. According to Bello (1847:36), there was an archaic interjection guay ~ gu~ that persisted in certain countries of Latin America, as in the expressions Guay~ mujer! 'Wow! Look at that woman. 1 l_Q_ dice! 'Wow! Did you hear what she said! 1 Bertonio (1603b:51) also reported this interjection and a number of others identical or similar to contemporary Aymara ones. 2 A suffix phonemically /-qa/ did occur once in a text from Calacala, instead of the -ka which usually occurred. Ma: suma very (ma)cha.ta.t.ga ... 'very drunk' drunk It may be that this was an instance of Quechua~, but if not, it needs further analysis. 3 way.xaru.:.tawi and way.xaru.: have/:/ allo morph of the verbal derivational suffix -ya-~-:causa tive. In way.xaru. :, the causative on the final /u/ of -xarumerges with /u/ realization of .:..i 3+3 S tense by a morphophonemic rule whereby a verb stem /u/ over rides a following /i/ (see 4-3.22.11). 4 A k 11 ari.k 11 ari or k"ari.s.iri is an evil spirit in human form (usually that of a Catholic priest) who is believed to cut out the fat of his victims. 5 These are written as two words to show their structure. One of them,~ .!!Q..!!, occurs with juncture (phonetically a glottal stop) before the repetition of the root. 6 -iri sometimes occurs on nouns after vowel length verbalization, which may reduce to plain vowel (see 4-3.22. 13). An -iri also occurs frozen in certain verb tenses (see 6-3.34.22 and 6-3.37).
PAGE 607
590 7 Questions with kuna.taki.s were originally thought to require an answer with -na.taki, rather than -iri, but -iri is usually preferred in my data. See 7-4.21.23 for -=-na.-taki subordination. 8 The verb ma(n)g 1 a.na may mean 1 to eat• or 1 to feed 1 depending on context and verbal derivational suf fixes occurring in the stem. 9 The two paradigms with and without -na on the (optional) pronoun occur for all grammatical persons in La Paz/Campi. 10 subjects of verbs subordinated with -ipana, etc., lose their final vowels except in Morocomarca. 11 -sa linker and -sa interrogative/indefinite are treateclas two suffixes by Hardman et al. (1975). They are here treated as one because it is not always possible to separate the functions. 12 spanish syntactic linkers and emphatics enter Aymara freely, like other loanwords. The greatest number occurs in the speech of persons (especially men) who are bilingual in Aymara and Spanish, but some also occur in the speech of monolinguals. 13 For sounds made by inanimate objects the verb tais used instead of sa.na, according to the following example from Yapita (La Paz/Campi): Punk 11 u.x tulx t.i.w. door 3+3 s 1 The door slammed. 1 ( 1 The door went II thud 11 1 ) According to Yapita there is no general term for 1 sound 1 in Aymara; a number of onomatopoeic words are used (see Appendix B). 14 In present-day Aymara -kucha occurs only on jani. Evidence from Bertonio (1603b:277) suggests it may have been an independent nonfinal suffix in his time, as he showed it in a verb stem between the root and the inflection, but it may instead have been a noun root, verbalized and then inflected.
PAGE 608
591 15 Like -ti, -wa (or another sentence suffix re placing it) may~curon a form other than jani in a negative sentence; see the examples under 7-4.53. 16 For another example of the contrast of presence and absence of -kawith the negative, see 7-4.53.32.
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CHAPTER 8 VARIATION IN SEMANTICS 8-1 Introduction A discussion of variation in Aymara semantics must be based on an examination of what Hardman (in press a) calls the linguistic postulates of the language: categori zations recurring at different levels of grammar and re flected in cultural norms. An understanding of their nature and pervasiveness is needed in order to describe certain differences in their manifestations in different dialects (for example, in selectional restrictions on verb subjects and complements) especially to show differences between Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara on the one hand, and other Aymara dialects on the other (see Chapter 9). Regional semantic variation in the noun and verb systems includes instances of one form with different mean ings cross-dialectically, and conversely, cases of different Aymara forms occurring in different dialects with apparently the same meanings. At the present state of research, which relies heavily on translation, decisions as to what constitute 592
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593 1 same 1 and 'different• meanings within and across dialects are at best tentative and at worst may be wrong, lacking sufficient input from native speakers. The evidence in this chapter concerning such meanings is therefore to be viewed with some skepticism. Aymara metaphor has not as yet been investigated cross-dialectally, but certain characteristics based on the evidence of a few dialects may be noted. 8-2 Linguistic Postulates All regional dialects of Aymara share certain lin guistic postulates common to the Jaqi languages. As identi fied by Hardman (1972a) the most important of these are (l) four grammatical persons (the fourth includes speaker and addressee), (2) distinction of human/nonhuman, and (3) speci fication of data source (distinction of directly and indi rectly acquired knowledge}. These three postulates are marked throughout Aymara language structure, in morphology, syntax, and semantics, and reflected in cultural norms. During four hundred years of contact with Spanish, an Inda-European language, it might be expected that Spanish postulates would make inroads into Aymara. In Chapter 9 evidence of such inroads is given with respect to Missionary, Patron, and Radio Aymara, translation dialects spoken by cer tain native speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in Spanish. The Aymara of other bilingual and monolingual speakers shows
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594 relatively little influence of Spanish postulates, however. A few exceptions are noted below. A section on optional marking of plural in Aymara is included after a discussion of the postulates. 8-2. l Four-person system The four-person system is manifested in personal pronouns and possessive suffixes (5-2.3 and 5-3.24) and in verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3). It is intimately bound up with the distinction of human/nonhuman (8-2.2} and with the expression of courtesy in Aymara. The fourth person is often used in the context of eating or drinking. For example, polite ways to tell someone that dinner is ready would be Mang'a.si.nani. 'Let's eat, you and I.' (La Paz) eat 4+3 F/I Almus.t'a.wa.tana. 'Let's eat lunch.' (Calacoa) lunch 4+3 F/I Similarly, if one wishes to ask for a drink of water one must use the fourth person, including the addressee even if he or she is being asked to provide the water.
PAGE 612
Uma.ma.y water 2p 595 wax.t 1 a.si.nan, invite F/1 uma.t water par . j . i tu . w lack s 'Please let's you and I invite (someone to have some of) your water, ma'am, I'm thirsty. 1 (La Paz) ('Please let me have some water.') An example of the fourth person used in the context of drink ing even when the addressee is not or was not involved in the action, is the following, describing the serving of chicha: May.ni.r may.ni.r may.n.ir siwr.tan . another another another serve s 'One by one by one we (you and I) serve them ... 1 (Sitajara) Another example involving eating was given by Tschopik (1948: 110). A condor says to a fox who has challenged him to a duel +Jiwa.ta.chapi.ru.sti mang'a.nta.si.nani.wa. one who is dead and eat F/1 'And the one who is dead you and I will eat.' What is meant is that the winner of the duel will eat the loser.
PAGE 613
596 Bertonio (1603b:194, 195) said, concerning the 4p possessive suffix, ... the particle sa, although ... it means inclusion ... forpoliteness or friendship may be used even when the item belongs only to one of the two persons who are talking ... Bertonio gave these examples. + Ut.sa.ru ma.tana. 1 Let 1 s go to my/our/your house.' house 4p go 4+3 F/I +Aka yap 1 awki.sa.n.k.i. 1 This field is our/my/your this fie d father father's.• Bertonio 1 s translations of these two examples are rejected by La Paz speakers, even when the examples are rendered into contemporary Aymara. If Bertonio 1 s translations were cor rect, they imply that the fourth person was used even more in the expression of courtesy in late 16th century Juli than in contemporary dialects so far encountered. Hardman has pointed to a related phenomenon in Aymara, the overmarking of the second person (Hardman et al. 1975:3.32-33). (For an example of this overmarking in sa.na embedding see 7-4.4.) In spite of the importance of the four-person system in Aymara, there is evidence of its incipient erosion in some dialects. In Sitajara, lp and 4p possessive suffixes fall together, and the 4p suffix falls out, in the speech of certain persons (see 5-3.24). The first and fourth
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597 persons also fall together in certain verbal inflectional suffixes in Sitajara. lp and 4p falling together as subject: and F for sa.na: /sa.ni.wa.nh(a)/ lp and 4p falling together as complement: and I: /-itpan/ (3+1) and D-2: /-irijsta:na/ (3+4) and S for sa.na: /s.itu/ (3+1) As may be seen above, in most cases the form with 4p falls out, leaving the form with lp to do duty for both. In Huancan~, lp and 4p have fallen together as com plement in and 3+4 I /-itp(a)/, the form now being used for both. The same seems to be happening in Morocomarca with and 3+4 D-2, as at first the 3+1 form, /-itasp"ana/, was given for both 3+1 and 3+4. 8-2.2 Human/Nonhuman This distinction is manifested in interrogatives, demonstratives, and personal pronouns; in noun reference, in certain noun suffixes, and in the subjects and complements of verb roots, stems, and themes. 8-2.21 Interrogatives, demonstratives, personal pronouns Of the five Aymara interrogative pronouns k"iti 'who' is human, and the rest, nonhuman. gawg 11 a 'how much/many• plus the suffix -ni possessor/enumerator refers to human
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598 beings (8-2.24) . 1 Derived forms of kawki 'where' that are unmarked for human/nonhuman and gloss 'which' are kawki. ch"api and kawk. i: ri. Demonstratives may be used to modify human nouns, e. g. uka chacha.x 'that man'. As a syntactic summarizer, a demonstrative may refer to a human noun, as in Ma: sinurit irpa.ni.tayn uka.mpi one young lady bring 3+3 "'Enat RIK jaqi.cha.si.way.x.i. marry 3+3 s 'He married the young lady that he had brought.' (Compi) Some speakers would prefer to use the third person pronoun instead of uka in the above sentence. Otherwise,demon stratives are generally used as pronouns only to refer to nonhuman nouns. Uka.x misa.wa. Uka.x waka.pa.wa. 'That is a table.• 'That is his cow. 1 When the reference is human, a personal pronoun is used. Jupa.x wawa.xa.w. 'He/she is my child.' 3p child lp Using a demonstrative instead of a personal pronoun in the above context is perceived as rude. When derision or insult is intended, a demonstrative may be used.
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599 Uka.xa.y yat.chi ~. that know NI other 'That one may know, anyone (might) (Sitajara) Personal pronouns are used only for human beings or anthropomorphized animals, or very occasionally, for domes ticated animals, as in the case of an old lady talking to her only companion, a cat. Juma.s 2p jaqi. :.sma people 2+3 0-1 8-2.22 Noun reference 'If only you were human (could talk) ... 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Certain nouns in La Paz Aymara (and presumably elsewhere) are basically nonhuman; others, basically human. Examples of nouns or noun phrases that are always nonhuman in reference are muxsa 1 sweet-tasting 1 ; nayra.p q 11 ipa.p 'back and forth' (e.g. a dog running back and forth); and jach 1 a 1 big 1 and jisk 1 a 1 small 1 except when they occur in the noun phrases jach 1 a tansa 'tall I and jisk 1 a tansa 1 short 1 A noun which sometimes has human, and sometimes nonhuman reference, is suma, which has a range of meanings including 'good, nice, tasty, delicious, very, nicely'. In Calacoa and Jopoqueri it means 'beautiful, pretty'; in Socca it is used in these meanings as well as the others. The following examples are all from La Paz:
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Nonhuman reference: i~al i suma.w. Suma chayru.wa. soup 600 'It's very good/delicious.' 'It's delicious soup.' Aka.x suma ch'iyar lag'a.sa.:. This -black earth 'This is good black earth. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:1.266) sum kanka.na Human reference: Suma Awki --suma aru.ni suma jaqi Suma jaq suma kankana 'good language, proper speech' 'to fry well' (8-2.23) 'God' ('good father', an archaic expression) 'well-spoken person' 'good person, of good charact~r, nice' mama.wa. 'She's a nice lady. 12 'of good character, good-humored' (8-2.23) The following examples occurred in the Peruvian dialects indicated. suma un. naga. s. i ri suma k I aj. k. i ri 'good-looking, having a good appearance' (Huancane) 'very bright' (Sacca)
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601 suma.ki.y is.ch 1 uk.t 1 a.p.x.ita:ta listen 2+1 F 'you will listen to me nicely' (Sacca) In La Paz the verbalized noun suma.cha.na 'to pacify, to make amends, to decorate (e. g. a house)' takes a human subject. The noun suma verbalized with -ptatakes an ani mal subject, and probably also a human subject; see the example given for~, below. Use of suma alone (that is, not in one of the noun phrases given above) to modify a noun having human reference is usually perceived as obscene and/or derisive in Bolivia, as in the popular song Suma Tawagu 'Nice (?) Girl' (i. e. 'tasty dish'). There is some evidence that such an expres sion is not necessarily obscene in other dialects, suma kullaka 'good sister' being acceptable to a speaker from Sacca; however, he may have been influenced by Missionary usages (se 9-6.12). Certain nouns in Aymara always have human reference. One is jayra 'lazy person. 1 Another, of much greater im portance in the language, is the noun chosen by Hardman to designate Aymara and its sister languages: ~This means 'human being, person, people' in all the Jaqi languages. In Aymara the noun jaqi used alone usually refers to the Aymara people specifically. One speaker from La Paz rejected *Quechua~However, some speakers extend the term~ to other races or ethnic groups in such noun phrases as
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602 jang'u 'white people', and the phrase suma jagi 'of good character' may be applied to non-Aymara persons who are judged to merit the designation. Another meaning of jagi is 'adult, married person', as is shown in the derived verb jagi.cha.na 'to marry', 'to make or cause person(s)'. Personhood in Aymara society is fully attained only upon marriage. Probably through a process of semantic identifica tion with the Spanish noun hombre, which means both 'man(kind) 1 and I human male', the noun jagi is sometimes used by bilinguals to mean 'male human being, man'. Naya jagi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. 1 I 1 m a man from Calacala. 1 lp (Yo soy hombre de Ca lac.ala.) (Calacala) Ma: a jaqi .w ju ta . tayn a. come 3+3 RIK (Habfa venido un hombre.) 'A man (not known to me) came. 1 (La Paz/Campi) These examples show how the Spanish gender distinction (one of the Spanish linguistic postulates) may affect the Aymara of bilinguals. Nevertheless, the native Aymara meaning of j_ill also persists in the speech of bilinguals and mono linguals alike. In this meaning the noun j_ill is the epitome of humanness. Its semantic opposite, the nadir of nonhuman ness, is anu 1 dog 1 If one does not behave like j_ill, one
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603 isbehaving like a dog. The dichotomy is illustrated in the following, a La Paz retort to an insult. K 11 iti.ta.sa who 2-+3 s t t . . t h ? anu. a. Jag,. a.ca. dog2-+ 3 "f)e"fson s Jag.jam parla.m jan an.jam parla.m.ti. person like speak not dog like speak 2-+3 I 1 Who are you a dog or a person? Talk like a person, not like a dog.' (La Paz/Campi) The above is rude, using the unadorned Imperative. So is the following: Anu.r jagu. ni .m. throw 2-+3 I 'Throw it to a dog.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) aog The above sentence is a retort to someone who is throwing stones or otherwise being deliberately annoying; it means 'Go do it to a dog instead of to me.' The following is commonly said by wedding godparents to the couple for the stability of whose marriage they are responsible: un.ta.sa.w sar.naga.:ta. people looking at go around 2-+3 F 'Live (by) watching real people.' (La Paz/Campi) (Yapita 1975:1-2) CBehave the way you see real people behaving.')
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604 When one partner in a marriage does not want to be reconciled with the other, someone may comment as follows: Anu.s dog nuwa.si.sin fighting suma.pt.i.sa. make up 3->-3 s (La Paz/Compi (Yapita 1975:3) 'Even dogs make up after fighting. (Why not people?) 1 The above is a strong rebuke. If the errant spouse still refuses to attempt a reconciliation, he orshe will hear the ultimate condemnation. Kuna.r un.ta.t sar.nag.ta.xa, anything look at go around jaqi.tak p'inqa, people same s anu.tak unra. aog honor 'How stupid you are. You are a shame to the human race, an honor to dogs. 11 (La Paz/Compi) (Yapita 1975:3) Bertonio (1603b:94) cited a sentence using aver + balized form of anugara 1 dog 1 meaning 'insult, make fun of'. + Uma.ta.na drunk anuqara.ch.tama. dog s 'As you were drunk he made fun of you (treated you 1 i ke a dog ) . 1
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605 In spite of the jagi/anu distinction, the Aymara generally treat their dogs humanely, as they do all useful domestic animals; one might say they behave like jagi toward them. One calls one's dog by name to go herd sheep. Tumaykaris, juta.m! come 2+3 I Iwis anaki.nani. sheep herd 4+3 F/I 'Come, Tumaykarisa! Let's you and me herd the sheep.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.205) The addressee is the dog, Tumaykarisa, and the fourth person inflection includes the dog as well as the human speaker. One may also say to a dog Aka.x mang'a.ma.w. this food 2p 'Here's your food.' However, one does not use the same forms in speaking to a dog as to a human being. The first of the above two sen tences would be rude if addressed to a person; the second would be insulting. In the first case the unadorned Impera tive juta.m 'Come!' would be avoided by using politive independent and final suffixes and/or by substituting the Future for the Imperative. Juta.ki.:ta.pi.y. 'Please (you will) come.' come 2+3 F
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606 And as indicated in the discussion of uses of the fourth person (8-2.1 ), a polite way to tell someone that dinner is ready is to say Mang'a.si.nani. 'Let's eat, you and I.' eat 4+3 F/I The jagi/anu distinction affects the semantics of other nouns. One of these is awki, an archaic term for 'father'. As noted above, it occurs in the noun phrase suma awki as a respectful term of address or reference for God. In other contexts, awki has acquired canine connota tions. For example, to use it in inquiring about the health of someone's father is rejected as implying the father is a dog. That is, Awki.ma.sti? 2p and 'And (how is) your father?' implies the rude expression Anu awki.ma.sti? 'And (how is) your (SOB of a) father?' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Another context, in which awki refers to a real dog's father, is a jingle said while holding up a puppy's front legs to make it dance on its back legs.
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607 Tunka paya.n awki.ni, ma: tayki.ni ... 10 2 owner l only mother owner 'It has 12 fathers, only one mother ... 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (The jingle refers to the fact that a dog has any number of possible fathers.) 8-2.23 The noun kankana The noun kankana 'essence, nature, being, power' does not occur by itself, but only as the head of a noun phrase and only when modified by another noun referring to the Deity or a human being. 3 It is to be distinguished from the homophonous kanka.na 1 to fry'. Examples of kankana are Dios kankana kankana 'divine essence, Being of God 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 1 human nature• (la Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1612:2:120) jayra kankana.~ 1 their being lazy• j)yra 1 human lazi ness• (la Paz/Tiahuanaco qullgi.n kankana.pa.mpi.x 1 their being wealthy' (Puerto Acosta)4 qullqi.ni 1 rich person• uta.n kankana 'the power of being a landlord' uta.ni 'house-owner• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) When modified by warmi 1 woman 1 the meaning is somewhat disparaging.
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608 Warmi kankana.x jani.w wali.k.i.ti. woman be1ng no good 3+3 s 'To be a woman alone is not good.' (La Paz/Compi) Warmi kankana.pa.mpi.x lura.p.x.i.w. woman be1 ng do 3+3 s 'In spite of their being women they did it.' (La Paz/Campi) Noun phrases in which kankana is modified by nonhuman nouns are usuai ly rejected*jang'u kankana 'to be white' This meaning is instead expressed by verbalizing the noun jang'u 'white'. jang'u.:.na 'to be white' If jang'u modifies a human noun, such as jagi, the noun phrase is acceptable to some speakers. jang'u kankana 'to be white people, White Power' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
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609 As indicated previously, suma 'good' occurs with human reference when modifying kankana. suma kankana.mpi 'with good humor' (La Paz/Campi) This is to be distinguished from the phrase sum kanka.na 'to fry well' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) In this, suma is the zero complement of the nominalized verb kanka1 fry 1 8-2.24 Noun suffixes The noun suffix -ni possessor/enumerator is unmarked for human/nonhuman when it occurs as possessor. Uta.x punku.ni.w. 'The house has a door.' Jupa.x uta.ni.w. 'She's a house-owner.' r.: However, when it occurs as enumerator, -ni is always human.J On the interrogative gawg 11 a 'how much/many': Qawg 11 a.ni.sa? 'How many people are there?'
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610 On numbers l to 10 and multiples of 10: Pusi.ni.wa. 'There are four people.• Tunka pusi.ni.wa. 'There are forty people.' On the nonhuman quantity nouns tagi 1 all 1 , wal.ja 'much, many', and juk'a 1 few 1 : taqi.ni 'all (the) people' wal.ja.ni 'many people' juk'a.ni 'few people' The personal possessive suffixes for lp, 2p, and 4p all refer to human possessors. The third person is unmarked for human/nonhuman. uta.n punku.pa 'the door of the house' Tp jupa.n uta.pa 'his house' (The -n in the above examples is the possessive suffix -na.)
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611 8-2.25 Subjects and complements of verb roots, stems, and themes As indicated in 6-3, verbs in Aymara are inflected for tense, subject person, and complement person, in nine unitary suffixes for each tense. (Defective verbs created by verbalization with -kaor-:take only four inflectional suffixes, all with 3p complements.) In these tense/person suffixes (as in the case of personal possessive suffixes) 3p subjects and complements are unmarked for human/nonhuman, while lp, 2p, and 4p subjects and complements are human or anthropomorphized. A complement expressed in a tense/person suffix may be further specified in a sentence by a noun marked by one of the Aymara complement/relational (case) suffixes (5-3.31). These nouns are referred to by these suffixes as -ru, -ta, -mpi, -na, or -taki complements. Some verbs also select other nouns which are marked with case suffixes but do not reflect complements expressed in the tense/person suffixes; these case-marked nouns are called relationals. In addition to selecting subjects, complements, and relationals, most verb roots and stems select zero complements (5-3.33). Aymara verb roots and stems (roots plus derivational suffixes) belong to covert classes according to the semantic features of the subjects, complements, relationals, and zero complements they may take. The human/nonhuman distinction
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612 is reflected in these semantic features, as is to be ex pected of such an important linguistic postulate in the language. Investigation of other semantic features of Aymara has only just begun. Among those tentatively identi fied so far, in addition to human/nonhuman, are distinctions of animate/inanimate {or moving/nonmoving), animal/nonanimal, plant/nonplant, and humanly processed/unprocessed. There is apparently no set hierarchy of features; rather, they cut across each other. Nonhuman may subsume animate and inanimate, but animate may subsume human, animal, and moving natural phenomena such as fire, sunlight, hail, and clouds. Inanimate may subsume plant, humanly processed agricultural products or manufactures, or nonprocessed non moving matter such as rock, earth, or places. Human may subsume a distinction of human persons vs. human body parts or secretions (e. g. blood, urine) and conditions affecting them {e. g. cold, sunlight). Illustrations of these dis tinctions are given below. They remain working categories pending further refinement as Aymara semantic studies pro ceed. One instance in which the human/nonhuman distinction is overriding with respect to verb stems and themes concerns the behavior of the nominalizing suffix -na (7-4.21.2). This suffix is unmarked for human/nonhuman on verb roots. All roots may take it, regardless of the semantics of their
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613 subjects or complements. However, certain verb stems and verb themes that require a nonhuman subject reject nominali zation with -na because on them -na implies a human subject. Examples of stems and themes that reject -na are given below. The selectional rules for the semantic features of verb subjects and complements are very complex, changing according to the verb root and the verbal derivational suf fixes occurring in a verb stem. Although investigation of these rules was not formally undertaken for this study, examples are given to illustrate the interplay of semantic features and to suggest directions for future research. Verbs which usually require a human subject include verbs of carrying or moving specific shapes and consistencies of objects (zero complements) by various means (Tate 1970) and the general carrying verb apa.na 'to take, carry' (shape and consistency of object and manner of carrying not speci fied). In its basic form this verb takes a human subject but not a human complement. It may take a human complement when a nonhuman noun with the complement/relational suffix -ta occurs as a relational (instrumental) in the sentence. *(Naya.x) lp (Naya.x) lp (juma.r) 2p (juma.r) 2p -ru apa.:ma. F (Not possible) awtu.t apa.:ma. car -ta F
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614 'I will take you by car.' The verb apa.na plus the Class l verbal derivational suffix -rpayaimplies a human subject and complement: apa.rpaya.na 'to leave someone•. However, when the Class l suffixes -suand -taare added to the root apa-, the new stem takes the moving natural phenomenon qinaya 'cloud' as subject; it will not take a human subject nor the suffix Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. 'Clouds gathered.' (La Paz) 3+3 s Another carrying verb~ irpa.na 'to take a person', requires both a human subject and a human zero complement in La Paz. (Naya.x) (jum) irpa. :ma. 1 I will take you. 1 1+2 F In Salinas irpa.na may also take a domesticated animal as zero complement. In La Paz the derived verb irp.xata.na, with the Class l verbal derivational suffix -xata-, still requires a human subject but may take a human or nonhuman zero complement. Examples:
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615 um irp.xata.na 'to direct water through a canal (if it water is going the wrong way)' (La Paz/Campi) jum awtu.ru.w irp.xata.na ap car 'to put you in a car (if you're sick and can't move) and take you somewhere' (La Paz/Campi) (An animal may be substituted for the person in the last example.) In classifying noun features it is necessary to recognize metaphoric usages whereby an apparently nonhuman noun is used where a human noun would be expected. The derived verb irpa.ra.na 'to take away, remove physically, as punishment', with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -ra-, may take a human subject and a human or animal zero complement. For example, a customs agent (human subject) may take away someone's dog (animal zero complement). Meta phorically human, the law may take children (human zero complement) from one parent and give them to the other parent. (These examples are all from La Paz/Tiahuanaco.) The verbs achu.na (La Paz) and pugu.na (La Paz and elsewhere) take a plant subject and no zero complement. Ch 1 ugi.w ach.u.} 'Potatoes ~(La Paz) s grow/are produced.' (Calacala)
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616 When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix~ is added to achuor pugu-, the verb takes a human subject, the original plant subject then turning into a zero complement. Ch'uq achu.y.t.wa. 'I grow potatoes. 1 (La Paz) s There is a homophonous verb achu.na 'to carry in the mouth' that requires an animal subject. The derived stem ach.ja.tata'to bite', with the Class 1 derivational suffixes -jaand -tata-, also requires an animal subject and therefore does not take the nominalizer -na. It can take a human -ru complement. Anu.w dog (naya.r) lp ach.ja.tat.itu. s 'The dog bit me. 1 (La Paz) The base verb mang'a.na 'to eat' permits a human or animal subject and an edible zero complement, but no human -ru complement. The derived verb stem mang'a.tata_with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -tata-, permits only an animal subject and does not take -na, but like ach.ja.tata it also can take a human -ru complement.
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617 ch'ug mang'a.na 'to eat potatoes' {La Paz) Anu.w dog (naya.r) lp mang'a.tat.itu. 3-+ l s 'The dog bit me. 1 {La Paz) Two other verbs glossing 'to bite', both also with -tatain the stem, may be substituted for ach.ja.tataor mang'a.tata-. Anu.w naxna.tat.itu. Anu.w t 11 at 11 a.tat.itu. 3-+l s 'The dog bit me. 1 {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'The dog bit me. 1 {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) The verb t 11 at 11 a.tata.na may take a human subject when used metaphorically, meaning 'to snap at someone, to bite some one's head off'. Certain verb themes built on nouns verbalized with -ptarequire a nonhuman subject and do not take the nominalizer -na. Examples are ch'iyara.pta'turn black', muxsa.pta'turn sweet', and uma.pta'melt, turn to liquid'. When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix -yais added, the new stems permit human and nonhuman subjects and zero complements, and will take the nominalizer -na.
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ch'iyara.pta.ya.na muxsa.pta.ya.na 618 'to cause to turn black, to blacken' 'to sweeten' Nina.x ch 11 ullunk"ay uma.pta.ya.tayna. fire ice melt 3+3 RIK 'The fire melted the ice.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) The natural phenomena nouns JJ!ej_ 'sunlight' or inti 'sun' may be substituted for nina in the foregoing sentence. The verb jiwa.na 'to die' may take an animal or human subject without the addition of any Class 1 suffixes to the root, but not a plant subject; and it has no complements. The following examples from La Paz/Campi have the Class 2 suffixes -siand -kawith the Non-Involver -chi and the final suffixes -chiplus -m: Iwisa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the sheep died.' sheep die NI Jupa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe he/she died.' 3p *Ch'ugi.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the potatoes died.' potato Another noun accepted as subject in the above pattern is nina 'fire'.
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619 Nina.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the fire died out. I Nina.chi.m jiwa.s.k.chi. 'Maybe the fire died down. I Nina.chi.m jiwa.ra.s.k.chi. 'Look out, the fire may die out. I (The last example has the Class l suffix -rain the stem.) The addition of the Class 2 suffix~ to the root jiwadoes not change the semantics of its subjects but allows it also to take (formerly) living zero complements. Juyp 1 . 1 i.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 'Hail killed the sheep.' hail sheep RIK Qamagi.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 'The fox killed the sheep.' fox sheep RIK Jupa.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 1 He/she killed the sheep.' 3p sheep RIK In La Paz/Campi, if the Class l suffix -suis added to the root jiwathe new stem may take a plant subject but not a human or animal subject. Ch'ugi.x jiw.su.s.k.chi.chi.xa. 'Maybe the potatoes potato NI died.• Ch'ugi.x jiw.s.u.x. s 'The potatoes died.'
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Jawasa.x jiw.s.u.x. beans Ayru.x jiw.s.u.w. plant 620 'The beans died. 1 'The plants died.' Addition of the Class 2 suffix~ to the stem jiw.super mits an animate subject, and turns a former plant subject to a zero complement. In the following example, also from La Paz/Campi, the new subject is juyp 11 i I hail 1 : Juyp 11 i.chi.x pangar jiw.su.ya.s.k.chi. hail flower NI 'Perhaps the hail killed the flowers. 11 When a verb already has a human subject and a non human zero complement, the addition of~ to the root cre ates an agent (usually human) expressed in the verb inflection complement. If the agent is also expressed by a noun in the sentence, it will be marked by either -ru or -mpi complement/ relational suffix (see 5-3.31). um wayu.na 'to carry water (in container with handles) 1 Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m. 'Have Johnny carry the water.' 2-+3 I Mama.ma.mpi.y wayu.ya.m. 'Have your mother carry the water. 1
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621 (In these contexts, as noted by Hardman, -mpi occurs when it is desired to show respect for the person who is to be the agent.) The Class 2 suffix combination -siplus -ka (-s.ka-) implies a human or anthropomorphized subject when it occurs on interrogatives and demonstratives that have been verbalized with -ka-. Kawki.n.ka.s.k.i.sa? 'Where is he/she?' 3+3 s Aka.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa.y. 'He was here.' (referring to the 3+3 dog Tumaykarisa; Hardman et al. RDK 1975:1:205) Without -s.ka-, the interrogative or demonstrative plus -n.ka implies an inanimate, nonmoving subject. Kawki.n.k.i.sa? Kawk"a.n.k.i.sa? Aka . n . k . i . wa . 3+3 s r;,-. 'Where is it?' 'It's here.' (La Paz) In asking the location of a domestic animal, or even a per son, it is common to use an inflected verb, instead of kawki plus verbalization, e. g.
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622 Asnu.x kawk"a.n.s mang'a.s.k.i? donkey where eat 3+3 s 'Where is the donkey feeding?' K"a: pampa.n mang'a.s.k.i. that 'He's feeding over on that pampa [flat place].• (La Paz/Compi) The suffix combination -s.kaon a verb or verb theme nominalized with-:instead of -ka-, does not imply a human subject. Aka.:.s.ska.tayna.w. 3+3 RIK 'Here it is.• (La Paz/Compi) The Class 2 suffix -rapibeneficiary occurs in stems which take human subjects and human -taki complements, and may also take a human -ru relational. There is also usually a zero complement. (Juma.x)(jupa.r) (naya.taki.w) ch'ug chura.rap.ita:ta. 2p 3p lp potato give 2+1 F 'You will give him potatoes on my behalf. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) The Class 2 suffix -ragavictimary occurs in stems which take human subjects and human -na complements;
PAGE 640
623 relationals may also occur, and the zero complement is a possession of the -na complement. Juma.n wutilla.m 2p bottle 2p jala.g.ta.ya.rag.tam. knock over 3+2 s 'He knocked over your bottle.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Some derived verbs based on nouns verbalized with the Class 1 suffix -jahave unrealized subjects but take human -ru complements and ingestible -ta relationals. The verbs may take the nominalizer -na only when they are stated with their -ta relationals; -ru complement nouns are usually not expressed. Examples: mang'a.t ~ mag'a.t awt.ja.na (*awt.ja.na) awti 'drought' Mang'a.t (naya.r) food lp uma.t awt.ja.na Uma.t awt.j.itu. water awt.j. itu. lack 3+1 s 'I'm hungry. 1 (all dialects) 'I'm thirsty.' (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) t II ~ uma. p ar.Ja.na (*p"ar.ja. na) p 11 ara 'dry' Uma.t .p"ar.j.itu. 'I'm thirsty.' (La Paz)
PAGE 641
624 uma.t wan.ja.na (*wan.ja.na) wanu 'dry' Uma.t wan.j.itu. 'I'm thirsty.' (Calacoa, Sitajara, Bertonio 1603b) Another verb that takes a human -ru complement and may have an unrealized subject is jat.ja.na 'to weigh upon, to sadden'. Jat.j.itu. { 1+3 s 'It saddens me/weighs me down/weighs on me.' 'It's heavy.' (La Paz/Compi) Certain verbs with subjects that are human body parts or conditions affecting them, answer the ques tion Kuna.s kama.ch.tam? 11 What ails you?' what how 3~ s The examples, all of which are believed to take -na nomi nalizer, are from Hardman et al. (1975:1.181-184, 2.119) unless otherwise noted. Mallg' a.w throat ch 11 aja.nt.itu. 3+1 s "My throat is hoarse.'
PAGE 642
625 T'aya.w k 1 at 11 ati .y. itu. 'The cold makes me shiver.' cold Puraka.w k'ich.itu. stomach Lupi.w lup.j.itu. sunlight Iki.w pak. itu. sleep T II aya . w t II ay. j . i tu . cold Ampara.w t'uk.utu. arm P'igi.w us.utu. head 'My stomach has cramps.' 'The sunlight makes me hot.' 'I'm sleepy.' ('Sleep overcomes me.') (Jopoqueri) 1 The cold chills me.' 'My arms are stiff.' 'My head aches. 11 There are also verbs that may take both human per sons and human body parts, or conditions affecting them, as subjects. With person subjects they may take inanimate zero or -ru complements but they usually do not take human comple ments; with body parts or conditions as subjects they may take human complements, in which case they answer the 'What ails you?' question. Examples:
PAGE 643
puri.na 1 to arrive' Person subject: Jupa.w 3p 626 { (mark) } (marka.r) town pur.i. 3+3 s 'He/she arrived (in town).' (La Paz) Condition subject: Iki.w pur.itu. gari.na 'to tire' sleep 3+1 s 'I'msleepy.' (LaPaz) Iki.w puri.w.j.itu. ' I 'm sleepy. ' (Cal acoa) Iki.w pur.t.itu. 'I'm sleepy.' (Sitajara) Ch 11 uxu.w pur.itu. urine 'I need to urinate. 1 (La Paz) Person subject: Qari.ta.ki.t.wa. 1+3 s 'I'm very tired. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
PAGE 644
627 Qar.j.t.wa. 1 I 1 m tired. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Body part subject: Kayu.naka.w sar.naga.t gar.j.itu. feet walk 3+1 s 1 My feet are tired (tire me) from walking.• (Hardman et al. 1975:2.119) Unrealized subject: Qar.ja.s.k.itu.w. 3+1 sara.na 1 to go• Person subject: s 1 I 1 m tired. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:1.355) { (mark) Naya.x lp (marka.ru.w) town sara.:. --1+3 F 1 I I ll go to town. 1 ( La Paz) Body part subject, body part -ta relational: Wila.w nasa.t sar.itu. blood nose 3+1 s 1 I have a nosebleed.' ('Blood from nose goes to me. 1 (La Paz)
PAGE 645
sar.ta.na 'to get up' Person subject: Jupa.x 3p 628 sar.t.i.w. 3 3 s 'He got up. 1 (La Paz) Body part condition subject, condition -ta relational: Jinchu ch 11 ig 11 acha.w t 11 aya.t sar.t.itu. ear ache cold 3+1 s 'My ear aches from the cold.' ('Ear ache from cold gets up to me.') (Hardman et al. 1975:1.181-182) A verb that may take a human -ru complement with either a human person or bodily condition as subject is katu.na 'to grab'. Person subject, human -ru complement: Jupa.x (naya.r) kat.utu. 3+1 s 'He/she grabbed me.' (La Paz)
PAGE 646
629 Condition subject, human -ru complement: Rumarisu.w kat.utu. rheumatism 3+1 s 1 I have rheumatism.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.181-182) A verb that may take a human or animal subject with or without a h~man complement is ma.kata.na 'to go across or in front of'. Human subject, human -ru complement: Naya.x mallku.r ma.kat.t.wa. lp chief 1+3 s 1 I went before the chief.' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco; inspired by Bertonio 1603b:272) Human subject, place zero complement: Jawir ma.kata.m. river 2+3 I 'Cross the river. 1 ( La Paz/Ti ahuanaco; inspired by Bertonio 1603b:272)
PAGE 647
630 Animal subject, human..:!]_ complement: Kusi.kusi.x ma.kat.istu. spider 3+4 s 'Spiders crawled over us. 1 (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) Most of the above examples are from La Paz. Evi dence of dialectal variation in the semantic features of verb subjects and complements is still scanty, but a few examples may be given. In La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, and Morocomarca the verb wawa.cha.na means 'for animals to bear offspring'. In Jopoqueri, Sitajara, and Salinas the verb is also used for human beings, with the general meaning 'to bear offspring'. Everywhere, however, derivatives of the verb usu.na 'to be ill 1 (such as usu.ri.:.ta.:.na, usu.r.ta.si.na, and us.xa.na) are commonly used for 'to be pregnant, to bear a child' (human subject). In Juli ik.nug.t.xa.si.na means 'for a human being to be born'. The corresponding verb in Jopoqueri is jiki.nugu.si.na. Metaphorically they may mean 'to be founded' taking as subject an organization, for example. In La Paz the usual verb meaning 'for a human being to be born' is nasi.na, from Spanish nacer. The corresponding native Aymara verb yuri.na ~ yawri.na still persists in Juli
PAGE 648
631 and parts of La Paz department but yuri.na is considered to be Missionary or Radio Aymara by some speakers (see 9-6.2). 8-2.3 Directly/Indirectly acquired knowledge (data source) This postulate is expressed by verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3), the reporting verb sa.na (6-4 and 7-4.4) and certain final suffixes (7-2.22). Its cultural importance is conveyed in a saying found in almost all Aymara communities (see 7-4.22. l and Appendix D), which may be translated as 'Having seen, one must say 11 I have seen. 11 Not having seen, one must not say 11 ! have seen. 111 Closely bound up with this postulate is the cultural impor tance of learning by watching the behavior of respected people, as reflected in the expressions noted in 8-2.2 with reference to the human/nonhuman distinction. un.ta.sa.w sar.naga.:ta. people watching go around F Kuna.r un.ta.t sar.nag.ta.xa. anything watching go around s 'Live (by) watching real people. 1 'You go around looking at anything.' (How stupid you are.) (La Paz/Compi) In Aymara society, children are expected to learn by observa tion and in a very short time; they are expected to dis criminate, both qualitatively and in terms of who did and
PAGE 649
632 said what and to whom. This expectation is reflected in the language. The Simple, Remote Direct Knowledge, and Remonstra tor tenses are used when (usually visual) direct experience on which to base a statement (or question) is available to the speaker, hearer, or both. The Future, Imperative, and Desiderative tenses are used for projections vouched for or desired on the basis of directly acquired personal knowl edge. The Remote Indirect Knowledge tense indicates non presence of the speaker at the event(s) discussed and second hand acquisition of the information, possibly accompanied by surprise or change of a former opinion. Compound tenses with the Inferential express conjecture based on evidence from personal experience, while compound tenses with the Non-Involver imply inability to vouch for information be cause of factors beyond one's control. The reportive verb sa.na places the speaker in the role of reproducing what someone else said. Varying de grees of directness or indirectness of acquisition of the information may be expressed by the verb sa.na as well as within the quoted statements themselves. The final suffixes -wa absolute and.:...! reiterator of known information are the strongest of the direct knowl edge markers. They often occur softened with the politive ~, but this does not detract from their absoluteness.
PAGE 650
633 The interrogatives -sa and -ti elicit answers with -wa or .:.JU. even if no information is available. Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. 'I don't know.' (general) no know 1+3 s On the other hand, the final suffix -xa or its variant is nonabsolute, often tentative. The limited final suffix -chiand the disclaimer-mare the strongest indirect knowledge markers, the former very similar in both phonologi cal shape and semantics to the Non-involver suffix -chi. In fact, the final suffix combinations -chi.xa and -chi.m have occurred only with -chi Non-mvolver on the verb, although the latter often occurred without -chi.xa or-chi.min the sentence. Combining direct knowledge tenses with direct knowl edge final suffixes reinforces the directness. The final suffixes -wa and .:..i. do not co..,occur with the Non-involver, the most indirect of the tense markers. At this stage of research no regional variation in this postulate has been noted, but there is variation with respect to Missionary Aymara (see 9-6.13).
PAGE 651
634 8-2.4 A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural In Aymara the distinction of singular/plural is not a postulate as it is for the Inda-European languages. Plural may be optionally indicated by the noun suffix -naka and/or the verbal derivational suffix .:..e.:._, as noted in 5-2.3, 5-3.25, and 6-2.26. The present section focuses on examples that show the optionality of number marking in Aymara. 8-2.41 Plural in translation, no plural marking in Aymara Juma. raki 2p and na.raki, juma.raki lp and uka.x kuna.s? Kayu.w. that what foot 'You and I, you and l, na.raki, what is that? Feet.' (Calacoa riddle) Wawa.j pirti.si.y.itu. child lp lose 3-+l s 'She made me lose my children." '(Socca) Yapu.sa.taki.wa. field 4p 'It's for our fields.' (Salinas)
PAGE 652
635 strength sa.s uka.t uma.nt.iri.w. that drink 111 Drink chicha, drink this chicha, for strength, 11 so saying they drink. 1 (Sitajara) The following example has a subject consisting of two nouns conjoined: Uk 11 a. ru. x awk tayka. raki .w puri. n. iri tayn. then father mother and arrive 3+3 RIK 'Then the father and mother arrived.' (Juli) The second in the following minimal pair (contrast ing the phonemes /ch 1 / and /ch/) implies more than one per son as subject. Ch 1 ara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. wet NI 3+3 D-1 Chara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. thigh 1 (The rain) might get your clothes wet.• (La Paz) 'They may cross thighs.• (obscene) (La Paz)
PAGE 653
636 8-2.42 Conjoined nouns as subject, plural marked on verb Tata.j mama.ja.w jark 1 a.si.p.x.itu. father lp mother prevent 3-+-l s 1 My father and mother don't let me. 1 (Juli) + g 11 amagi.mpi k 1 usillu.mpi jig.xata.si.p.xa.tayna fox monkey meet 3-+-3 RIK ... a fox and a monkey met ... 1 (Pacajes; LaBarre 1950:42) 8-2.43 Plural marked only on subject Alp 11 irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. alferado 3-+-3 s 'There are alferados. 1 (Sitajara) Uka.t uka piwuna.naka.x Y2.. uka chicha.mpi.x then that worker tunu.ri.w. strength 1 Then those workers are strengthened with that chi cha. 1 (Sitajara) Juma.naka un.ch 1 uk.ista.wa. 'You (pl.) are looking at me. 1 (Salinas; translated from S Spanish) K 11 iti.naka.s pur.ta.ni.w.x.i? who arrive s 'Who (pl.) arrived? 1 (Calacoa)
PAGE 654
637 Uk 11 a.ma.ki.w kuwintu.naka.ja.x ... inas jan thus story l p maybe no wali.k.ch.i.ti. good 3+3 s 1 That 1 s the way my stories (are) perhaps not very good. 1 (Huancane) Kuna p 11 utu.naka.s whatever photo mistu.s.ka.s . come out 1 Whatever photos may come out. (Corque) 8-2.44 Plural marked only on verb A subject, complement, or relational noun without -naka but translating as plural may occur with .:Jc on the verb. Subject: Alp 11 a sa.p.x.t na.x. alfalfa say 1+3 lp •we say alp 11 a.' (Sitajara) s l . . k t 11 a .Ja.s,.p .. a naya.x. 'We buy . . ' (Calacala) buy 1+3 lp s Complement: na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it. lp dismiss 2+1 'Dismiss us (Si tajara) I Jani.w k 11 iti.ru.s aru.s.ta.si.p.xa.nta.ti. no anyone tell 2+3 F 'Don't [you sg.] tell anyone else.' (Salinas)
PAGE 655
638 Wak liw.t'a.ya.ni.p.xa.:ta. cow feed F 'You [sg.] will feed the cows.' (Calacoa) Relational: Yapu.pa.t juta.p.x.i.x. field 3p come s 'She's coming from her fields.' (Juli) It is common for .:.P..:. to occur on the verb when a subject and/or complement is unexpressed by a noun in the sentence, but appears in plural form in translation. The suffix .:.P..:. may refer to the persons involved in the action, the extent or intensity of the action itself, or both. . k t" pugu.ya.s, .p. . a sara.si.p.k.ta s s 'we produce' (Calacala) 'you [pl.] are going' (Jopoqueri) May.ni.t may.ni.t parl.t'a.p.xa.m. other talk I 'You talk one by one.' (Calacoa)
PAGE 656
am.tu.ni.p.xa.mama 1-+2 F amtu.ni.p.x.ita:ta 2-+l F 639 'we will remember you' (Juli) 'you will remember us' (Juli) Juma un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. 2-+l 'You are looking at us. 1 (Calacoa; translated from s Tu nos est~s mirando.'You [sg.] are looking at us. 1 ) Kuwintt'a.p.xa.mama. 1-+2 F 1 I 1 11 tell you a story. 11 (Huancan~) Srta. Miss Lusi.xa Lucy a k. j a . ta . : ma . ta unexpectedly aka.ru.x here wisita.p.x.itu. visit 3-+l s 'Miss Lucy unexpectedly visited us here. 1 (Salinas) Sometimes one verb may have .:..E.::. while another with the same subject does not. Uka.t uka.x chich.x lur.i.xa k'usa.si.p.k.i then that chicha make 3-+3 make chicna 3-+3 wali sum. very well s s 'Then they make chicha,they make chicha very well . 11 (Sitajara)
PAGE 657
640 Uka.t.x uma.nta.p.x.i uka.t wulpi chur.i.x give s then drink 3+3 then hit wal trawaj.i.x. well work 3+3 s s 'Then they drink, then they hit hard, they work hard.' (Sitajara) Wal sara.naqa.s.k.i wali sara.naga.si.p.k.i.x. well get along 3+3 well get along 3+3 s s 'They get along fine they get along fine.' (Sitajara) Jani.ray.s wali.:.wa.x.t.ti.x. Wal no and improve 1+3 very s (lla)k"ichu.si. be sad ta.p.x.i. 3+3 s 'I haven't gotten any better I've had a lot of trouble.' (Sitajara) In the immediately preceding example .:..P..:. acts more as an emphatic or intensifier than a plural. This is also true in the following sentences: Puri.t.ma.taki arrive 2p II t p uya.p .. wa. cook -1+3 s 'For your coming I cooked (a lot).' (Morocomarca) Tuk.t'a.si.p.x.ch.i uk charang. 'He was playing the charango (a lot).' (Juli) play 3+3 s It is possible of course that in the first example above more than one person was involved in the cooking and that in
PAGE 658
641 the second the speaker refers to the audience for which the charango was played. 8-2.45 Plural marked on complement and verb In the following examples plural is marked on the complement and the verb; there are no subject nouns or pronouns in the sentences. Na.naka.ru.x lp sirwi .p.x. it. serve 2+1 I 'You serve us. 11 Uka.ta.raki na.naka.r arma.si.si.p.k.itasma. then l p -forget 2+ l D-1 'Now then, don't you forget us.' (Juli) Kuna p 11 utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak any photo come out those apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. send 2-+l F (Sitajara) 'Please send me/us any photos that come out.' (Corque) 8-2.46 Plural marked on subject and verb When translating from Spanish, bilinguals usually mark a plural subject with -naka and the verb with..:..:., as in the following examples, all translations from Spanish:
PAGE 659
Juma.naka 2p 642 un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. look at 2+1 s 'You [pl.] are looking at me. 1 (Calacoa) Na.naka.x chik.t'a.si.p.k.t.wa. lp -ask 1+3 s 'We are asking. 1 (Salinas) Jupa.nak sara.p.xa.ta.pa.ta mama.pa.x k 11 atu.r 3p go 3p 3p market sara.:n.wa. go 3+3 RDK 'After they had left, their mother went to market. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; inspired by Ebbing 1965:185) Kullaka.nak.na sar.xa.p.x.i.wa. sister lp go 3+3 s 'My sisters left.' (Morocomarca) Juma.naka.x 2p na.r un.kata.p.itta. --;-p2+1 s 'You (pl.) are looking at me. 1 (Sitajara) This pattern may occur in the speech of monolinguals, as in the case of the following from Tschopik (1948:113), but it is not very common. + Jupa. naka. sti 3p inti.ru.xa kun.sa kama.cha.p.k.iri.tayna.ti. sun nothing do 3+3 RIK 'And they had done nothing to the sun.' (Chucuito)
PAGE 660
643 8-3 Semantic Variation in Roots and Suffixes Apart from variation in the manifestations of lin guistic postulates (although not in the postulates them selves), there is some variation in the meanings of roots, suffixes, and stems across dialects. The same root, stem, or suffix may have one meaning in translation in one dialect, another in another; or the same meaning in translation may be expressed by different lexical items or suffixes from one dialect to another. As already noted, relying on transla tions to establish 1 same 1 or 1 different 1 meanings is unsafe; identity or difference of meanings must ultimately be decided by native speakers working within the language. 8-3.1 Noun system 8-3.11 Closed classes of noun roots The verbalized interrogative Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? has slightly different meanings in different dialects (see 52.12). The syntactic linkers kuna.layku.ti.xa (built on the interrogative kuna) and uka.mpisa (built on the demonstra tive uka) are discussed in 9-5. The positionals chika and ch 1 ina have slightly varying meanings, as do some of the temporals (see 5-2.5, 5-2.6, and 5-4).
PAGE 661
644 The word jup"a, which is the 3p pronoun in Moroco marca, means quinoa (a grain) in La Paz where the 3p pronoun is~ as it is in most dialects. Some kinship terms vary in meaning across dialects. Only a few will be mentioned here. The term sullka means 'younger daughter' or 'younger' in most dialects. However, in Vitocota these meanings are rendered by p'uru. The noun achachi means 'grandfather' or 'old man' in Calacala and Calacoa, but in La Paz it signifies 'dirty (unwashed) old man, stupid old man'. The terms tatala (M) and mamala (F) are used in Vitocota by a mother addressing a son or daughter. In Sitajara they are used to refer to people from the alti plano (the department of Puna), otherwise known as the suni people. In Tiahuanaco tatala is an insulting term for 'father'. 8-3.12 Open class of noun roots 8-3.12. 1 One form in Aymara, different meanings in translation These are listed in alphabetical order. There may be some phonological variation in the root. Jiwa 'ugly' (Chucuito, Socca, Puno) 'beautiful, pretty, nice' (La Paz) 'dead' (Morocomarca) Jiwa uta.naka.ki.sa.: 'What nice houses!' (La Paz) 'Houses of the dead! 1 (Morocomarca)
PAGE 662
jirwa ~ jiwra jirwa jup 11 a kusa k 11 usa k II us i k 1 acha k 1 acha.ta.ki. liju pachpa 645 1 quinoa 1 (Sacca, Puna) 'quinoa, dried corn, cornstalk' (Sitajara) 1 quinoa 1 (Calacoa) 'dried corn or dried wheat• (Morocomarca) 1 quinoa 1 (Morocomarca) 3p pronoun (elsewhere) 1 quinoa 1 (La Paz) 3p pronoun (Morocomarca) 'tasty• (Calacoa, Huancane) 'pretty, nice• (La Paz) 'beautiful 1 (Chucuito, Puna) 'pretty' (Calacoa) 'pretty' (Sitajara) 'slowly' (Huancane; similar forms have this meaning in La Paz, Morocomarca, and Sitajara. See 8-3.12.2.) 'all, completely' (La Paz, Salinas, Calacala, Calacoa) 'cloudless sky' (Morocomarca; probably metaphorical) 'same' (La Paz) 'afterwards' (Salinas, Corque) 'right there• (Sitajara) 'dear', as in quli mama 'dear lady' (Juli, Huancane;notused in La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
PAGE 663
illA. suma suma.ta.ji suma.t 11 a.ki t 11 aya wayra warya ~ wayra 646 'lake' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, La Paz, Juli) 'well full of water' (Calacoa) 'beautiful, pretty' (Calacoa, Socca, Jopoqueri) 'tasty, delicious' (nonhuman), 'kind, good' (human) (La Paz) 'slow(ly)' (Salinas) 'slow(ly)' (Jopoqueri) 'cold' (not 'wind!) (Calacoa, Morocomarca, San Andr~s de Machaca) 'cold wind' (La Paz; wind is by defini tion cold) 'wind' (Jopoqueri, Salinas; not used in Calacoa or Compi) 'wind' (in parts of La Paz) 8-3.12.2 One meaning in translation, different forms in Aymara 'all, completely' 'asthma' liju (La Paz, Calacala, Calacoa) liju ~ lliju (Salinas) limp"u (Morocomarca) tatji (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala, Sitajara; does not occur in Calacoa) tagpa ~ tagip (Morocomarca) k 1 ap 11 allja (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Naya.x k 1 ap 11 allja.ni.t.wa. 'I have asthma. 1 xarsa (Vitocota) Jupa.x xarsa.ni.w. 'He has asthma. 1
PAGE 664
'belt' (faja) 647 p"aja (San Andr~s de Machaca) t'isnu (Morocomarca; worn only by women in San Andres de Machaca; term not used in Sitajara) wak'a (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, San Andr~s de Machaca) yapisa (Jopoqueri, Salinas; term not used in Sitajara) 'chicha' (fermented corn drink) 'cloud' 'comb' 'dog' 'family' k'usa (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Sitajara) k'usa (Calacala) winapu (Sitajara) ch'iwi (Jopoqueri) ginaya (Compi) ginayu (Huancane) chaxrana (La Paz/Compi; 'like a broom') sanu (La Paz, Calacoa) saxrana, tika (Huancane) anu (La Paz, Morocomarca, Juli, Sitajara, Calacoa) anugara (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara, Huancane, Vitocota) p 11 amilla (La Paz;< Spanish familia) yump"i (Vitocota) 'fast, in a hurry' anchicha (Sitajara) anchita (La Paz) apura (Sitajara, Jopoqueri; < Spanish apurar)
PAGE 665
'fat' 'fat-taker' 'flower' 'fox' 648 jank'a (Sitajara) jank'a.ki (La Paz) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Socca) lijiru.lla (!lave, according to Huancane source;< Spanish ligero) luku (Calacoa) ma:ji (Salinas, Morocomarca) ma:ki (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) mak.maki (Calacala) mak 11 i (Calacoa) lik'i (La Paz, Juli) lank 11 u (Salinas; in La Paz, means 'thick', e. g. wool) lunku (Calacoa) k 11 arik 11 ari (La Paz) k"ari.s.iri (Juli, Huancan~, Calacala, Morocomarca) lik'i.ch.iri (Salinas) ('fat-maker') kalawina (Calacoa; < Spanish clavel) panqara (La Paz; this and similar forms unknown in Calacoa) p 11 aq 11 ara (Morocomarca) p"anqalli (Jopoqueri) t'ika (Salinas; considered Quechua by Jopoqueri speaker) atux antunu (Salinas) lari (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
PAGE 666
'girl' (little) 649 gamagi (La -Paz, Huancan~, Sacca, Sitajara, Calacoa, Salinas) tiwla (Morocomarca) tiwula (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Sacca, Salinas) lulu (Sacca, Jesas de Machaca, San Andr~s de Machaca) mimilla (Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b) imilla (elsewhere) 'grinding stone for grain 1 'hail' 'hat' 'hen' iyana (Juli) iyana ~ iyawjana (Jopoqueri; term not used in Sitajara or Salinas) kutana (Morocomarca) panhara (Sitajara) q"una (la Paz/Tiahuanaco, Morocomarca) chijni (Huancan~) ch"ijch"i (la Paz/Tiahuanaco) ch 11 ixni (Vitocota) ch"ulluqa (La Paz/Campi) ch'utq"u (Juli) k'ulu (Jopoqueri) sumiru (Sitajara;} surmiru (la Paz; < Spanish sombrero) atallpa (Sitajara) wallpa (la Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) + atawalpa (Bertonio 1603b:23)
PAGE 667
'lung' 'much, too much' 650 chuyma (Salinas, Juli) samasama (Jopoqueri) pulmuna (La Paz, Sitajara; < Spanish pulm6n) alluxa (Salinas, Jopoqueri; not used by some La Paz speakers because of homophony with allu 'penis' plus -xa final suffix) ancha (La Paz/Campi, Jopoqueri, Salinas) ayncha (Corque) muspa: (Salinas) wakita (Jopoqueri) wal.ja (La Paz, Morocomarca) 'pretty, beautiful' jiwa (La Paz, Huancan~) 'quinoa' 'rooster' kusa (La Paz) k"usa (Sacca) k"usi (Calacoa) k'acha (Sitajara) k'ach"a (Salinas) suma (Calacoa, Sacca, Jopoqueri) jiwra (Sitajara, Calacoa) jiwra ~ jirwa (Socca) jupa (Morocomarca) -jup"a (La Paz/Campi, Huancan~) juyra (Jopoqueri, Salinas) pisqi (Sitajara) chanka (Calacoa) ch'uru (Sitajara)
PAGE 668
1 slow ( 1 y) 1 651 gallu (Salinas; k 11 allu (Morocomarca; } < Spanish gallo k 1 ank 1 a (La Paz, Jopoqueri) ququrichi {Huancane) wallpa {Huancane) aski.ta.ki (Calacoa) jarita (Achocalla) k 1 acha:.ta.ji (Morocomarca) k 1 acha:.ta.ki (Sitajara) k 1 acha.ta.ki (Huancane) k 1 acha.t 11 a.ki (Morocomarca) k 1 ach 11 ita (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) suma.t 11 a.ji (Salinas) suma.t 11 a.ki (Jopoqueri) 'ugly, disgusting• axtafta (Juli) jaxtafta (Sitajara) 1 wind 1 jiru (Salinas; < Spanish feo ? jiwa (Socca) ftaxtana (Salinas) ftaxu (Jopoqueri) p 11 iru (Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa, San Andres de Machaca; < Spanish feo ? ch 1 isi (Huancane) suqi (Calacoa) t 11 aya (La Paz; also means 1 cold 1 )
PAGE 669
'young woman' 'worm' 652 wayra (Jopoqueri, Socca, Salinas; term not used in Compi) warya ~ wayra (parts of La Paz) palachu (Calacala, possibly other parts of Potos,) tawagu (elsewhere) sik"a (Morocomarca) lag"u (Calacoa) lag'u (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara) 8-3. 13 Noun suffixes 8-3.13.1 One form in Aymara, different uses (and/or meanings in translation) -n.jama 'like in/on' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) -pacha uru.n.jama 'like in daytime' p"axsi.n.jama 'like on the moon' 'through' (Calacoa, La Paz/Compi) uta.n.jama 'through the house' 'every' (Bertonio 1603b:231) +uru.n.jama 'every day' 'self', on lp naya ~ na (Juli, La Paz, Calacoa; not used elsewhere) nay.pacha 'myself' 1 a 11 , same' (everywhere)
PAGE 670
653 8-3. 13-2 One meaning in translation, different forms in Aymara Diminutives: 'through' '(the one} which' -cha {Calacoa, Huancane} -lla (Huancan~, Sitajara, Corque, Jopoqueri, Salinas} -ita, -itu, -situ (everywhere but ""Calaco~ : k" a ( Morocoma rca} uta.:k"a 'through the house' -na.ma (La Paz/Tiahuanaco} uta.na.ma 'through the house' -:ma (San Andres de Machaca} uta.:ma 'through the house' -n.jama (Calacoa, Compi} uta.n.jama 'through the house' -ra {Jopoqueri) uta.ra.n 'through the house' -chapi on aka, uka (Huancane) -ch"api on kawki, may.ni (Jopoqueri, s,tajara} -ch"ap.iri (Sitajara) -i:ri on demonstratives (La Paz, Huancan~) -i:ri on kawki {La Paz, Huancan~, Socca, Jopoqueri) -iri on kawki (La Paz) -n.iri ~ -n.i:ri on kawki (La Paz, Juli) ~cp.iri on kawki (Socca, Morocomarca) ~vp.iri on kawki (Morocomarca)
PAGE 671
654 8-3.2 Verb system 8-3.21 Verb roots and stems Some variation in the semantics of verb subjects and complements due to different occurrences of verbal derivational suffixes on a root has been discussed under 8-2.25. The following examples from Morocomarca illustrate the meaning changes that may occur within one dialect when different verbal derivational suffixes (in this case the Class 2 suffixes -wiyaand -xa-) are substituted on a verb root (in this case chura'give'}. Chura.:.wa. 1+3 F Chura.wiya.:.wa. 1+3 F Chur.xa.:.wa. 1+3 F 'I am going to set a quota. 1 (Voy poner una cuota.) 'I will ~ive to/reach out to him/her. 1 (Levoy~ alcanzar.) 'I will give it to him/her. 1 Across dialects there exist sets or families of verbs built on the same or related roots. One such set is built on the noun/verb root aru 'word, language, speech, speak' or the derived frozen verb stem arusi-. In many dialects today aru.na exists only as a noun, 'cock's crow'.
PAGE 672
655 (In Huancane, however, wall pa ar.ta is 'cock's crow'.) The Spanish loan verb parla.na 'to speak' has been adopted al most everywhere. Verbs built on aru or arusihave a variety of derived meanings. ar.s.t'a.na ar.su.na ar.s.xa.na ar.t'a.na ar.t'a.wiya.na arusi.na arus.naqa.na 'to speak' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to say' (Salinas) 'to speak' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to decide; to babble, be barely able to speak' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) +,to reveal' (Bertonio l603b:301) 'to babble' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to yell' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to call' (Salinas) 'to scold, protest, speak against some one' (San Andres de Machaca, Tiahuanaco, Compi) +'to speak' (Bertonio 1603b:87) 'to speak ill of someone' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco, also Bertonio 1603b:327; La Paz uses parla.si.na more often to convey this meaning) arus.ta.na ~ arus.t'a.wiya.na 'tongue-twister' (Salinas) arus.tata.na arus.t'a.si .na ar.xata.na ar.xaya.na 'to say to someone' (Salinas) 'to agree' (Huancane) 'to declare oneself in favor of' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to speak to' (San Andres de Machaca)
PAGE 673
656 The following roots and stems, which are phono logically and semantically similar to each other,may con stitute another related set. ama:. na +. Jamawa~ amawaam.ta.na am.ta.si.na am. t. t I a. s i . na amtu.si.na am.t'a.na am.t'a.si.na amu.ki.na amus.t'a.na + amutaamu tu. : . na amuya.na muna.na + muna'to esteem, appreciate, love, want' (Sitajara) 'want, love' (Bertonio 1603b:244, 1612:2.227) 'to remember' (Huancan~, Calacoa, Jopoqueri) +, to t h i n k , d e c i d e 1 ( La Ba r re l 9 5 0 : 4 3 ) 'to long to restore, to wish to bring back 1 ( La Paz/Compi) 'to agree' (Huancane) 'to remember' (Juli) 1 to remember 1 (Cal acoa) 1 to remember 1 (Si taj a ra) 'to be quiet' (la Paz) 'to be quiet' (Calacoa) 'remember, think' (Bertonio 1603b:77) 'to be mute' (la Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to think, be careful 1 (La Paz, Sitajara) 'to warn' (Salinas, Jopoqueri) 'to esteem, appreciate, love, want' (everywhere except Sitajara) 'love, want' (Bertonio 1612:2.227) As indicated in 6-2 (and in examples in other chap ters) a stem consisting of the same root alone or of the same root plus derivational suffix(es) may gloss differently
PAGE 674
657 from one dialect to another, although meanings are usually fairly close (see 8-3.21.1). On the other hand, across dialects the same Spanish example was translated sometimes by a stem with different derivational suffixes, and some times by a different root altogether (see 8-3.21.2). In the case of verbs for agricultural practices or activities re lated to the preparation and preservation of agricultural products, similarity or identity of Spanish gloss may ob scure real differences in meaning which may be uncovered in future research. Apart from this, Aymara is rich in verbs for processing agricultural products which are very cumbersome to translate because the processes do not exist outside Aymara culture. The following are examples of two such verbs from La Paz/Tiahuanaco: jamu.rpaya.na ~ mamu.rpaya.na 'To select from a pile of ground-up freeze-dried potatoes large pieces that have failed to be ground into small enough pieces (to be ground again}; to select by rinsing (enjuagar}. 1 qawi.na 'To put oca (apilla} in the sun for three days, taking it in at night (if not, it will freeze}, then to cook it in the morning, then to put it on the roof to freeze; the result is "Aymara ice cream. 111
PAGE 675
658 8-3.21.l One form in Aymara, different meanings in translation ati.na 1 to send water through a canal 1 (Sitajara) chuk.t'a.si.na jala.na jara.na jik.xata.iia juta.na kirki.na k'asa.na 1 to be able' (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Moroco marca, Calacala) 1 to block a door (e. g. of a corral) with small stones to keep animals from getting out' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1603b:217) 'to sit down (e. g. in a chair)• (Jopoqueri, Salinas) 'to squat' (La Paz) 'to fly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) 'to run' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:271) 'to untie' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to throw out' (La Paz/Tarata) 'to get 1 ( San Andres de Machaca) 'to meet, find' (La Paz/Campi, Calacala) 'to arrive' (Salinas) 'to come' (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Juli, Huancane) 'to sing' (Salinas, Jopoqueri) 'plant for making plato paceno' (La Paz) 'for adults to cry' (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) 'to sing very loudly' (Calacoa) 'to yell' (Sitajara)
PAGE 676
k'iya.na parla.na puqu.na puri.na p"ichu.rpaya.na p"icha.rpa: .na q"ulli.na tuk i. na tunu.ra.na tulu.ra.na 659 'to grind red peppers or salt with a small round stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to grind corn with a rocking stone (bat~n)' (Salinas) 'to chat' (Salinas) 'to speak' (elsewhere) 'to grow, produce' (plant subject) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa) 'to ripen' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, La Paz/ Campi) 'to come' (Salinas, Sitajara, Calacoa) 'to arrive' (la Paz, Salinas, Jopoqueri, Calacala, Huancan~, Sacca) 'to card wool, removing dirty particles' (la Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to untie' (Salinas) 'to dig a field before planting' (escar bar) (Jopoqueri) 'to plow (with team of oxen)' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 'to inflate, to faint' (Sacca) 'to stretch out the legs' (La Paz/Compi) 'to turn numb, hard' (la Paz/Campi) 'to feel strengthened' (Sitajara) 'to feel strengthened' (Sacca) A set of phonologically similar verb roots with shifting meanings across dialects is the following:
PAGE 677
ch"ik"a.na jik"a.na sik"a.wa.na 660 'to lead an animal with a rope' (Jopo queri) 1 to drive one little animal alone' (Jopo queri) 'to take (a horse) on a rope, behind or in front of one' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to take (a cow) 1 (Calacoa) 8-3.21.2 One meaning in translation~ different forms in Aymara 8-3.21.21 One Aymara root, different suffixes Only a few examples will be cited, as use of differ ent suffixes may depend more on stylistic than on semantic criteria in many cases. In most dialects Spanish aprender 'to learn' was translated as yati.qa.na, built on yati.na 'to know'. In Calacoa yati.qa.na means 'to learn from another', while yati.nta.na means 'to learn by oneself'. Whether this distinction is also made elsewhere but was simply not mentioned is not known at this time. In Salinas and Morocomarca aprender was rendered in Aymara as yati.na. Another example occurred with Aymara translations of the Spanish escuchar 'to listen'. In most places this is rendered as is.t'a.na, the base verb isa.na occurring infrequently if at all. In Morocomarca 'to listen' is isapa.na, which corresponds to modern Jaqaru and to the Aymara of Bertonio (1603b:77); the /pa/ is apparently a frozen suffix in Aymara.
PAGE 678
661 Two other examples in context may be given: 1 Go throw it to a dog. 1 Anugara.r jagu.ni.m. (Vitocota; non-ironic) Anu.r jaq.xaru.ya.ni.m. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; non-ironic) Anu.r jaqu.ni.m. dog I (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; ironic, e. g. 1 D0 it to a dog! (not to me) 1 The expression which in Vitocota is a simple request to throw a dog a bone, to a Tiahuanaco speaker sounds like an ironic retort (see 8-2.22). To convey a straightforward request to throw food to a dog, a Tiahuanaco speaker adds the derivational suffixes shown, among them the causative -yawhich sets the 2p subject at a greater distance from the dog complement. Another example occurred in a folksong in which a dove is warned to hide from a hawk. As rendered by a speaker from Jopoqueri, it contained the inflected verb im.t 1 a.s.xa.m 'hide yourself'. A speaker from La Paz/Compi preferred ima.nta.s.xa.m in the same context. To the Jopoqueri speaker the first version was more like an order and more forceful and hence to be preferred.
PAGE 679
662 8-3.21.22 More than one Aymara root 'to be able' 'to arrive' 'to come' 'to cry' ati.na (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala) puyri.na (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa < Spanish poder ira.nta.na (Calacala, Salinas) mak 11 ata.na (Huancanl) juta.na (Salinas) puri.na (elsewhere) juta.na (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Jul,; also Bertonio 1603b:81; not used in Sitajara) jawti.na (Calacoa) jawuti.na (Jesas de Machaca) puri.na (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas) jacha.na (adults or children) (La Paz, Salinas, Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa} k'asa.na (adults) (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, parts of La Paz} 'to dig or hoe before planting' (escarbar) 'to be thirsty' junu.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) llamayu.na (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~} q 11 ulli.na (Jopoqueri) uma.t p 11 ar.ja.na (La Paz) uma.t wan.ja.na (Sitajara, Calacoa; also Bertonio 1603b:279} uma.t wana.na (Socca, Calacoa)
PAGE 680
'to fall' 'to fly' 'to go' 'to grind' 663 jala.nta.na (Morocomarca) jala.q.ta.na (La Paz, Sitajara) jaqux.t'a.na (Jopoqueri, Sitajara) tinki.na (Sitajara) tirrku.na (La Paz, Salinas) tink 11 a.na (Calacoa) tayu.na (San Andr~s de Machaca) tuyu.na (La Paz/Campi; also 'to swim') jala.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) wala.na (Calacoa) jasta.na (La Paz/Compi) maqa.na (Achocalla) sara.na (La Paz. Jopoqueri, Salinas, SitaJara, Calacoa) t'iju.na (Jesas de Machaca) T'iju.ma.y yuqalla. I 1 Go away, boy. 1 (V~te muchacho.) iya.na (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; not used in Sitajara or Salinas; means bat~n 'rock ing stone' in Juli) wayk' iya.t.t'a.si.na 'to grind red peppers' (Corque) iy.ta.na (La Paz/Campi) k'iya.na 'to grind red peppers or salt, with a round stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco); 'to grind corn with a bat~n• (Salinas) siwar piqa.na 'to grind barley with a rocking stone' (Huancan~)
PAGE 681
664 g"una.na 1 to grind corn into flour on a long stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) t'iki.na (Sitajara) 'to grow, produce' achu.na (La Paz) 'to irrigate' puqu.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa) ati.na (Sitajara) ch'axch'u.ni (Jopoqueri, Salinas) k'ayu.na (Sitajara) k'ayi.na (Calacoa) qarpa.na (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) q"ich'a.na (La Paz/Compi} siqi.na (Sitijara) 'to set out (e. g. poles)' 'to plant' 'to be quiet' 1 to run' ch'ak.kata.ta.na (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) lip'.kata.ta.na (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) p 11 at.kata.ta.na (Calacoa) llaxi.nta.na (Corque) llax.xa.na (Achocalla) sata.na (elsewhere) ampa.cha.na (Juli, Calacoa) amuki.na (Juli, elsewhere; not used in Calacoa) jala.na (La Paz/Compi, La Paz, Tiahuanaco) jal.t'a.na (Calacoa, Juli) al.ta.na (Sitajara) tani.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala)
PAGE 682
'to sing' 'to sit' 'to sprout' 1 to thank' 665 t'iju.na 'to run over the ground' (San Andres de Machaca) t'ij.ta.na (Juli) kanta.na (La Paz; } < Spanish kant.t 1 a.si.wa.na (Sitajara; cantar) kirki.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) k'asa.na 'to sing very loud' (Sitajara) q'uchu.na 'to sing hymns' (La Paz) wi rsu. iia (Cal acoa < Spanish verso I verse 1 ) chuk.t'a.na (Jopoqueri) chuk.t'a.si.na (Morocomarca, Salinas, Jopoquer,, Calacala, Sitajara) qunu.si.na (Juli) qun.ta.si.na (La Paz, Juli) ut.t'a.na 'to stay• (La Paz, Huancane, V,tocota) ut.t'a.si.na (Calacoa) ali.nuqa.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) ali.ra.ni.na (Salinas. Calacoa) al.su.si.na (Sitajara) yapu ch 1 ilk 11 i.na (Salinas) jil.su.ni.na (Salinas, Morocomarca) mist.su.na 'to come out' (La Paz/Campi) juspajara.na yuspara.si.na (La Paz; } < (Huancane; Spanish Dias pagara 'God will repay 1 )
PAGE 683
666 yusulupay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; < Spanish Dias~ lQ_ pague 'May God repay you.• 1 to think' amuya.na (la Paz) lup 1 i.na (la Paz, Jopoqueri) 1 to wait for someone• 'to weed' inas.t.a.na (Morocomarca, Calacala} unas.t'a.na (Calacoa) unas.t 1 a.wa.na (Sitajara) ansiya.na (Corque) suya.na (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa) wanqi.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) wanq.t'a.na (Salinas) qura.fla (la Paz/Tiahuanaco, San Andr~s de Machaca) qura.ta.na (La Paz/Compi) qur.su.na (Achocalla, La Paz/Tiahuanaco) qur.ta.na (Achocalla) t"aru.na, t"aru.ra.na (La Paz/Campi) 8-3.22 Verbal inflectional suffixes Falling together of certain verbal inflectional suf fixes involving the fourth person was noted in 8-2.l. Structural homophony in verbal inflections (one form with several meanings) is rather limited in Aymara. The following examples may be noted:
PAGE 684
667 1+2 S (Huancane) 4+3 S (Morocomarca) 4+3 D-1 (everywhere except Calacoa) 1+2 S (Salinas) 2+3 I (Juli, Socca, Huancane, Calacala) /-vtan(a)/, /-:tan/, /-:tna/ 4+3 F (Calacoa, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) 4+3 RDK (elsewhere) On the other hand, in certain tenses there is con siderable variety in phonological shapes that express the same tense/person meaning. Numerous examples were given in 6-3. 8-4 Metaphor Investigation of metaphor in Aymara was not really attempted for this study. The following comments and ex amples involve nouns mainly, since metaphorical use of verbs requires manipulation of verbal derivational suffixes in ways usually beyond the nonnative's grasp (either receptively or productively).
PAGE 685
668 Hardman et al. (1975:3.34) pointed out that posi tionals are often used as metaphors for time. I have chosen to consider g"ipa 'after, behind' as both a positional and a temporal. Other examples of this overlap are layra ~ nayra 'eye, before, in front of 1 , pacha 'space, time', and chika 'halfway, middle' (see 5-2.5 and 5-2.6). Metaphor in Aymara involves moving lexical items from one semantic category into another, e. g. from human to nonhuman. The following humanizes an inanimate object, a chair, here the unspoken subject of the verb jaws.a.na 'to call'. Ak.sa.r mama, wali jaw.s.tam, ut.t 1 a.si.nani. 'This way, ma'am, (the chair) calls you, let's sit down.• i. e. 'Make yourself comfortable, let's sit down.• (Vitocota) (This same expression may be used in La Paz/Tiahuanaco, sub stituting gun.ta.si.nani for ut.t 1 a.si.nani.) Metaphors involving the use of human or animal terms for inanimate objects or plants are common, e. g. the use of ch 1 ina •ass, human posterior• to mean 'base, bottom• (of a cup or pot) in Compi. The following are names of varie ties of potatoes identified by Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco):
PAGE 686
669 aja.w.iri imil la 'ajawiri girl' ch' iyar imil la 'black girl' jang 1 u imilla 'white girl 1 k"uchi ~u 'piglet' p 11 inu chara 'p 11 inu leg' q'illu k 1 awna •yellow egg' runtu 'egg' (Quechua) sani imilla 1 sani girl' waka laxra 'cow tongue' yugall ch'ugi 'boy potato' Two more potatoes have names of 1) another vegetable, and 2) an inanimate object: g I i 11 u sapa 11 u wislla p'aki 'yellow squash' 'bent serving spoon' (cuchar6n doblado) In fact, the only potato name cited that is not metaphoric, apart from the generic term ch'uqi, is rnOne of the commonest metaphors in Aymara is chuyma. It is usually translated 'heart' (coraz6n), but most speakers will explain that the anatomical organ it represents is actually the lung (bofe) or diaphragm. The anatomical term for heart is llugu. As a metaphor, chuyma always occurs with human reference. A common phrase is taqi chuyma.t 'whole heartedly, sincerely' (de todo coraz6n). The noun chuyma
PAGE 687
670 also occurs in the following expression from La Paz/ Tiahuanaco: Juma.x 2p ) wal chuym ( t chuyma.x wal S jar.j.ista. s 'You untied my heartstrings.• (Me desataste coraz6n.) This means 'You made me forget my troubles. 1 Another ex pression, from La Paz/Campi, is chuym ut.t'a.si.na, 1 to seat the heart•, which means 1 to resign oneself, to accept circum stances one can't change•, as inthe following sentence: Kama.cha.raki.:ta.x niya uka.:.chi chuym what do already that NI F ut.t 1 a.ya.s.xa.k.chi.:ta.x. seat NI F 'What (else) can you do it's already happened (and it was beyond your control) resign yourself to it. 1 (La Paz/Campi) The derived noun chuyma.ni, with the possessor suffix -ni, means 'wise, mature person• in La Paz, and as such is usually reserved for older people. In Sacca chuyma.ni may refer to younger persons as well, conveying the ideas of emotional maturity and good character expressed in La Paz
PAGE 688
671 The following is from Tschopik (1948:113): + aka .!E.l chuyma.ni jagi.naka.xa this people 'these ignorant people' Tschopik's translation is 'these demented people', but since .i2..i glosses as 'stupid' (sonso) in Sitajara today, the above gloss seems preferable. A few other noun metaphors involving the use of a nonhuman or nonliving noun used to refer to a human or ani mal are given below in alphabetical order. ch'uxna 'green' pang 11 alli 'flower' t 11 ant 11 a 'rags' Metaphorical: 'rebel' (human) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Metaphorical: the llama, 'flower of the altiplano'. According to legend the gods threw flowers on the pampa and they turned into llamas. (Jopoqueri) Metaphorical: 'poor, good-for nothing person' t 11 ant 11 a masi. a 'poor fell ow like me' Huancane) A metaphorical use of the noun/verb root t'ullku is 'in a hurry'. The verb t'ullku.na means 'to twist' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco).
PAGE 689
672 The following phrases and sentences illustrate other metaphors involving nouns and verbs. Achaku.ma.w jal.ta.ni. mouse 2p run 3+3 F 'Your mouse will run." (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) ('You' 11 be hungry. ' ) Chamga.mp chayru.mp jir.t"api.ta.:.wa salad soup mix 3+3 RDK 'It mixed salad and soup.' ('The meeting was very disorganized and confused.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Iki.n t 11 al.t 11 ap.i. bed shake 3+3 s 'He/she shakes the bed.' ('youngest child') (La Paz) Iskuyla.x ampara.naka.ma.n.k.i.w. school hand 3+3 s 'The schooi is in your hands.' ('The school is your responsibility.') (La Paz/Compi} Jayp'u.:.ta.x.t.wa. evening 1+3 s 'I'm evening.' ('I'm done for, finished.') (Socca) k 11 unu.t t 11 aya.t isi.ni. 'dressed in snow and cold' snow cold dress ('poverty-stricken') (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 8-5 Summary and Conclusion Regional semantic variation in Aymara is relatively slight. As might be expected, nearby dialects tend to share
PAGE 690
673 lexical items and meanings, some of which do not occur else where, but there are instances of widely separated dialects having lexical items with similar or identical meanings and usages. No one dialect shows a significant number of lexical items different from those of other dialects. Some variation in meaning relates to connotation. Forms which are innocuous in one dialect may be negatively loaded in another. lmpressionistically it seems that La Paz dialects may have a greater propensity for irony than dialects of some other places, but this impression may be the result of greater familiarity with and easier access to data from the La Paz area than to that from other areas. The study of Aymara semantics beckons for the future. Among the many possibilities for investigation is research into terms used in agriculture and related practices in different parts of the Aymara world to determine exactly what is meant by them. It is also to be hoped that with the growing attention being given by Aymara linguists to semantic studies (for example the work of Juan de Dias Yapita), the semantic distinctions governing selectional rules for verb subjects and complements will be clarified and appropri ate labels assigned them in Aymara.
PAGE 691
674 Notes 1 1n Huancane g 11 awa 11 a occurred with human reference when suffixed with a personal possessive, e. g. Q 11 awg 11 a.ma.sa? 2p 'How many of your people?' Elsewhere this would mean 'How many of yours [nonhuman]?' 2 The phrase suma is not much used in Sacca, which instead uses jagi alone or the derived noun chuyma.ni (see 8-4). 3 An alternate analysis of this form would be as a sequence containing a noun suffix -ka (possibly related to the -ka that occurs finally on nounsin Morocomarca and Calacala), followed by -na possessive/locational plus -ka verbalizer. Or /kanka/could be analyzed as a unitaryverbalizing suffix -kankawhich occurs only on human nouns and is always followed by the nominalizer -na. Further in vestigation will, it is hoped, resolve theriiatter. 4 A small amount of data was collected in Puerto Acosta (province of Camacho, department of La Paz), near Lake Titicaca just below the Peruvian border. 5 -ni is ambiguous out of context on the numbers 11 to 19, 2lto 29, etc., glossing as human enumerator, non human possessor, or unmarked possessor, e. g. tunka.maya.ni 10 l '11 people' 1 11 [ten having one] things or animals' 'having 11 things or animals'
PAGE 692
CHAPTER 9 MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA 9-1 Introduction Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara are trans lation dialects not specific to any one region. That is, they are the result of translation from Spanish (or English) into Aymara, sharing a tendency to impose Spanish (or English) categories and patterns, both grammatical and cultural, upon Aymara. Missionary and Patr6n Aymara have their roots in the 16th century; Radio Aymara is a later development. As indicated in 2-4.12, until very recently all materials published in Aymara were of the Missionary -or Patron varieties. Missionary Aymara, identifiable by its idiosyn cratic use of certain syntactic linkers and lexical items, by weakening of the human/nonhuman and data source postu lates, and by a rigorous marking of plural, occurs in sermons, translations of religious texts, and several published grammars of the language, as well as in the everyday speech and storytelling of persons active in institutionalized religion. 1 Patron and Radio Aymara overlap Missionary to some extent. Patron Aymara, which occurs both in writing and 675
PAGE 693
676 in speech, is heavily Spanish-influenced in syntax and has an impoverished lexicon of suffixes. Radio Aymara is used by radio announcers translating orally directly from Spanish scripts. It is characterized by Spanish syntactic patterning and by a superabundance of Spanish loans, with the Aymara sometimes reduced to final suffixes. A number of announcers are now consciously trying to make their translations less literal, however, seeking to interpret the sense rather than gloss word for word. As noted in 3-3.3, the entry of Spanish loanwords into Aymara, which occurs in all Aymara dialects, is nothing new. Some early Spanish loans (certain roots and stems, diminutive suffixes, and expressions of thanks) have been completely adapted to Aymara phonology (Aymarized) and are perceived by monolinguals and bilinguals alike as natively Aymara; others are more or less adapted to Aymara phonology according to the degree of the speaker's control of Spanish and attitude toward Aymara. A rather large number of loans may occur even in the speech of mono linguals if they wish to show familiarity with the prestige language, Spanish; in that case loans may alter nate with native Aymara doublets, as occurred in the speech of an elderly monolingual woman in Tarata, Peru. (A definition of Aymara monolingual may here be attempted: a person who produces grammatical sentences only in Aymara, although possibly using a rather extensive Spanish
PAGE 694
677 lexical component.) It was also observed in the course of this research that bilingual Aymara men talking to each other in Aymara in La Paz used Spanish syntactic linkers (like entonces 'then') with great frequency but did so only rarely when talking with monolinguals in rural communities. The whole matter of Spanish loans in Aymara deserves more study, taking into account situational factors like the presence or absence of listeners who have a greater command of Spanish (or English) than of Aymara. The point I wish to make here is that a large number of Spanish loans in a dialect does not in and of itself necessarily imply a corresponding weakening of Aymara grammatical processes or linguistic postulates or an im poverishment of the native Aymara lexicon. Nevertheless, it is true that Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara are generally characterized by a high proportion of Spanish loanwords in Spanish phonology, tending toward inclusion of whole Spanish phrases or even sefitences, or full-fledged code-switching. The tendency to keep or try to approximate the Spanish phonology of loanwords (when these are recognized as such) evidently reflects, in some persons, the view that Spanish is inherently superior to Aymara--a view fostered consciously or unconsciously by most writers of Missionary and Patr6n grammars (see 2-3 and 2-4.11) and accepted by adherents of certain religious sects (see 10-2.7). In contrast,
PAGE 695
678 bilinguals literate in Aymara and Spanish, who consciously promote the development of Aymara literature, deliberately Aymarize Spanish loans, both in speech and in writing, as for example Istarusunirusa (from Estados Unidos 'United States') and winus tiyas (from buenos dias •good morning'). 2 In the following sections the three dialects will be discussed with respect to phonology, morphophonemics, morphology, morphosyntax and syntax, and semantics. It should be kept in mind in reading this chapter that it is primarily an analysis of Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara as spoken in the city of La Paz and (for Missionary Aymara only) in Campi, department of La Paz; and of published sources of Missionary and Patr6n Aymara (see 2-4.11}, most of which probably also reflect La Paz usages. For Radio Aymara, only recorded {spoken) texts were used; for Missionary, both recorded and published written texts; and for Patr6n, published written texts only. The analysis is based on interpretations and revisions of the texts and on additional examples provided by Vasquez (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) and Yapita (La Paz/Campi). Vasquez furnished most of the initial interpretations and revisions of published texts (for example, Ebbing 1965, Paredes Candfa 1963, Wexler 1967, and the Aymara catalogues). Yapita reviewed some of these as well as the recorded texts. The chapter is thus a contrastive study of the three trans lation dialects and the two La Paz dialects, from the
PAGE 696
679 point of view of the latter. A more definitive study would require further analysis of the three translation dialects by Aymara speakers from other dialect areas, with additional data from different areas. 9-2 Phonology From the point of view of speakers of other Aymara dialects (especially, those who are monolingual in Aymara), Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara tend to be spoken with a Spanish accent (albeit the Spanish is itself Andean, reflecting to an as-yet-undetermined extent a substratum of languages native to the area). The components of this accent include a tendency to produce the five cardinal Spanish vowels and intonation patterns associated with that language. Pronunciation is often perceived as overly precise and slow, except in the case of radio delivery which may be considered overly clipped and staccato. (To what extent these perceptions are due to phonological factors, and how much they are influenced by morphology and syntax, are questions needing further investigation.) As noted in 2-4.11, all published Missionary and Patr6n texts use the five Spanish vowels. Most confuse the velar and postvelar occlusives and fricatives and the plain, aspirated, and .glottalized occlusives. Even if these phonemes are distinguished, the writing systems
PAGE 697
680 often fail to keep them apart or use cumbersome means to do so, as in the case of the velar fricative written j and the postvelar fricative written jj. When these cluster, as frequently happens, unwieldy and ambiguous sequences like jjj or jjjj can result whose disambiguation requires the use of hyphens, as in the following example from Herrero et al. (1971: 1969): paj-jjeta 'pay me'. In the Yapita phonemic alphabet this word would be unambiguously rendered as pajxita. 9-3 Morphophonemics Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara observe regular vowel-dropping and -retaining rules as do other dialects, except that stylistically-conditioned final vowel dropping occurs less often in Missionary and Patr6n Aymara than in other dialects. Stem-final vowel restora tion with stress thereby occurring on the antepenultimate vowel (see 4-3.33) occurs frequently on verbs, usually with the Imperative suffix, in radio advertisements or announcements urging listeners to buy something or be present at an event, as in the following examples: al.t'a.si.pfni.ma 'be sure to buy' buy I yati.ya.si.p.ka.rak.tama 'they are notifying you' notify s
PAGE 698
681 An example of the pattern with 4+3 Simple tense occurred in a Baptist sermon in La Paz. kun .jam. s how sar.s.tana go 4+3 s . . how we are getting along' The antepenultimate stress pattern also occurs on examples given in the Patr6n Aymara catalogues, such as the following verbs with 2+3 Imperative: +Sara.ma 'go' +q I i'pi .ma 'carry on (your) back' + a . ap . ni .ma 'carry' +irpa.ni.ma 'take a person' These Patron Aymara forms are interpreted by most native speakers as rude orders, according to V~squez and Yapita (see 9-4). 9-4 Morphology As we have already seen, in Aymara some suffixes are used as softeners and politives: certain noun and verb derivationals (e.g. diminutives on nouns and the suffix -t'aon verbs), independents, and the final suffix -ya, alone or in combination. From the point of view of other speakers Missionary and Patr6n Aymara usually fail
PAGE 699
682 to use enough politives with the Imperative and Future tenses. That is, they tend to use forms like those at the end of 9-3, which would be appropriate for a parent speaking to a child, among brothers and sisters, between spouses in certain circumstances, or between a buyer and seller who do not know each other. Between adult friends, compadres, a seller and buyer who know each other, and among family members, forms with politives are the norm, e.g. sara.ma.y 'please go• with -ya final suffix. According to Yapita and Vasquez, the drills pro vided by Herrero et al. (1971-2) sound like orders, some less brusque than others, but orders nevertheless, because they lack politive suffixes. Yapita and Vsquez indicate that use of such forms by persons in authority, such as a Catholic priest or a Protestant minister, is perceived by many Aymara speakers as evidence of a more or less arrogant assumption of superiority. Compared to Missionary and Patron Aymara, Radio Aymara uses more of the verbal derivational and independent suffixes, although not of -ya politive, 3 and is therefore perceived as more courteous. The passive in Spanish is often translated in Missionary Aymara by the verbal derivational suffix com bination -ya.si-, consisting of -yacausative followed by -sireciprocal/reflexive, as in the following example from a Baptist sermon: Jesucristo Tat.itu.ru iyaw sa.m uka.t.wa Lord yes say 2+3 then I
PAGE 700
683 11 t g 1sp1.ya.s1.: a juma.sa 2p familia.ma.sa. family 2p save escape Missionary meaning: 'Put your faith in the Lord Jesus, and you will be saved, you and your household' (Acts 16-31, New English Bible) Non-Missionary meaning: 'Agree with the Lord Jesus Christ, and you and your family will cause yourselves to escape. 1 (La Paz/Compi) A non-Missionary revision of the latter part of the sentence is the following: juma.s 2p familia.ma.s uka.t family 2p then salva.ta.:.ni. save 3+3 F 'then you and your family will be saved. 1 (La Paz/Compi) The verb salva-, from the Spanish salvar 'to save', here has the resultant nominalizing suffix -ta followed by verbalization and the Future tense. This appears to be closer to the sense of the English. 9-5 Morphosyntax and Syntax Some final suffixes are used differently in Mis sionary and Patr6n Aymara than in other dialects. For example, the absolute suffix -wa tends to occur most often on verbs. In a Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a) -wa occurs once on the negative
PAGE 701
684 particle jani but otherwise always on verbs. This is not the case in other dialects. As indicated in Chapter 8, frequent use of -wa, especially with verb tenses already implying direct personal knowledge, increases the personal knowledge connotation (see 9-6.13). Some nominalizing subordination occurs in all dialects; however, the Sebeok story has very little. Spoken Missionary texts and the stories recorded by Wexler (1967) use normal levels of subordination by nominalization although they tend not to use uka as resumator. Certain syntactic linkers used in Missionary Aymara are composed of native Aymara roots and suffixes but have different meanings in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere. The following are the most common: kuna.layku,ti.xa uka.mpi.sa Missionary 1 because 1 1 but 1 Non-Missionary not used 'with that• Perhaps more than any other one feature, use of kuna.layku. ti.xa stamps a speaker as having some association with missionaries, usually Protestants, although the term has been adopted by some Catholics. It occurs in the conver sation of members of religious sects, but it did not occur in the Baptist sermon analyzed for this study, the Spanish
PAGE 702
685 loan porgue being used instead. The expression kuna. layku.ti.xa is built on the interrogative kuna 'what' plus the suffix -layku 'on account of'. The query kuna. layku.sa is an incredulous, complaining question, like 1 Why?!? 1 To persons who do not use the Missionary term, kuna.layku.ti.xa retains some of the heavy semantic freight of kuna. layku.sa, injecting a jarring note into sentences like the following: Jupa.naka.x jik.xata.si.waya.p.x.i kuna.layku.ti.xa 3p meet 3+3 s wali suma t 11 uq.ta.wi.naka.w .. very good dance Missionary meaning: 'They met together because of the very good dancing. 1 Non-Missionary meaning: 'They met together--Why?!?There were very good dances.' Jupa.naka.t 3p ma : ju k ' . i ta a little kuna.layku.ti.x na.naka.x lp pant.xa.s.iri.:.p.x.t.w. make mistakes 1+3 s disculpa may.xa.p.x.ta pardon ask 1+3 s uras.pacha.x sometimes Missionary meaning: 'We ask them to pardon us because we sometimes make mistakes.'
PAGE 703
686 Non-Missionary meaning: 1 We ask them to pardon us Why?!? We sometimes make mistakes.• The above examples were both said by a 20-year-old Baptist male speaker. A non-Missionary dialect speaker would omit the kuna.layku.ti.xa, subordinating one part of the sen tence to the other by juxtaposition as in the following: Uniwirsira.r university sara.: liyi.na.xa.w. go 1+3 read lp F (La Paz/Campi} I'll go to the university because I have some reading to do/to do some reading I have to do. 1 (La Paz/Compi) An example of Missionary Aymara use of uka.mpi.sa is the following from Wexler {1967:144): +Marfa, uta.sa.x wali suma.wa, house 4p very nice k 1 anu.wa. dirty uka.mpi.s cocina.sa.x kitchen 4p Missionary meaning: 'Marfa, our house is very nice, but the kitchen is dirty.• Non-Missionary meaning: Marfa, our house is very delicious, besides that, the kitchen is dirty.• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) As the above shows, the non-Missionary meaning of uka.mpi.sa is conjunctive rather than disjunctive. In any case it is not much used. Vasquez perceived it as a mistaken rendition of uka.mpi.n.sa 1 in spite of that•. Other
PAGE 704
687 Aymara translations of 'but' in addition to uka.mpi.sa are uka s.ipan.sti 'so saying', which is cited by Ebbing (1965:198) and consists of uka 'that' followed by the verb sa.na 'to say' with the subordinator -ipana and the final suffix -sti; and the Spanish loan pero 'but', often Aymarized as piru, which occurs in many Aymara dialects even among monolinguals. In addition to occurring on kuna.layku, the final suffix combination -ti.xa also occurs frequently in Missionary Aymara on other interrogatives serving as indefinites (and glossing as relatives in English or Spanish): kawk.n.iri.ti.xa 'the one where/in which', kun.jama.ti.xa 'whatever', k 11 iti.ti.xa 'whoever', and qawg 11 a.ni.ti.xa 'however many'. Examples (from Compi): Intrik.xa.:.wa anchit turn over 1+3 now F urasa.na hour sirlura lady kawk. n. i ri . ti . x who jupa.x 3p pirmit. itu permit 3+1 s ma: ratu parl.t'a.na.taki -a while talk ak.sa tuqi grawasyuna.t. here around recording. 'I will now turn over (the microphone) at this time (to) the lady who permitted me to talk a while on this re cording. 1 Juma.x 2p kun .jama. ti .x whatever 'You, as you said to me s.ista.xa 2+1 s
PAGE 705
688 In these sentences the interrogatives with -ti.xa are not followed by uka resumator. In non-Missionary Aymara -ti.xa occurs infrequently, as a subordinator of verbs and demons stratives. It may also occur on interrogatives, but when it does it is usually ordered first in a sentence and followed later by uka resumator, as in the examples given in 7-4.24. An example of code-switching in which Spanish all but submerges the Aymara is the following sentence, again from the Baptist sermon referred to earlier: Yo creo gue jani.w hermana.naka.s. !think that no sister 1 I think not, sisters. 1 The only Aymara in the above sentence is the negative particle jani with the absolute final suffix -wa (reduced to~) and the Aymara plural suffix -naka, which is followed by the Spanish plural 2 . The meaning conveyed is some what stronger than the above translation would imply, due to the presence of -wa; a closer approximation would be 1 No, sisters, I know it 1 s not so. 1 Although successive embedding in noun phrases is possible in Aymara (see 7-4.2), it is not very common. It occurs with more than usual frequency in a story told by a Protestant minister from La Paz (Wexler 1967:454-456).
PAGE 706
689 Two noun phrases have three nouns each, two have four, and one has five, as follows: +tiwula.n pisi chuyma.:.ta.p fox lack wisdom 3p 'the fox's stupidity' +tiwula.n wawa.naka.pa.n jiwa.ra.ya.ta.pa fox child 3p die 3p 'the murder (one by one) of the fox's children' + l . wa .Ja suma many beautiful .~ wawa.naka.ni wfieatchild haver colored 'haver of many beautiful wheat-colored children' + wallata.n suma beautiful paru wawa.naka.p wheatchild 3p colored 'the lake bird's beautiful wheat-colored children' + uka pisi chuyma puyri tiwula.x that lack wisdom poor fox 'that poor stupid fox' The high incidence of embedded noun phrases may be attributable to the influence of English-speaking
PAGE 707
690 missionaries, since English makes greater use of noun phrase embedding than Spanish does. In other respects, however, the story does not appear to follow Spanish or English word order. In fact, it shows a rather high incidence of all kinds of subordination, with a more intricate manipulation of Aymara grammatical processes than occurs in most fo~k tales recorded for this study. For this reason, before high incidence of noun phrase embedding can be ascribed to English influence, further analysis of texts is needed. On the other hand, Patr6n and Radio Aymara yield many obvious examples of Spanish word order transferred to Aymara. The following is the introductory sentence of the Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a: 54): + Ma: uru ma: warmi one day a woman < Apa.m aka mang'a take 2+3 this food I sa.tayn imilla.~a.ru say 3+3 girl p RIK awicha.ma.ru, grand2p mother jich"a now usu. ta. : . s. k. i . w. > sick 3+3 s 'One day a woman said to her daughter, "Take this food to your grandmother, she's sick now."' In Aymara zero complements (such as aka mang'a 'this food') usually precede the verb. The above sentence and the whole
PAGE 708
691 story from which it is taken are also unu$ual in the absence of -xa final suffix (the teller of the story is identified as being from La Paz, where use of -xa is the norm), in the occurrence of the final suffix -wa only on verbs (and once on the negative), and in the use of very few verbal derivational suffixes. The following example is from a radio announcement of a dance rehearsal for an impending festival. It contains an Aymara phrase translated word for word (or suffix for word) from Spanish and two untranslated Spanish phrases. Uka.t.rak jan sara.na.mpi, ut. j a. n i . wa be 3-+3 reunion y meeting and careful no go practica Sabado practice Saturday F diecinueve de agosto tagi.ni.s 19 of August all sara.nta.si.p.ka.:ta.wa. go 2-+3 F 'Be careful of not going (be sure to go), there will be a meeting and rehearsal Saturday August 19, all of you go.' The Aymara uka.t.rak jan sara.na.mpi translates the Spanish cuidado con no ir. The suffix -mpi translates con 'with' and uka.t.rak translates cuidado 'careful'. The following is a suggested revision by Yapita, to eliminate direct translation from Spanish:
PAGE 709
692 Uka.t.rak jan sara.si.p.ka.sma.ti. (La Paz/Campi) careful no go D-1 'Be careful of not going . (be careful not to miss it). 1 This uses the Desiderative tense which, with -raki independent suffix, conveys the cautionary 'be careful'. Radio Aymara has developed distinctive phrases for indicating the time, such as the following, which also shows influence of direct translation from Spanish: Llatunka minutu.naka.ki.w. nine minute arum urasa.taki. night hours for p"a l t.xa. rak. i 11 atunka lack 3-+3 s 'And it's only nine minutes before nine p.m. 1 This sentence reflects the Spanish Nueve minutes faltan para las nueve horas de l! noche, 'Nine minutes are lacking for nine o'clock in the evening,' except that, instead of the more commonly used Spanish loan for nine o'clock, las nuywi (las nueve), it uses the native Aymara number llatunka 'nine' plus aruma 'time after dark and before dawn' followed by the Spanish loan urasa (horas). Removing the plura suffix -naka on minutu (superfluous on a noun preceded by a number} and the direct Spanish translation urasa.taki (-taki
PAGE 710
693 translating para 'for'), the sentence is reworked by Yapita as follows: Llatunk minutu.mpi.x las nuywi.:.ni.w. (La Paz/Campi) nine minute with nine 3+3 F 'In (with) nine minutes it will be nine o'clock.' 9-6 Semantics 9-6.1 Linguistic postulates 9-6.11 Four-person system Since the 16th century the first and fourth grammati cal persons have often been confused by nonnative speakers of Aymara. Anomalies such as Na.naka.n Awki.sa still occur today as the first words of the Lord's Prayer, 'Our Father'. Na.naka.n is the exclusive lp possessive, 'our but not your', while Awki.sa has the inclusive 4p posses sive on the noun awki 'father', meaning 'father of you and me'. The whole phrase Na.naka.n Awki.sa is therefore a semantic impossibility, 'our-but-not-your father-of-you and-me'. However, merely correcting the phrase to Na.naka.n Awki.xa, with the lp possessive suffix -xa on awki, does not improve matters, inasmuch as the hearer would then feel excluded: 'our father but not yours.' Using the 4p for both, Jiwasa.n Awki.sa avoids exclusivity but might be objected to on the ground that 'Our Father' in the con text of the Lord's Prayer is addressed to God and that
PAGE 711
694 therefore the exclusive lp plural is appropriate, rather than the inclusive 4p; God cannot be our father and simul taneously His own (unless, perhaps, He is being addressed as the Trinity). The real problem, however, according to Yapita, is that in Aymara, God cannot be humanly possessed. Therefore, a term preferred by some Aymara speakers as a term of address or reference for God is Suma Awki I Good Father•, as in Suma Awki yanap.ta.ni.p.xa.k.ita.y. help 2+1 I 'Good Father, help us. 1 (La Paz/Compi) 4 An example of another typical confusion of the first and fourth persons is the following from Tarifa (1969:127): + Na.naka lp lura.p.xa.nani. do 4+3 F Here, the pronoun subject is lp but the subject conveyed in the verb inflectional suffix is 4p, resulting in the contradictory message 1 We (not including you) and you will do it 1 The following sentence from one of the Patr6n Aymara phrase catalogues fails to use the 4p to include
PAGE 712
695 the 2p hearer in what one proposes to do, as a form of courtesy. +Uka uma chur.,ta t par.J.1 u.wa. tnaf water give 2+1 thirst 3+1 I S The above sentence is supposed to mean!:!..!!. poco de~ d~me, tengo sed ('Give me a little water, I'm thirsty'). It is not particularly polite in any case, but the effect in non-Patron Aymara is closer to 'Gimme that water, can't you see I'm thirsty?' As we saw in 8-2.2, a polite request for water would use the 4p, including the addressee in the invitation even if he or she is being asked to provide the water. In the following example from Wexler (1967:144) rudeness results from using the 2p instead of the 4p as subject of the verb inflection, thereby implying that the addressee is a dog (a nonperson): + Aka.x mang 1 a.x Jose, mang 1 a.n mun.ta.ti? here food eat want 2 3 s The intended meaning is a matter-of-fact announcement that dinner is ready, but the impression conveyed is bad tempered, something like 1 Here 1 s food, Jose, will you shut up and eat it? 1
PAGE 713
696 9-o.12 Human/nonhuman Certain Missionary and Patr6n usages result from failure to take into account the human/nonhuman postulate. The following type of sentence occurs frequently: + Uka.x wawa.xa.wa. 'That is my child. 1 (Ross n.d. :9) that child lp As indicated in 8-2.21, use of a demonstrative as a pro noun referring directly to a human being is avoided unless rudeness is intended. This does not appear to be true of Missionary Aymara, but such sentences as the above are nevertheless perceived as rude by non-Missionary speakers. Certain nouns are used without reference to the human/nonhuman distinction in Missionary and Patron Aymara. For example, in these two dialects the common nouns jach'a 1 big 1 and jisk'a 'small I are used to refer to anything, human or nonhuman; the requirement that the nourr . ...J;lrases jach'a tansa 1 tall I and jisk'a tansa 'short' be used for human reference is not observed. Similarly, the usual restrictions on the noun suma 'good, tasty, very' do not apply. Use of suma to modify a human noun directly is not perceived as obscene, suma tawaqu being used to mean 'nice girl I and the verbalized form Suma.:.ta.wa, 'You're nice. 1 To Yapita, another anomaly results from attempted meta phoric use of suma laxra 'delicious tongue' {i.e. a meat
PAGE 714
697 dish) for 'fine language,' in the title of the Tarifa grammar (1969). Another noun used generally for human and nonhuman in Missionary and Patr6n Aymara, but only for nonhuman reference in other dialects, is muxsa 'sweet'. In Mission ary and Patr6n Aymara it may mean either 'sweet-tasting' or 'sweet(ly), pleasant(ly),' with reference to food, activi ties, or people. A typical sentence is that cited by Ebbing (1965:79). + Virgen Maria. taki g'uchu.nani. Musxa muxsa sweet for sweet sing 4->-3 F/I The intended meaning is 'Let's sing sweetly for the sweet Virgin Mary,' but the non-Missionary meaning is 'Let's sing sweet-tastingly for the sweet-tasting Virgin Mary.' Certain other nouns used only for humans in other dialects are used for nonhumans in Missionary and Patron Aymara. These include jut'u, which Paredes Candfa (1963: 35) indicated could be used to refer to small objects, but according to Vasquez it is a term used to address a human adversary who is smaller than oneself. The noun 9 11 uru 'bad, vicious' is used by Wexler (1967:21) to refer to a dog; in other dialects it is used to refer only to people. The derived noun jamasa.ta 'in hiding from' is used by Ebbing (1965:91) to refer to sheep used as a metaphor for people, as follows:
PAGE 715
698 +Awat.iri.p jamasa.ta oveja.naka.x manq'a.p.x.i.wa. shepherd 3p hiding sheep eat 3+3 s 'Hiding from their shepherd, the sheep ate.' According to Yapita, in Aymara culture sheep are encouraged to eat, and would in no case be considered capable of guile; their use as a metaphor for people is therefore not appropriate. In Missionary, Patron, and Radio Aymara, translation often results in what in other dialects would be violations of Aymara selectional restrictions on verb subjects and complements (refer to 8-2.25). For example, in the Baptist sermon already referred to, the following sentence occurred: Ma: an ejemplo hermana.naka.s example sister usku.:na, put 3+3 RDK no? This is intended to mean 'He was an example, wasn't he, sisters?' The Spanish noun ejemplo, associated in Spanish with the verb poner 'to put, place' as in poner un ejemplo 'to give or be an example,' may take either concrete or abstract complements. But the verb the speaker chose to translate poner is usku.na 'to put a small object in some thing' (e.g., a key in a keyhole), which in non-Missionary Aymara takes a nonliving, concrete zero complement. The meaning of the sentence outside of the Missionary context is therefore something like 'He put an example (a small something) in something. 1
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699 In non-Missionary La Paz Aymara the verb atipa.na takes a human subject and human complement, and means 'to defeat or overcome an adversary'. In Missionary Aymara it is extended to take nonliving complements such as sin and death. 5 The derived form atip.ja.na is also similarly used in Missionary Aymara, although in other dialects it means 'to defeat and then to escape'. The following example is from the Baptist sermon already referred to: Pas.ir lecciona.n.xa yati.ya:tan.wa Cristo.xa last lesson learn RDK jucha.ru.s jiwa.na.ru.s atip.ja.ta.pa.ta. sin death defeat 3p The intended meaning is 'In the last lesson we learned about Christ's overcoming sin and death.' In non-Mission ary Aymara the sentence implies Christ defeated someone and then escaped. The following occurred in a radio announcement. It illustrates failure to abide by selectional restric tions with respect to verb subjects: niya.ki.xa.y already fiesta.w jak'a.cha.si.n.ka.rak.i. close s The intended meaning of this is ' ... and the fiesta is already almost here', i.e., is nearing in time. The
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700 implication, however, is that the fiesta is moving physi cally closer, since the verbalized noun jak'a.cha.si.n.ka takes a physically moving subject. A preferable verb in this instance, according to Yapita, would be puri.na 'to arrive', which can take a human or nonhuman nonliving subject (see 8-2.25). The following is also from a radio announcement. The Spanish reciban sus saludos 'receive your greetings' is translated word for word (although the word order is changed), giving the following: arum.t'a.naka.ma katu.g.t 1 a.s1.p.xa.ma. greeting 2p receive I Normally the verb katu.g.t'a.si.na means 'to receive an object' rather than something nonliving and immaterial like greetings. (The above expression is also odd in that the zero complement, arum.t'a.naka.ma, retains the final vowel even though it occurs before the verb.) Yapita suggested as a preferable substitute for the above: Arum.t'a.ni.p.x.tam. 'They greet you.' s In the following example there is no problem with the reference of subject or complement but the meaning is distorted by too literal translation:
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701 Fabrica Nacional de Tejidos Polones tugi.n.xa factory national of knitwear around jich 11 a.w ya:mas now even ultimas modelo.nak.wa latest models more ap.s.t 1 a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i. ta~e out 3+3 bring S 1 The Polonesa National Knitwear Factory is now having even more up-to-date models brought out. 1 The verb ap.s.t 1 a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i translates the Spanish estan hacienda sacar 1 are having brought out'. In Aymara this implies physically taking or bringing something out, rather than producing, the derived meaning in both Spanish and English. A better translation in Aymara would be lur.ta.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i 'they are having made' (La Paz/ Compi). As a matter of fact, in the sentence just cited the announcer, apparently dissatisfied with ap.s.t'a.ya. si.p.ka.rak.i, added immediately after it p'it.t'a.ya.si. p.ka.rak.i 'they are having knitted'. Yapita has pointed out (personal communication) that radio announcers frequently use jiki.na 'to meet, to find' with an inanimate subject, to translate the Spanish se encuentra 'is found, is located' as in Kuriru.x kalli Ayakuchu.n jik.xata.s.i. post or ice street Ayacucho find 3+3 s 'The Post Office is found (located) on Ayacucho Street.'
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702 To Yapita this is incorrect, the verb jik.xata.si.na requiring a living, moving subject. A correct way to ex press the meaning, he suggests, would be Kuriyu.x kalli Ayakuchu.n.k.i.wa. 'The Post Office is on Ayachucho Street. 1 (La Paz/Campi) Examples of correct sentences with jiki.na or derived forms would be P 11 isi.x achak jik.xata.tayna.w. cat mouse find 3+3 RIK 'The cat found a mouse.' (La Paz/Campi) Jiki.si.n.kama. 'Until we meet again.• (La Paz/Campi) 9-6.13 Directly/Indirectly-acquired knowledge A third linguistic postulate which is weakened in Missionary Aymara (though not in Patron or Radio Aymara) is the distinction of direct and indirect knowledge source. Usually Missionary Aymara uses tenses and final suffixes that imply direct personal knowledge, apparently as a reflection of the Christian emphasis on acceptance by faith. According to Yapita and Vasquez, use of such forms is appropriate for eye-witness accounts, but their use in stories or sermons telling of events the speaker could not possibly have experienced personally is perceived as inappro priate and ludicrous.
PAGE 720
703 The only indirect knowledge marker used to any extent in Missionary Aymara (apart from RIK used as a surprisal) is the reportive sa.na, employed primarily in quoting Biblical texts. The following is an excerpt from the Baptist sermon aforesaid, the subject of which was the story of the doubting apostle Thomas: s i. wa < Ben:iventurados > s. i. wa < Kus i. si. na. w 6 said~ blessed said blessed Diosa.taki.x> s.i.wa jan un.j.ka.sina cree uka.ru. Fad for said no seeing believe that ... it says (in the Bible) 11 Blessed 11 it says "Blessed for God" it says "(are they who) not seeing, believe that. 111 But in many other instances preachers and storytellers associated with religious sects use the unadorned Remote Direct Knowledge or Simple tenses, as in the following from the same sermon: Kawki. :.ri discfpulo.pa.s hermanas jani cree.ka.:n.ti? which disciple 3p sisters no believe RDK The Missionary meaning of the above is 'Which of His disciples, sisters, did not believe?' To Vasquez and Yapita the sentence implies that the speaker and/or the addressees were present on the occasion of Thomas• expression of disbelief; it is as if the sentence contained the
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704 additional reminder, 'You remember, we were there and heard him say so. 1 In non-Missionary Aymara the verb would have the 3+3 RIK tense conveying indirect acquisition of the information and sa.na embedding would probably also be used to increase the speaker's distance in time and knowl edge from the matter referred to. To Missionary Aymara speakers, use of indirect knowledge markers apparently implies disbelief, which is at all costs to be avoided. The influence of this attitude extends to the telling of folktales. Whereas 3+3 RIK suffixes (-tayna or ~ritayna or their variants) are very common in stories told by non Missionary speakers, the tense is almost entirely absent in stories told by Missionary-trained persons. A few -tayna's usually creep into Missionary-told folktales, however, attesting to the strength of the direct/indirect knowledge postulate in Aymara; although it may be suppressed, it cannot be entirely eradicated. As perceived by Vasquez, use of the Future tense with implied personal knowledge in the following sentence from Ebbing (1965:83) is ludicrous: +Jucha.cha.s.iri.naka.x jani.w alax.pacha.r sinner no heaven manta.ka.ni.ti. enter 3+3 F The intended meaning is 'Sinners will not go to Heaven',
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705 but the implication is that the speaker will personally see to it that they don't. To avoid giving this impres sion, the following may be added. s.i.w Yusa.n aru.pa.n.xa. 'so it says in God's word.' says God's word (La Paz/Tiahuanaco} To Vasquez, another example using the Future also implies a threat (Wexler 1967:368}. 9-6.14 +Jupa.ti.x aymar jan yati.g.ka.ni.xa, 3p no learn F jani.w Wuliwya.r sar.ka.ni.ti. no Bolivia go 3+3 F 'If he doesn't learn Aymara, he won't go to Bolivia. (I'll see to it.}' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco} Imposition of singular/plural In contrast to failure to abide by Aymara linguistic postulates is the imposition of the singular/plural distinc tion. The most obvious overmarking of plural is that exemplified in the Baptist sermon referred to, in which the preacher used the Spanish loan hermana 'sister' plus the Aymara plural suffix -naka plus the Spanish plural suffix -s: hermana.naka.s 'sisters'. Elsewhere, Missionary and Patron Aymara mark the plural both on nouns and verbs with much more regularity than occurs in other Aymara dia lects.
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706 As indicated in 8-2.22, the noun awki has acquired association with dogs in such expressions as Awki.ma.sti 'And (how is) your father?' To Vasquez, when the plural suffix -naka is added to awki (or even to the noun tata 'father') the insult is compounded, as in the following (Wexler 1967:21): +Awki.naka.ni.:.ta.ti? 2+3 s This is intended to translate the Spanish inquiry to a child, 'Do you have parents?', i.e., 'Are your parents living?' According to Vasquez such a question is culturally incorrect, as it is not something one would usually ask a person, even a child,directly. Secondly, awki 'father' is here misused to translate Spanish padre in the sense of 'parent'. Finally, adding -naka to awki gives the meaning 'Do you have fathers?" which is like saying 'Does your mother know who your father is?' 9-6.2 Other semantic peculiarities There are other semantic peculiarities in Missionary and Patron Aymara that may not be attributable to failure to recognize linguistic postulates but are nevertheless offensive to speakers of other dialects. An example is use of the noun yuqalla, which has derogatory connotations in most dialects unless it occurs followed by wawa 'child'
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707 as in yugall wawa 'boy child, little boy. 1 Use of yugalla as a term of address is especially resented, as in the following (Ebbing, 1965:11): + Juta.m yuqalla.y! 'Come here, boy! 1 If said to an adult, this has much the same impact as the sentence would have in English, even though the positive suffix -ya occurs in the sentence. Said to a child, it means something like I Come here, you little bastard! 1 And even when it is not used as a term of address, yugalla is offensive. The sentence +K 11 1 ,.s who uka yuqalla.xa? that boy (Wexler 1967:263) intended to mean 'Who is that boy?' to non-Missionary speakers means instead something like 'Who's that poor little SOB?' The catalogues of Aymara phrases are full of examples of this type. In one case a spelling error changes what would be an impertinent question into a silly one. + Junt'a.ta.ma ut.j.k.i.ti? (Cat~logo 1971:36) pierce 2p exist 3+3 s The intended meaning of this is 'Do you have a lover?' But because of spelling errors, what is actually said is,
PAGE 725
708 according to V~squez, 'Do you have your pincushion?' The intended meaning would be conveyed, rudely, by the following: Un.t 1 a.ta.ni.:.ta.ti? look 2+3 s literally, 'Do you have someone you look at? 1 The verb muna.na 'to want, like, esteem' occurs in a number of examples, such as the following (Wexler 1967:57): +Kun.s munta.ti? 7 As indicated by Wexler (1967), this means 1 Do you want something?' but to Vasquez it has overtones of a suggestive challenge. Another example is (Wexler 1967:345) +M . t t? un.,s a. ,. 2+1 s Intended to mean 1 Do you need my help?', it actually means, according to Vasquez, 1 Do you want/love/appreciate me? 1 Vasquez indicates that the correct Aymara for asking if someone needs help is Yanap.t 1 a.:ma.cha? 'May I help you?' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ,~ F This has the Future tense and the alternative question suffix -cha.
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709 Outside of Missionary or Patr6n Aymara the verb muna.na is not used with certain complements in certain contexts. The following sentences (Ebbing 1965:28,29) were rejected out of hand by V~squez and Yapita: *Naya.x lp tata.xa.r mun.t.wa. father lp s The intended meaning is 1 I love my father•, but the meaning conveyed is incestuous. The following implies sodomy: *Naya.x an mun.t.wa. lp dog s A more appropriate sentence for indicating that one would like to get a dog would be Naya.x an uywa.si.n mun.t.wa. lp dog raise s 1 I would like to raise a dog.• Other usages perceived as errors by V~squez are probably the result of mistaken translations or fanciful ety mologies, like the following from Paredes Candia (1963):
PAGE 727
anu ch'ap 11 i jamp'atu tunta 710 Paredes Candfa 'dog excrement' 'vagina' 'potato starch' (almid6n de ~) V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'dog thorn', medicinal plant {Spanish amor seco) -'toad' 'potatoes which have been soaked in water, frozen, fermented, and sun dried'; an Andean staple food In Missionary Aymara certain lexical items have meanings different from those they have in other dialects, usually resulting from generalized applications of terms that have more specialized, or negative, meanings in other contexts. Some of these have already been mentioned in earlier sections; more examples are given below. Nouns: aski machaka muntu Missionary Aymara 'benefit, good, bene ficial' 'new', as in Machak Testamentu 'New Testament' 'non members of one's own sect' muntu 'world' < Spanish mundo 'person, people' Non-Missionary Aymara same meaning, but used only in certain set ex pressions (La Paz/Campi) 'new, unused' (e. g. clothes) (La Paz/Campi) Jich"a Testamentu 'New Testament' (La Paz/ Campi) taken as insult meaning 'people of the Devil' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
PAGE 728
Nouns (cont.) muntu warmi muntu chacha Verbs am.ta.si.na ir. naga. na 711 Missionary Aymara 'woman not a member of one's own sect' 'man not a member of one's own sect' 'to remember, recall a fact 1 'to work' (general) Non-Missionary Aymara 'Devil 1 s woman, prostitute' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'Devil 1 s man' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to long to restore' (La Paz/Campi) 'to work in the fields in the morning' (La Paz/ Compi (The above is not to be confused with ira.naga.na 'to handle', which occurs in al1 dialects.) iyaw sa.na un.ja.si.n.kama yuri.na 'to believe, trust, have faith in; belief, trust, faith' 'until we see each other (again) 1 (~Jexler 1967:21) 'to be born' (also used in Radio Aymara for historical accounts) 'to say yes, agree; agreement' (La Paz/Campi) 'until we see each other's bodies' (La Paz/Compi) usually replaced by nasi.na < Spanish nacer (see 8-2.25) A final example of an expression used with a different meaning in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere is Yati.m, literally 'Know you (this). 1 The expression occurs at the beginning of a story (Wexler 1967:455)
PAGE 729
712 when one character is about to tell another how to go about doing something. To V~squez, the meaning of the expression is closer to 1 It serves you right! 1 , 1 ! told you so! 1 , 1 Tough! 1 , or 1 Grin and bear it! 1 ; it would be said to someone who has done something against one's advice and is now complaining about the outcome. Radio Aymara has a few specialized terms not used in everyday speech, such as the verb atama.na 'to announce a message•. The following is an example of the way it would be used on the radio: Jupa.x 3p ma: a papil gillg.ta.ta paper write sa.sina. announce say I jay.t'a.si.way.i leave s 1 He left a written message to be announced. 1 ('He left a written message, 11 Announce it for me, 11 saying.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 9-7 Summary and Conclusion Missionary and Patr6n Aymara differ from other dialects primarily in their disregard of linguistic postulates. Missionary Aymara, additionally, has cer tain distinctive usages. Radio Aymara closely reflects Spanish syntax and lexicon. As perceived by V~squez
PAGE 730
.,,, 713 and Yapita, Missionary and Patr6n Aymara are often offensive as well as grammatically incorrect, while Radio Aymara is more often perceived as merely incor rect. Whether the translation dialects are perceived as substandard by a majority of Aymara speakers (that is, to what extent the perceptions noted in this chapter represent those of the Aymara community at large) remains to be investigated. In any event, now that literary production in Aymara and linguistic studies of the language are being undertaken by native speakers, a more lively and open discussion of what constitute standard and nonstandard usages within and across dia lects may be anticipated.
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714 Notes 1 There is some evidence that Aymara speakers who are not active in institutionalized religion may occa sionally employ certain Missionary usages when talking to or telling stories in the hearing of non-Aymara persons associated in the speaker's mind with mission aries or other outsiders who are persons in authority. For example, a source from Irpa Chico (Ingavi, depart ment of La Paz) not know to have any formal affiliation with missionaries, in telling a folktale to H. Martfn (1969:72-74), used direct knowledge verb forms, although he switched to indirect knowledge forms in midstream (see 9-6. 13). Yapita himself used kuna.layku.ti.xa (see 9-5) in a tape-recorded greeting to Hardman in the late 1960 1 s, but indicates that he would not use it today. 2 This is done, for example, by Hardman et al. (1975), who produced the only published grammar of Aymara to date that does not reflect Missionary or Patr6n usages. 3 There are times when the use of ..:..Y..! on an Imperative would be inappropriate, as in amu.ki.ma.y. If used to a baby it means 'please be quiet•, but if used to an adult it is very insulting, being what a rapist would say to quiet a victim (Briggs & England 1973:22). 4 Two fairly recent Protestant editions of the New Testament in Aymara, published by the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1941 and the American Bible Society in 1954, use Alax.pacha.n.k.iri Awki.sa 'Our Father in Heaven' (with 4p -sa). I heard Na.naka.n Awki.sa used in a Catholic wedding ceremony in Bolivia as recently as 1972, however. It is also still used in Puno, according to J. Llanque Chana (personal communication). 5 An example of Missionary Aymara use with a bodily condition as subject and with human complement is Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. 3+3 s 'It (the headache) overcomes her. 1 ( Compi)
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715 6 Although kusi.si.na is usually translated as 'to be happy', in La Paz/Compi Aymara it sometimes connotes happiness at someone else'e expense or over someone else's misfortune (Yapita, personal communica tion). Whether this is true in most dialects is not yet known. 7 In this example -sa functions as an indefinite, not as an interrogative.
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CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSION 10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara The foregoing chapters have examined regional and social variation in Aymara grammatical structure. At this point a return to the questions posed in 1-3.2 is indicated to see what answers may now be given. As has always been supposed, Aymara is clearly one language. Regional and social variation exists but it does not significantly affect intelligibility except when certain utterances are taken out of context, primarily because the phonemic inventory is uniform (except for the velar nasal occurring in only two areas and in very few morphemes) and secondarily because all dialects share a basic set of morphophonemic rules and a basic inventory of morphemes with the same or very similar meanings and similar phonological shapes. Because of the nature of Aymara morphophonemic rules, certain morphemes vary in phonological shape within as well as across dialects. As shown in cross-dialectal and intra-dialectal phonological correspondences and in vowel-dropping or -retaining morphophonemic rules, certain Aymara phonemes are unstable. The most unstable are the sonorants (vowels 716
PAGE 734
717 and voiced consonants), then the fricatives, then the affricates and the velar and (to a lesser extent) the postvelar stops. The most stable are the bilabial and alveolar stops, but even the bilabial stop shows some instability in one dialect, Calacala. The morpheme class with the greatest variety of phonological shapes of allomorphs both intraand inter dialectally is the class of verbal inflectional suffixes (person/tense suffixes). They vary not only because of phonemic instability but also because of (1) preservation or loss of different submorphemic recurrent partials, (2) processes of analogy that may operate within a given dialect, and (3) different patterns of merging what were apparently four paradigms into two, the present Desiderative and Remonstrator tenses. In all tenses and dialects the same person/tense suffixes are the most variable: those involving the 2p as complement (1+2, 3+2) and that involving 2p as subject, lp as complement (2+1). The closed class of roots having the most cross dialectal variation in inventory (that is, in number of different phonologically dissimilar roots and stems) is the temporal noun class. There is also considerable variety in the inventory of open class nouns and verbs referring to agricultural practices. As for morphosyntactic processes, there is evidence of (1) an incipient merging of the subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants),
PAGE 735
718 and (2) variation in the incidence and usage of the sub ordinator -ipana, which in some dialects is a member of a functioning four-person paradigm that has fallen or is falling into disuse elsewhere. While there is some cross-dialectal variation in meaning or connotation of certain common roots and stems, Aymara linguistic postulates are strong in all dialects except the heavily Spanish-influenced Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara. The primary linguistic postulates (a four-person system, a distinction of human and nonhuman, and a distinction of direct and indirect knowledge) reinforce the phonological and lexical unity already noted and make for cross-dialectal comprehension even in the presence of considerable lexical variation. It is primarily on the basis of the phonological shapes of a relatively few suffixes that Aymara dialects may be grouped regionally. Incidence of certain morphemes in a given dialect but not another and of differences in meaning play a much less significant role in defining regional groups, although they contribute to dialect diversity and give the speech of each community its indi vidual stamp. 10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and Features On the basis of regional patterning of certain morphemes by shape of allomorphs, incidence, and meaning,
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719 Aymara dialects fall into two major groups: (1) a northern group of dialects located on or near Lake Titicaca and including La Paz (the city and the department), and (2) a southern group at a greater distance from the lake in the departments of 0ruro and Potosf. The intermediate dialects of Crlacoa and Sitajara in southern Peru southwest of Lake Titicaca share some features with the northern and some with the southern group; Calacoa has more northern features, and Sitajara, more southern ones. (Figure 10-1 is a preliminary attempt to distinguish the three dialect areas.) Apart from the division into northern, southern, and intermediate dialects, there is a distinction between a central group of La Paz dialects and those on the periphery of La Paz influence, whether to the north, south, or west. (It may be that certain dialects located in La Paz depart ment north and east of the capital may also have to be designated as peripheral when more is known about them.) Huancan~, a northern dialect sharing a number of features with La Paz, is also peripheral in sharing certain nonLa Paz attributes with the southern and intermediate dialects. (Figure 10-2 distinguishes. central from periph eral dialects.) In some cases features cut across regional lines. For example, Morocomarca, in spite of its remote ness from La Paz, shares with it certain features lacking in other northern and southern dialects.
PAGE 737
\ ' 5 i.. .. , I) I? .d '.> \ PA)\1D0. --... '' 0 o D \ Cuc1,o'-~----•-.,.\ H~'?8n~.Mo1//"oA{/!t:~~ic~----o-rL I V I A I \ Puoo• ,,,I'< .' ;;1//1/, B ___ . , ,.//' /, _-,:'~~;..;_ 0Comp 0 'Q U I PA I //_Soccft V /fo La o/y' ),:>' ,$, \. A R E j-~" T 11~/_7 . Tarac;' / /. 1/ ;(//: --1 A \ . // ,/,_ 0 1 .i,hu,,.,co ,\ / / / . / C .lacoa /~V,_ 1 's Je l\l.11.:hac h' ~'"1 A_ ,/ 100 Mile, Northern Aymara . a csu , , de Mac a ~.'\..., ..,.'< .• l ' A,JN,S .. -. .. ... J>rn\, /.' '\ '<; '\ 0c',,1"~'" ./"-"-~c~ o,~.0~ror 6 c~mar<;; . .,.,. ', .. :\'-.; ' q,. .. \ .... :,_' . . _,-. / \).. Jopoqurn 0~ "L:C P~po ( '. / A 'A"" \o'lft)):o ,J..._,. "\ ! , :s:;" Other Sites Where Aymara Or Another J aqi Language Is Spoken Certain Other Towns Or Cities Mentioned In Text International Boundaries Departmental Boundaries '\~,'-&,;;i.~;,s;S'. ! I / G;:j L C oipasa ,-3.~...... (..' rc',a ~lcndoza / \ / . le>-'.:" , . --'"""'S,~; I ISACA_; "<;" I' ' " " F"" IC H u ?.. u . . . / C' >\ p O 'l' OS \-A R I J A / t!!; '(7/r . J \. "<....~,\\ ) Figure 10-1. Northern, Intermediate, and Southern Aymara Dialects -...J N 0
PAGE 738
( \ p ANDO ,I : /J b '{ <1 -:, ' ---.... .. ....___ -1 .--,., Hu.. , 0 /f' ho ////~/\ --r I A , •,() ;_... '. / ,( , '/J' /'.OAy•"' I \, . , , , Puno• "J; . , /,., ... ,;,,.,..,, . .,,. /)Y, Oo B o L I V __ . . , '0~.. . Comp, .. ,;c, /j' ~ ,, . .., ____ A.;l E QUI PA ~!&~So~Jc:r~0? ,'.:J;i1\/;t;,f,%0,~0:.i$--...d,&> \\ SA N TA ,oo / J A ,,, , ....... 1/i/// -~ "' . y /A,"\;,-i',,hO;;ia,o . , Ml,., /. 0{,,,fo'.G/.Ja •y\~;Jc~&s .. ~i:,Mdac~1~~haca' // L.'!A . 1 ,./ C R U Z I , 1.y/ h... A. drcs c " , / '/...: ''7'->. ' Moquegua O . . .. / .,..,..,siin~n ? 7,>v Ll,llag1'/'-1 . ; ,a Dialects i . 1 0 s;.,;~'1/1/ /. ~/ / O@uro• I Und; /// D ~aras Centcal Ayma 'T,,,.,• /,\/'/.", //~ /. A0Calacala // -\ / Corqu';.,-0 // ;.0c\lor:Co'mar13 ,,... \ /// Peripheral Aymara Dialects 0 Primary Aymara Sites For This Study 0 Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study Other Sites Where Aymara Or Another J aqi Language Is Spoken Certain Other Towns Or Cities Mentioned In Text International Boundaries Departmental Boundaries .. ,, , , ,. A; , , , /. . ,.,_/ 1opoqo;ci P L' Poopo ( \ ,... -..... 'Arica •,,.lh./."//// ,/)~' '-•'\ I ,..,,.,, ':u R u ,..R ;o .F . . / \(n• / 1/,,, I I ;.::::, ,.... /-"s,,;,,,. "' . . . G L. Coipasa '.;,' 7:,.:; G,"'' """"~" / \. , --, -J o I ..,,.,, : 1.1,,., u ' .. I ' I s A C A , " (/-'.1/,,," '"" !CHU~~----, .Q;' CL. \ Po?os i~~RI J A /4$' ~7/.(_~\ I 'i Figure 10-2. Central vs. Peripheral Aymara Dialects ......i N __,
PAGE 739
722 In the following sections, features characteristic of the northern, southern, and intermediate dialects and of the peripheral as distinguished from the central dialects are listed according to whether they occur in all dialects in the group or only in some of them and whether they in volve phonological shapes and morphophonemics, incidence of morphemes, or semantics. When a given feature also occurs in a dialect outside the group, the name of that dialect is indicated. Peripheral features of limited occurrence are then listed, followed by features occurring in both central and peripheral dialects and those cutting across regional lines. Finally, cross-dialectal percep tions and attitudes toward Aymara language and culture encountered in this study are described. 10-2.l Northern group: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~ 10-2.11 Features shared by all members of northern group 10-2.11.l Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.11.11 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in lp possessive and Future suffixes 10-2.11.12 /-mpi/ sole allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti 'with' 10-2.11.13 /-ka-/ sole allomorph of incompletive verbal derivational suffix
PAGE 740
723 1 0 2 . 11 . 1 4 Prep on de ran c e of / s a/ forms i n D 1 and D 2 tenses, and /iri/ forms of those tenses with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ (also Calacoa, Morocomarca) 10-2.11.15 Optional initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.na when inflected 10-2.11 .16 /-sina/ or /-sna/ allomorphs of -sina subordinator 10.2.11.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2.11.21 Temporals aruma 'night, early morning' and arumanti 'tomorrow' (also Calacoa) 10-2.11 .22 Negative sentences usually accompanied by /-ka-/ incompletive or /-xa-/ completive verbal derivational suffixes on the verb (also Calacoa, Sitajara) 10-2.12 Features shared by certain northern dialects (not including La Paz) 10-2.12.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.12.11 Variable morphophonemics of -na possessive/ locational noun suffix (Juli, Sacca; also Calacoa) 10-2.12.12 /-wa-/ allomorph of distancer verbal deriva tional suffix (Juli, Sacca, Huancane; also Calacoa)
PAGE 741
724 10-2.12.13 /-mama/ 1+2 Future (Juli, Sacca, Huancan~, all of which also have /-:ma/) 10-2.12.14 Tolerance of final consonant clusters in cer tain Imperative inflections (Juli, Sacca, Huancane) 10-2.12.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2. 12.21 .9..!!l.:!.. 'dear, kind' (Juli, Huancane, Sacca) 10-2. 12.22 -chi NI plus 3+3 Simple used as narrative device in stories (Juli, Huancane, Sacca) 10-2.12.23 -iri plus 3+3 RIK used as narrative device in stories (Juli, Sacca) 10-2. 12.24 -sa subordinator used only on sa.na (Juli, Sacca) 10-2.2 Southern group: Jopoqueri (and/or Corque), Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala) 10-2.21 Features shared by all members of southern group 10-2.21 .1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.21.11 Initial palatal or velar nasals in lp possessive suffix (Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala have /n/; Jopoqueri has /nh/ as does Sitajara also.) 10-2.21 .12 /-nti/ allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala also have /-mpi/.)
PAGE 742
725 10-2.21.13 /-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive verbal derivational suffix, either as the sole allo morph or alternating with /-ka-/ by free variation or morphophonemic rule 10-2.21 .14 /-2i-/ or /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer verbal derivational suffix 10-2.21 .15 No initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.na when inflected 10-2.21.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2.21.21 Negative sentences usually not accompanied by presence of incompletive or completive verbal derivational suffix on verb 10-2.21.3 Semantics 10-2.21.31 Use of certain verbs with meanings different from those they have in northern dialects, for example: 10-2.22 ati.na 1 to be able' jala.na 'to fly' pugu.na 1 to grow, produce• (also Calacoa, Sitajara) (For northern meanings see 8-3.21 .1.) Features shared by certain southern dialects
PAGE 743
726 10-2.22.l Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.22.11 Initial velar or palatal nasal in 1+3 Future (Jopoqueri, Salinas; see also 10-2.41.15) 10-2.22.12 Shared or very similar allomorphs of 0-1 and 0-2 suffixes, with a preponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms; /iri/ forms with /j/, not /k/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas; also Sitajara) 10-2.22.13 /-pu/ allomorph of final suffix -pi (Jopoqueri, Salinas; also Sitajara) 10-2.22.14 /-sana/ allomorph of -sina subordinator (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala) 10-2.22.15 10-2.22.16 10-2.22.17 /ki!!_sa/ 'three' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) /maq'a.na/ 'to eat' (Salinas, Morocomarca) /tan(a)/ ~/-:tan/~ /-:tna/ allomorphs of V 4+3 Future (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala; also Calacoa, which lacks /-nani/ 4+3 F) 10-2.22.18 /ma:ji/ 'fast' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) 10-2.22.19 /-ji/ and /-ki/ allomorphs of -ki 'just' nonfinal independent suffix (Salinas, Morocomarca) Phonological shapes of a few morphemes found in southern Aymara dialects are identical to the shapes of
PAGE 744
727 those morphemes in the Quechua spoken in the area, for example /kinsa/ 'three', /~ura.na/ to make', (Morocomarca), and /-nti/ 'with, by', but such shared items are of minor significance, given the fact that similar shapes of those morphemes and several others are pan-Andean (Hardman, personal communication). Only one instance of a possible occurrence in Aymara of a Quechua suffix was noted, in Calacala (see 7-2.22.11 and footnote 2). The present evidence is that the Aymara spoken by Aymara-Quechua bilinguals in areas where Quechua has the greater prestige, remains remarkably free of Quechua admixture, perhaps because of the diglossia mentioned in 1-1 .l. 10-2.3 Intermediate dialects: Calacoa, Sitajara As indicated above, Calacoa shares the following features with the northern group: 10-2.ll. 14, 10-2.11.21, 10-2.ll .22, 10-2.12.ll, and 10-2.12.12. It shares the following with the southern group: 10-2.21 .31 (the verb pugu.na, not the others) and 10-2.22.17. Sitajara shares the following with Calacoa and the northern group: 10-2.11.22. With the southern group it shares the features 10-2.21 .ll, 10-2.21.31 (pugu.na), 10-2.22.12, and 10-2.22.13. Calacoa and Sitajara share the following feature concerning the incidence of a morpheme: 10-2.31 Nonoccurrence of temporal root g 11 ara (in free
PAGE 745
728 or frozen form) that occurs in all other dialects (but see 10-2.41.21) Other features shared by Calacoa and/or Sitajara are the peripheral features 10-2.21.14, 10-2.41.18, 10-2.41.19, and 10-2.41.21, and the cross-regional features 10-2.51.31 and 10-2.52. 10-2.4 Peripheral (as distinguished from central) dialects The following features, most of which involve phonological shapes, do not occur in the two La Paz dialects most thoroughly investigated until now: Campi and Tiahuanaco. They do occur in certain other dialects already identified as northern, southern, or intermediate. 10-2.41 Features shared by several dialects 10-2.41.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.41 .11 Voicing of prevocalic stops after homorganic nasals Northern: Huancan~ (optional) Intermediate: Sitajara (optional) Southern: Salinas (obligatory within morphemes, optional otherwise; also occurs after palatal lateral); Corque (optional) 10-2.41.12 Demonstrative /k"u/ ~ /k"u:/ ~ /k 11 uyu/ Northern: Huancane (also has /k 11 uri/) Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca
PAGE 746
729 10-2.41.13 Variable morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes Northern: Huancan~ (preceding consonant by three-vowel rule, preceding vowel otherwise) Intermediate: Sitajara (consonant preceding 4p -sa and all possessives after nominalizer -ta; vowel otherwise) Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala, Morocomarca (preceding consonant permitted unless a stem-final consonant cluster would result) 10-2.41.14 /-t 11 a/ allomorph of -t 1 a ~ -ta 1 of, from• Northern: Juli, Huancane Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (Juli, Huancane, Calacoa, and Jopoqueri also have the unaspirated allomorph.) 10-2.41.15 Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar nasals in three Future suffixes: 2+3, 3+2, and 2+1 Northern: Huancane Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas (which also have initial velar or palatal nasals in 1+3 F) 10-2.41.16 Four-member subordinating paradigm of which -ipana is 3p
PAGE 747
730 Northern: Huancane Southern: Jopoq~eri, Salinas, Morocomarca 10-2.41.17 /-raji/ allomorph of -raki nonfinal independent suffix Northern: Huancane Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala (All also have /-raki/ in some environments.) 10-2.41.18 /-lla/ allomorph of -lla ~ -ya politive final suffix Northern: Juli, Socca Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala 10-2.41. 19 /-:/ allomorph of -xa final sentence suffix Northern: Juli Intermediate: Sitajara, Calacoa Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca 10-2.41.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2.41.21 Temporal g'alta ~ g 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow' Northern: Sacca (/q'alta/) Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara (/q'alta/) Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (/q 11 alt 1 i/)
PAGE 748
731 l 0-2. 41. 22 Noun suffix -cha pi ~ -ch 11 api the one which 1 Northern: Huancane Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri 10-2.41-.23 Diminutive noun suffix -lla Northern: Huancan~ Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Corque, Jopoqueri, Salinas 10-2.41.3 Semantics 10-2.41 .31 Falling-together of lp and 4p in certain verbal inflections 10-2.41.4 Northern: Huancane Intermediate: Sitajara (also in personal possessives) Southern: Morocomarca Morphosyntax Peripheral dialects tend to use more different kinds of verb subordination (see 7-4.2) than does La Paz, where the most common verb subordinator is the sentence suffix -xa. 10-2.42 Peripheral features of limited occurrence Apart from the peripheral features that occur fairly generally, there are certain features found in only
PAGE 749
732 one or two peripheral dialects and having identical or similar reflexes in present-day Jaqaru. Such features are (1) the velar nasal phoneme, which in Aymara occurs in only two limited areas, Tarata (Peru) and Carangas (Bolivia); (2) the Aymara diminutive noun suffix -cha, which corresponds to the Jaqaru limitative and occurs in only two Aymara dialects so far investigated, Huancan~ and Calacoa; and (3) the 4+3 Future allomorph /-tana/ (and its reduced forms /-tan/ and /-tna/), which is identical to the form of the suffix in Jaqaru but persists as an Aymara allomorph of the 4+3 F suffix in only three dialects so far encountered, Calacoa (where it is the sole allomorph) and Salinas and Morocomarca (where it varies, apparently freely, with /-nani/, the allomorph of 4+3 F found in other Aymara dialects). In this research certain Aymara variants cited by Bertonio (1603b) were found only in Sitajara, for example /mimilla/ 'girl 1 , /marmi/ 'woman', /-itta/ 2+1 Simple tense, and ama:.na 'to want'. (Elsewhere the equivalents are /imilla/, /warmi/, /-ista/, and muna.na.) Bertonio listed full paradigms of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for what are here called the D-1 and D-2 tenses. The present-day dialect having the greatest number of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for the two tenses (some of them different from those cited by Bertonio) is Salinas, which also has other features that mark it as one of the most distinctive Aymara dialects.
PAGE 750
733 (Whether it is the most conservative will require a more careful comparison of Jaqaru, Kawki, and Aymara dialects than is possible here.) Some of the distinctive features of Salinas are the following: (1) Use of only the aspirated form of the noun suffix -t 11 a ~ -ta I from, of 1 , and of only the allomorph /-nti/ of the noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti; (2) a vowel harmony rule affecting both vowels of the suffix -iri when it occurs on verb stems ending in /u/; (3) rules obligatorily voicing stops after nasals and the palatal lateral within morphemes and optionally otherwise; and (4) a rule for the obligatory frication of the velar stop before consonants, changing /k/ to /j/. The voicing rule occurs sporadically in certain other dialects, and corre spondences of /j/ and /k/ occur elsewhere, but the rules are obligatory only in Salinas. 10-2.5 Cross-regional features The following features cut across the north/south, center/periphery distinctions. 10-2.51 10-2.51.1 10-2.51.2 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics /-nani/ sole allomorph of 4+3 F Northern: Huancan, Juli, Socca, La Paz Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri /-:ma/, but not /-mama/ allomorph of 1+2 F
PAGE 751
734 Northern: La Paz Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala 10-2.51 .3 Morphophonemics of 2+3 I suffix /-m(a)/ 10-2.51.31 Always requiring a preceding vowel Northern: La Paz Intermediate: Calacoa, Salinas Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas 10-2.51 .32 Requiring a preceding consonant after /-ka-/ incompletive; otherwise a preceding vowel Northern: Juli, Sacca, Huancane 10-2.51.4 Southern: Morocomarca Nonoccurrence of/-:/ allomorph of -xa final suffix Northern: La Paz, Sacca Southern: Jopoqueri (Notice also feature 10-2.11.14, which occurs in the northern dialects, Calacoa, and Morocomarca.) 10-2.52 Incidence of morpheme: Optional occurrence of verbal derivational .:...:_ plural without a following incompletive or completive suffix Northern: La Paz (Hardman, personal communication) Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara Southern: Morocomarca
PAGE 752
735 10-2.6 Cross-dialectal perceptions There is a general belief among Aymara speakers that the 'best• Aymara is spoken in La Paz. Apart from that, Aymara speakers share the common human tendency to prefer their own particular dialect over others. A woman from Oruro indicated that the Aymara spoken in Oruro and La Paz was leg1timo, while that of Salinas was tosco (coarse or crude). Speakers from Socca thought Tarata and Sitajara Aymara sounded like baby talk, apparently because of its velar nasals, and found Tarata Aymara 1 less developed 1 than that of the province of Chucuito. They also termed 1 archaic 1 a Sitajara usage dropping initial /lla/ and found the occurrence of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.na in other dialects 1 old-fashioned'. Similar attitudes could probably be elicited elsewhere. In addition to generally preferring their own dialect, speakers tended to hear the features of that dialect in other dialects, overlooking certain differences until they were pointed out. For example, speakers from La Paz who use only the longer forms of the distancer suffix -waya tended to hear a vowel /a/ in its occurrences in other dialects, such as Socca, in which the allomorph /-wa-/ reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. Speakers who usually used /-pini/ independent suffix tended to hear /-puni/ as /-pini/ and vice versa. The native speaker's virtual deafness to nonsignificant differences
PAGE 753
736 in detail points up the need for collaborative research by native and non-native speakers in studies of regional and social linguistic variation. 10-2.7 Attitudes toward Aymara language and culture From the evidence of this study it appears that many Aymara speakers are ambivalent about their language and culture. As pointed out by J. Llanque Chana (1974) for Peru, negative attitudes are fostered by an educational system unprepared to deal with language and cultural back grounds of students whose first language is not Spanish and by the undeniable fact that acquisition of Spanish makes the difference between living an economically and socially marginal existence and entering the mainstream of modern Peruvian life. The same factors prevail in Bolivia. The most negative attitudes were found in Tarata and Sitajara, Peru. In the former, few persons would even admit to knowing Aymara, although eventually one was found from a nearby town who seemed to enjoy speaking (and singing in) the language. In Sitajara a very articulate elderly monolingual woman, obviously a gifted talker, expressed considerable bitterness against Aymara, as if its presence in her brain were to blame for her failure to know Spanish. A bilingual man in Huancan~, a Seventh Day Adventist, ex pressed the belief that Aymara language and culture were inferior to Spanish and that no useful purpose would be served by teaching people to read and write Aymara.
PAGE 754
737 Similarly, persons trained by missionaries in Bolivia revealed a certain self-deprecation, as expressed in the example in 9-5: 'We ask you to pardon us because we sometimes make mistakes'. Yapita (1967) noted a ten dency to reject Aymara language and culture in Rosario (province of Pacajes, department of La Paz), a community that had been under Seventh Day Adventist influence since 1919. Whatever their origin, such negative attitudes do have an effect. In some communities where bilingualism in Spanish and Aymara has existed for decades if not longer, there is now a trend toward eventual disappearance of Aymara, since young people under 20 no longer speak the language although some still understand it. In Juli children 12 and under in a family whose older members were all bilingual neither spoke nor understood the language. In farms on the outskirts of Salinas children still use the language when helping grandparents with farm work, but in town they use only Spanish. Nevertheless, there is also ample evidence of deep attachment to the Aymara language and pride in Aymara culture. A wish to believe that Aymara is indeed the equal of, if not superior to, Spanish probably contributed to the positive reception given my statement of research purposes during the course of field work. In explaining those purposes, I alluded to certain basic anthropological
PAGE 755
738 and linguistic notions, such as that Aymara is a language, not a 'dialect'; that it possesses a complex grammar, like any other language; that it can be written, read, and used as a medium of communication and instruction; that knowledge of Spanish and Aymara structure facilitates teaching either language to speakers of the other; and similar concepts. With only one or two exceptions, these ideas found a ready acceptance, as if they confirmed already-held assumptions. Certain educated bilinguals are now articulating their cultural heritage and seeking out its guardians in order to reformulate it and bring it to public attention. The work of Yapita and his associates in Bolivia, and of D. and J. Llanque Chana in Peru, is in this vein. The most positive attitudes toward Aymara are found in and near the city of La Paz. Although La Paz Aymara is taking in Spanish loanwords at an accelerating rate, speakers revert to less Hispanicized usages when talking to monolinguals or when visiting rural communities. This happens even in the case of children who attend school in La Paz, use Spanish among themselves and with other children in the city, but speak Aymara on visits to the Lake Titicaca communities where their parents and grandparents still own and cultivate the land and where Aymara is spoken by all ages. Aymara communities where everyone is virtually monolingual reportedly still exist in remote parts of the department of La Paz. Although
PAGE 756
739 some communities may be losing Aymara, natural increase due to population growth (as noted in the Peruvian census of 1972} will offset this at least during the next few generations, and its extinction is not in sight. The Peruvian government's action in 1975 designating Quechua an official language on a par with Spanish, to be used interchangeably with Spanish in education, the courts, and the like, has had repercussions among speakers of other indigenous languages in Peru and in Bolivia, where Peruvian developments have considerable influence. Among Aymara speakers the Peruvian action vis-a-vis Quechua has had the effect of fostering rising expectations of a similar designation for Aymara, reinforcing the underlying positive attitudes that exist. 10-3 Interpretation of Research Results and Their Implications In the absence of archaeological or historical evidence concerning population movements and trade routes or of a more complete knowledge of existing Aymara dialects, interpretations of the data analyzed in this study are somewhat speculative and raise more questions than they answer. The basic division between dialects near Lake Titicaca in the Peruvian department of Puno and the Bolivian department of La Paz and those farther to the
PAGE 757
740 south in the Bolivian departments of Oruro and Potosf implies a social/political split at some time in the past. Such a split would account for the apparent lack of any gradual shading of features from northern to southern dialects, although a definite determination in this respect must await further research in borderline areas of southern La Paz and northern Oruro departments. Within an area, existing similar usages may be reinforced by trade. The intensive marketing and related travel that occur around Lake Titicaca (Appleby 1976) are obvious to any visitor. Similar movements associated with trade also occur in the southern dialect area. The evidence of a split between northern and southern dialects does not disprove Torero's theory (l-2.l) of a probable (gradual?) north to south expansion of Aymara on the altiplano, since such an expansion might have taken place before the split, but a simple southward expansion does not account for the dialectal complexities revealed by the present study, such as the existence of {l) certain similar features in noncontiguous areas like Tarata, Peru and Carangas, Bolivia, (2) features linking peripheral as distinguished from central dialects or crossing north-south, center-periphery lines, or (3) features shared by certain Aymara dialects with contem porary Jaqaru and Kawki far to the north. These com plexities may be the linguistic reflection of equally
PAGE 758
741 complex population movements associated with what Murra (1968 and 1972) has identified as the pan-Andean pre occupation with controlling different ecological floors. Populations speaking different dialects might have been linked in one vertical archipelago, such as that controlled by the Lupaca in the 16th century (1-2.2). Present-day differences among the dialects of Moquegua, Tarata, and Juli may reflect differences already existing in ancient times, since Murra has pointed out that Pacaje colonies were interspersed among those of the Lupaca (Murra 1968: 123), and that in any case colonies were of different types, some consisting of subordinated local populations and others of groups brought in from the political center or elsewhere. Similarities in noncontiguous dialects such as Tarata and Carangas may reflect descent from one community some of whose members moved to a different ecological level either voluntarily or as the result of subordination or conquest (Murra 1968:121). The fact that contemporary Aymara speakers in Tarata and Carangas are apparently unaware of each others' existence as speakers of dialects sharing certain features lacking elsewhere, and the nature of the similarities themselves, suggest that the separation occurred at an early date, before the Spanish conquest. But all remains in the realm of speculation at this point. Certain puzzling similari ties between the widely separated dialects of La Paz and
PAGE 759
742 Morocomarca may result from more recent contacts, but since the examples for Morocomarca came from only one source, that dialect needs further checking. A different explanation than that of population movements may account for similarities among dialects distant from La Paz, whether to the north, south, east, or west, and their differences from dialects in or close to the Bolivian capital. Most of the features that distinguish peripheral dialects from those of La Paz are conservative in terms of the latter. That is, peripheral features represent a survival of forms or of complex morphophonemic processes that La Paz probably once had but has since lost, such as stop voicing after nasals and other voiced nonstop consonants, complex morphophonemics of possessive suffixes and certain verbal inflectional suffixes, the four-member -ipana subordinating paradigm, and the native Aymara diminutive suffix -cha. The hypothesis that La Paz dialects once had such forms or processes is supported by the existence today of certain relics like Tayk.s Mariya (5-3.24.4), Na.nak.n awki (5-3.31 .2), and s.ipna {7-4.44), but requires a convincing explanation for their loss. In many cases it may be attributable to Spanish influence, always stronger in the capital city and areas accessible to it than in remote areas. La Paz dialects conform more closely to Spanish phonotactics in avoiding stop-nasal or stop-fricative
PAGE 760
743 clusters that result in other dialects from operation of the morphophonemic vowel-dropping rules La Paz has lost. La Paz has no alternations of voiced and voiceless allophones of stops; such alternations do not occur in Spanish, where voiced and voiceless stops are separate phonemes. (La Paz Aymara, like other Aymara dialects, does have rules for voicing and frication of intervocalic velar stops, but not rules for voicing without frication.) In La Paz Aymara the diminutive suffix has been replaced by Spanish loans. Not all innovations fostered by La Paz can be attributed to Spanish influence, of course. An example of a usage that is on the way out because of internal pressures within Aymara is the 4+3 Future allomorph /-tana/(and its reduced variants). Only one contemporary dialect, Calacoa, was found to use it to the exclusion of the allomorph /-nani/ found elsewhere, and only two other dialects, Salinas and Morocomarca, were found to use the /-tana/ allomorph at all, in apparently free variation with /-nani/. Elsewhere only /-nani/ was heard. The shift from /-tana/ to /-nani/ may have arisen from an avoidance of homophony of /-tana/ with (l) the 4+3 Simple tense suffix (although it requires a preceding consonant), (2) 4+3 Remote Direct Knowledge tense allomorphs that occur in certain dialects including La Paz, or (3) certain allomorphs of the 3+3 Remote Indirect Knowledge
PAGE 761
744 tense. The allomorph /-nani/ may have derived from the nominalizing suffix -na plus -ni possessor/enumerator which are also used in all dialects (but without person reference) to connote (future) obligation, e.g., sara.na.ni 1 going is necessary, one must go'. (Why this homophony should be acceptable while the other is not is evidence for the arbitrariness of language change.) Whether or not they may now be changing under La Paz influence, Aymara dialects have changed in the past and are still changing in accordance with their own internal processes. Analogous patterning within a dialect accounts for certain idiosyncratic allomorphs such as /-ray/, /-tay/, and /-y/ in Sitajara for morphemes which in other dialects end in /ki/ or /ji/ rather than /y/, and the allomorphs of and person/tense suffixes in Juli. The future of these and other idiosyncratic features that characterize individual dialects will depend on the extent to which they resist, or yield to, innovations from within and without. That the dialects of La Paz should be influencing others to change, rather than vice versa, is the logical result of the economic and social power concentrated in and near the Bolivian capital. The prestige of La Paz is reflected in the general belief that the best Aymara is spoken there, and this belief predisposes speakers from other areas to adopt La Paz usages. Also, since
PAGE 762
745 speakers of La Paz dialects hold the most positive attitudes toward the Aymara language, La Paz usages are likely to survive longer than those of places like Salinas, where Aymara may disappear in the next generation. It therefore seems likely that the influence of La Paz Aymara will continue and that it may eventually supplant other more conservative dialects. On the other hand, it is also possible that positive attitudes toward Aymara emanating from La Paz may encourage a revival of Aymara localisms, thereby engendering a conservative counter trend. If remote communities where Aymara is the primary language still exist, they may serve educated bilinguals as a source of renewed 1 Aymarization 1 of their Spanish-influenced Aymara. Furthermore, if Peruvian government policies for the development of bilingual education reach implementation, a second center of Aymara prestige might develop in Peru, perhaps in Puno. Should the positive forces prevail, certain factors augur well for the future of the Aymara language as a vehicle of literature and education. Its phonemic uniformity means that it can be written everywhere with the Yapita phonemic alphabet. The velar nasal can easily be symbolized by nh, the digraph used for it in the practical Jaqaru alphabet developed by Hardman and Bautista. No other special letters are necessary, since voicing of stops within morphemes is predictable in Salinas and
PAGE 763
746 voicing is otherwise optional. Persons interested in developing Aymara literature might do well to recall the lessons of ancient Greece. According to Palmer {1949) each Greek city-state used its own dialect in its public inscriptions. But apart from this, each literary genre required the use of a particular dialect, not necessarily that of the writer. The epic dialect was a fusion of Aeolic and Ionic elements; choric odes were always written in Doric; iambic and trochaic poetry were written in Ionic. Still, certain localisms persisted; Melic poetry was written in the dialect of Lesbos, and the writings of Corinna of Tanagra were in Boeotian {Palmer 1949:271-2). There seems to be no reason why Aymara literature should not develop genres based on local dialects, should its speakers desire to do so. Persons literate in Aymara will decide. 10-4 Directions for Future Research Future research into Aymara dialects should aim toward the compilation of a linguistic atlas of the language, and soon, lest certain dialects be lost before they are recorded. For the reasons cited in 10-2.6, such an admittedly utopian task will require the cooperative efforts of Aymara native speakers trained in linguistic field methods as well as of linguists who are native speakers of other languages such as Spanish and Quechua. The
PAGE 764
747 research should be coordinated with similar areal studies of Quechua dialects and of other local languages, including Spanish. Specific areas already suggested for future research in Bolivia include western Cochabamba department, northern and western Potosf, all parts of the departments of La Paz and Oruro (including areas thought to be Quechua speaking, since Aymara and Quechua communities are often interspersed). The following communities in Cantdn Timusf, Munecas province, department of La Paz, were identified as Aymara speaking in 1973 by a rural schoolteacher from La Paz: Sococoni Huancoiro Timus, (hacienda of Jesus Machaca) Ocomblaya There is a sectional school (escuela seccional) in Huancoiro. In Peru linguistic surveys should be undertaken in the areas identified as Aymara speaking in the Peruvian census of 1972, and these should be coordinated with the search for surviving relics of other Jaqi languages along the ancient trails of the southern Peruvian Andes, from Arequipa north through the departments of Ayacucho, Huancavelica, Lima, and Junfn. Investigation should also be extended into Aymara speaking areas of Chile.
PAGE 765
748 In future field work a special effort should be made to obtain more data from monolingual speakers and to determine whether or not monolingual communities or communities bilingual in Quechua and Aymara but without knowledge of Spanish exist. In addition to the collection of field data, written sources in libraries and private collections should be con sulted, such as materials on Aymara reportedly in the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in La Paz and colonial documents cited by Rivet, especially the works of Bertonio and Torres Rubio. These, together with sources of Missionary and Patron Aymara mentioned in 2-4.11, should be analyzed with the participation of native Aymara-speaking linguists, annotated, and made available to the Aymara community. As for Aymara grammar itself, the following are suggestions of areas needing further study. Phonology: Incidence of the velar nasal in other dialects Incidence of aspiration and glottalization (are they decreasing in some dialects?) Intonation Morphophonemics: Morphophonemics of certain Future suffixes and 2~3 I Conditioning of final vowel dropping on verb sub jects and complements, and on verbs
PAGE 766
Nouns: 749 Conditioning of morphophonemics of -taki after -na, Jopoqueri The range of allomorphic variation and conditioning affecting internal vowel loss/retention in peripheral dialects Incidence of positionals and temporals Verbs: Incidence of verbal derivational suffixes Influence of Spanish se on Aymara verbal deriva tional -siCompletion of verbal inflectional paradigms Morphosyntax and Syntax: Incidence of final suffixes Conditioning of occurrences of different final suffixes Semantics: Determination of basis of distinction, if any, between -sa and -sina (and variants) Semantics of verb stems with different derivational suffixes Restraints on verb subjects and complements Ethnosemantic studies of agricultural practices, of the time system, and how they interrelate Additional investigation may be undertaken into matters of style in the narrative, oratory, prayer, and
PAGE 767
750 poetry and the uses of politeness, irony, and metaphor. Studies of the speech of different social groups (e.g. women, men, young people, the elderly), of bilingualism and monolingualism, of language acquisition, and all the other proliferating subfields of contemporary linguistics may also be conducted. Whether or not such studies as these will be under taken for Aymara in the foreseeable future depends on many interrelated factors, such as the priorities set by govern ments and scholarly institutions, the extent to which linguists participate in the setting of such priorities, and most important, the interest of Aymara speakers them selves in fostering the use of Aymara as a vehicle of written literature and education. Only if such interest continues to grow will Aymara linguistics attract the support it needs to develop its potential.
PAGE 768
APPENDICES
PAGE 769
Spanish M-1 Cormion expressions Le hare una pregunta. Sr. (Sra.). C6mo se llama Ud., Sr. (Sra.)? Yo me llamo --De d6nde es Ud.? Yo soy de --No soy de aqui'. A donde vas? De d6nde llegas (estas llegando)? Estoy llegando de la chacra. C6mo est~; Sr. (Sra.}? Bien, gracias. Gracias. APPENDIX A ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND SENTENCES La Paz Aymara Tata (Mama), mayay jiskt'asi:ma. Kunas sutimaxa, tata (mama)? Nayan sutixaxa ___ wa. Kawki nki ritasa? Nayax ___ nkiritwa. Janiw akankiriktti. Kawks sara:ta? Kawksats puriskta? Yaput puriskta. Kamisaki, tata (mama)? Wal ild :sktwa. Juspajara:tam. English Sir (Ma'am). may I ~sk you a question? What is your name, sir (ma'am)? My name is --Where are you from? I'm from --I'm not from here. Where are your going? Where are you arriving from? I'm coming from the field. How are you, sir {ma'am)? Fine, thank you. Thank you. -..J CJ'I N
PAGE 770
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2 Closed noun classes 2.1 Interrogatives c6mo como cu~l cu~ndo cufoto quiE!n D6nde est~? D6nde estar~? Qu~ es eso (esto)? Por quE!? No hay nadie aquf. . No hay nada La Paz Aymara kamisa kunjamasa kawk1:r1, kawkni:ri kunawrasasa, kunapachasa qawq"asa k"itisa Kawk"ankisa? Kawkinkpachasa? Kunas ukaxa (akaxa)? Kunatraki? Janiw k"itis ukankiti. Janiw kunas utjkiti. English how like what which when how much who Where is it? Where can 1t be? What's that (this)? Why? There 1s no one here. There 1s nothing. 'i 0, w
PAGE 771
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.2 Positionals afuera detras de la tienda dcntro de mi casa directo por la casa Ser~ verdad o serS mentira? hacia nuestra casa encima de tu casa en medio de la gente abajo, bajada, declive arriba junto a la casa El vive por aquf (este lado). El rfo pasa por mi chacra. alrededor de las casa La Paz Aymara anqa tinta q"ipan utax manq"an uta chiqa Chiqa:ch k'ar1chi? utas tuqiru utam pataru jaqi taypin aynacha amsta utawjitaru Askatuqinkiriwa. Jawirax yapux chiq pas1. utax muyt'a English outside 'behind the store inside my house straight through the house Can it be true or 1s 1t a lie? toward our house on top of your house in the midst of people below, slope above next to the house He lives around here. The river goes through my field. around the house ""-J 0, .i::,.
PAGE 772
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-2.3 Numbers uno maya one dos paya two tres kimsa three cuatro pusi four cinco pisq"a five seis suxta six ...... siete paqallqu seven C.1'I C.1'I ocho kimsaqallqu eight nueve 11 atunka nine diez tunka ten once tunka mayani eleven doce tunka payani twelve trece tunka kimsani thirteen
PAGE 773
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.3 (continued) veinte cien mil diez mil La Paz Aymara pa: tunka pataka waranqa tunka waranqa English twenty one hundred one thousand ten thousand -..J u, '
PAGE 774
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.4 Pronomfnals AA-2.41 Demonstratives aquf, este all f. ese all!, aquel mis all~. aquel roos all~ AA-2.42 Personal pronouns yo tu el, ell a nosotros, tu y yo La Paz Aymara aka uka k"aya k"uri naya juma jupa jiwasa English here, this there, that over there, that over there further over there, that further over there I you he, she we, you and t -...i 0, -...i
PAGE 775
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.S Temporals ayer anteayer hoy anoche tarde (antes de oscurecer) noche esta noche por la noche hace rato manana {no noche) esta manana por la manana manana (no hoy) La Paz Aymara masu:ru, wasu:ru walu:ru jich"u:ru masayp'u, wasayp'u jayp'u aruma j i ch"arma, j ich"aruma arumch' i qaru nink"ara arumirja, alwa ch"armanti, ch"armirja q"ar:ru, arumanti English yesterday day before yesterday today last night afternoon (before dark) night tonight at night a while ago morning this morning in the morning tomorrow "'-J U1 CX)
PAGE 776
APPENDIX A (continued) Span-ish AA-2.5 (continued) hasta manana hasta otro dfa Hazlo otra vez. pasado manana hasta luego ahora de ahora en adelante antes, adelante despu~s antiguamente aiio pasado al ano La Paz Aymara q"aru:rkama q"1pu:rkama, mayu:rkama Mayamp luram. jurpu:ru ma: ratkama jich 11 a akat q"iparu . nayra, nayraqa ta q"ipata (Positional) nayra, nayra timpuxa maymara, miymara marana, jutir mara English until tomorrow until another day Do 1t again. day after tomorrow so long now from now on before, in front of afterwards formerly, long ago last year next year ...... <.J'I I.O
PAGE 777
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-3 Noun suffixes (closed class) AA-3.l Basic sentence types illustrating possessives, plural •naka,. and complement suffixes AA-3.11 Inanimate subject Su casa de ~1 esta allf. Su casa de el es grande. Nuestras casas estan allf. Nuestras casa son grandes. Las chacras de mis hijos estan lejos de aquf. Su llegada fue postergada. Tu cama es grande. Tus tejidos son bonitos. Utapax uk"ankiwa. Utapax jach'awa. Utanakasax k"ayankiwa. Utanakasax jach'anakawa. Wawanakaxan yapunakapax jayankiwa. Ikinamax jach'awa. Sawutanakama jiwitanakakiw. His house is there. His house is big. Our houses are there. Our houses are bfg. My children's fields are far from here. Her arrival was postponed. Your bed is big. Ycur weavings are beautiful. -....J en 0
PAGE 778
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-3.12 Inanimate complement Vamos a nuestro pueblo. Voy a mi Casa rnai'iana. Trabajo mis chacras. en su tejido para tu llegada Haremos la chacra. Es para nuestras chacras. de sus chacras Con qu~ se escarba papa? Con que se come chuno? Estoy en mi casa. No voy a salir de mi casa. La Paz Aymara Markasar saranani. Arumantix utax sara:. Yapunakax lurta. sawutapanxa purinamataki Yap lurai'lani. Yapusatakiwa. yapunakapata Kunampis ch'uqix llamayuna? Kunampis ch'unux manq'ana? Utaxankasktwa. Janiw utaxat mistaka:ti. English Let's go to our town. I'm going home tomorrow. I work my fields. in her weaving for your arrival We'll prepare the field. It's for our fields. from his fields What do you dig potatoes with? What is chui'lo eaten with? I'm in my house. I'm not going to leave my house. -...J O"I .....
PAGE 779
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-3.13 Human subject Tengo una casa pequena. Quien lleg6? Quienes llegaron? Mis hijos ya comieron. Tu hijo ya se fu6. Mi hennana ya se fu~. Mis hennanas ya se fueron. La Paz Aymara Jisk'a utanitwa. K"itis puri? K"itinakas puri? Wawanakaxax manq'xiw. Yuqamax sarxiw. Kullakaxax sarxiw. Kullakanakax sarxapx1w. sarxiw. English I have a small house. Who arrived? Who (pl.) arrived? My children have already eaten. Your son already left. My sister already left. My sisters already left. -...J ' N
PAGE 780
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-3.14 Animate complement (usually human) a mf Estot esperando a mi esposo. mi mujer. mis hennanas. Hablaremos de tf. Hablaremos de tus hijos. para mf para mf hijo para tu hermana para tus hermanas para tus hijos Con qui~n estabas hablando? Hazlo comprar con tu mam~. tu hermana. tus hermanas. De mf padre su chacra es. De mis hijos su casa es. La Paz Aymara nayaruwa Chachaxaruw suyaskta. Warmixaruw Kul lakanakaruw Jumxat parla~ani. Wawanakamat parlaftani. nayataki wawaxataki kullakamataki kullakanakamatakf wawanakamataki K"itimpis parlaskaya:ta? Mamamamp alayam. Kullakamamp Kullakanakamamp Tataxan yapupax. Wawanakaxan utapax. English to me I'm wafting for my husband. wife. sisters. Let's talk about you. . We'll talk about your children. for me for my child for your sister for your sisters for your children With whom were you talking? Have your mother buy it. sister sisters It's my father's field. ~t•s my children's house. -...,J ' w
PAGE 781
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara AA-3.2 Other noun suffixes and compound fonns nar1c1ta sin nariz c1ego sordo sin sal entre mujeres hasta la casa como casa, perro Pas6 pora casa. Yo vine en vez de ella. Por ~l he venido. Esa mesa no es mfa. Por que no me hiciste avisar? El no est~ aquf. yo mismo/a jfsk'a nasa Jan nasani juyk"u uqara ch'apaqa, ch'ap"aqa, jayuwi sa warmikama, warmfpura utakama utjama, anjama Utanjam } sari Utanam Jupa lantiw jutta. Jupalaykuw jutta. Uka misax janiw nayankkiti. Kunatrak jan awisayanista? Jupax janiw akankkiti. na:pacha English little nose without a nose bl ind deaf without sa 1 t among women as far as the house like a house, a dog It passed through the house. I came instead of her. I came on account of him. That table isn't mine. Why didn't you let me know? He isn't here. I myself "'-J O'I
PAGE 782
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-4 Verb suffixes and verb subordination Ta nos est~s mirando. Uds. me est~n mfrando. Yo trat~ de aprender. 'No debfas haber ven1do todavfa, 1 me dijo. Por qu~ has venido? He venido para hablarte. Qu~ quieres hacer? Quisiera aprender aymara. Para qu~ has vcnido? He venfdo para aprender roos aymara. Cuando vfenes te ver~. 1 La Paz Aymara Jumax u~ch 1 ukfyasfpkistaw. Jumanakax nayar uNch'uki yasipkistaw. sistwa. situwa. Kunarus jutta? Jumar parl friw J.utta. Kuns luran munta? Aymar yatiqan munirista. Kunatakis jutta? Aymar juk'amp yatfqanatakfw. Juta:t uk"aw jik1sfnan1. English You're looking at us. You (pl.) are looking at me. I tried t~ learn. 'You shouldn't have come yet~• he said to me. Why have you come? I've come to talk to you. What do you want to do? I would like to learn Aymara. What have you come for? I've come to learn more Aymara. I'll see you when you come. ....... m 01
PAGE 783
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-4 (continued) Por qu~ se lo has bajado? S1 me dejas, me voy a morir. 1 No habiendo se fue. l El zorro estaba muy contento, bailando. dando vueltas Adivinanza de la rueca Refran: Viendo hay que decir 'He vi sto 1 r:o hay. No hagas. Nos~. No quiero. Loque veo es feo. 2 Loque quise se perdio. 2 La Paz Aymara Kuna ts aparaqta Kunatak1s Jayti:taxa, jiwaw ap1tan1, Jan utjipan sarxi. T1wulax wali k'uchikiw, muyuska:n, t"uquska:n. Ma: tawaquw muykas muykas wal q'ipti. Kunasa? Qapuw. Unjasaw sanax, jan unjasax janiw sanakiti. Janiw utjkitf. Jan luramtf. Janiw yatkttf. Janiw munktti. Wali p"ir u~janta. Munaya:t ukaw ch"aqata. English Why did you take it away from him? If you leave me, I'll die. As there was none, he left. The fox was very happy, dancing, whirling around. Riddle of the distaff . Saying: If you have seen, say 1 I have seen' There is none. Don't do that. I don't know. I don't want to. What I see is ugly. What I loved got lost. -...J O'l O'l
PAGE 784
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-4 (continued) Me falta poco para aprender aymara. 2 Quiz~s porque soy hu~rfano, no he podido t~rminar mis estudios. 3 Hay alguien para ir? 4 Volvf para ver mf chacra. 4 Si ta no quieres ir. yo fr~. Si ta quieres papa. trae un costal. Ven ac~. Tengo que ir. Vo tenfa que fr. Td tienes que ir. Tu tenfas que ir. Tiempos verbales La Paz Aymara Juk'akiw aymar yatiqanatak p"altitu. Inas waxch'a:t ukat jani isturyux tukuystti. Vapux unjiriw jutanta. Jan saran munka:tax, nayaw sara:. Ch'uq munstaxa,.kustal apanim. Ak"ar jutam. Saranaxaw. Sarai'laxa:nwa. Saraiiamaw. Sarai'lama:nwa. English I lack only a little to learn Aymara. Maybe because I'm an orphan, I haven't been able to finish my studies. Is there anyone to go? I came back to see my field. If you don't want to go, I'll 90. If you want potatoes, bring a sack. Come here. I have to go. I had to go. You have to go. You had to go. Verb tense paradigms (see 6-3) -..J en -..J
PAGE 785
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-5 Particle ,. Si AA-6 Nouns (Open Class} AA-6. 1 Frequently occurring as modifiers dulce bonito, lindo, hennoso negro mucho muchas casas harto poco igual, mismo diferente, otro pequeno bien La Paz Aymara j1sa muxsa jiwak1 ch 1 iyara walja walja utanaka walja juk 1 a pachpa mayja jisk'a wa11 English yes sweet pretty, beautiful black much many houses a lot, too much little (small quantity). same, equal different, ether small well '-I ' CX)
PAGE 786
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-6. 1 (continued) Tenemos que escribir todo en aymara. Todo ha entrado. Ll~valo todo. Todos entraremos. r~pfdo despacfo La Paz Aymara Taqi kun aymarat qillqanasaw. Taqpach apam. Taqfniw mantapxananf. jank' aki k'achata English We have to write everything tn Aymara. Everything has gone in. Take it all. We'll all go in. fast slow -....i en \0
PAGE 787
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-6.2 Age tenns and other human categories nii'\o/a n ii'\a muchacho. hijo joven (M) joven (F) adulto mujer, esposa hombre. mar1do viejo vieja anciana 1 ancianita ancianito soltera/o alcalde paisano La Paz Aymara wawa jisk'a imilla yuqalla wayna tawaqu jach'a:q1 warmi chacha achachi 1 awki awicha, tayka chuyman tayka chuyman aw!d sapaki al kalti markamasi English child girl boy. son youth, young man young woman adult woman, wife man, husband old man old lady 1 ittle old lady little old man spinster. bachelor mayor native of same town. -...J -....... 0
PAGE 788
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English. AA-6.3 Parts of the body cabello iifk 1 uta hair trenza pfchika braid mejilla, cara ajanu cheek, face barba sunk"a beard ojo, vista nayra eye, sight coraz6n chuyma (metaphorical) heart lluqu (physical) pulm6n pulmuna lung " " __, espalda jik 11 ani back
PAGE 789
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-6.4 Animals and animate nature alpaca alpaqa alpaca llama qarwa llama burro asnu donkey gall ina wall pa hen huevo k 1 awna egg gallo k'ank'a rooster gusano laq'u wonn -....I -....I honniga k'isfmfri, k'is1m1rta ant N perro anu dog cachorro jisk'a anu puppy perdiz pisaqa partridge zorro qamaqi, tiwula for. paja ch'illiwa, wich"u straw quinoa jup"a quinoa flor panqara flower oca congelada y secada k"aya freeze-dried oca conejo wank'u guinea pig
PAGE 790
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-6.5 Inanimate nature cielo espina lena lluvia nube quebrada viento frfo AA-6.6 Inanimate manmade azad6n faja gancho (aguja) puerta (apertura) puerta (lo que se abre y cierra) sombrero topo (gancho) La Paz Aymara silu ch'ap1 lawa jayu qinaya wai'ia jawira t"aya t"aya lijwana wak'a yanchu punku (jist'an) punku surm1ru English sky thorn firewood rafn cloud gully, dry riverbed wind -..J cold -..J w hoe belt, waist cinch pin (needle) door (opening) door (barrier) hat pin for urk"u
PAGE 791
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7 Verb roots and derivational suffixes M-7.1 Carry/take verbs (human subjects) cargar cargar en burro levantar cosa llevar, jalar anfmales llevar gente llevar en brazos una wawa, un animalito llevar awayu, costal etc. llevar en espaldas llevar granos en la mano llevar clarinete. quena, lampa, escoba llevar en balde, canasta o maleta La Paz Aymara apai'la k"umui'la aptai'la jfsk"ai'la jaq apai'!a . ichui'la 1qai'la q I ipii'la jach'ii'la ayai'la wayui'la English to carry, take to carry on donkey back to 11ft something to lead, pull animal to take people to carry a baby or small animal to carry awayu, saddle bag (cloth) to carry on back to carry grainy substance in hand to carry clarinet, flute. hoe, broom (long, rigid object) to carry in pail, basket, or suitcase (by handle) -...J -...J
PAGE 792
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-7. 1 (continued) 11evar barril llevar piedra en los dedos llevar en plato, bandeja poner, colocar, meter AA-7.2 Verbs with nonhuman subjects arder un fuego brotar/salir la siembra producir la chacra r.acer animales apana irai'la asana La Paz Aymara uskuna, uchaiia nak"ana, aqana mistsui'ia achuna wawachana English to carry barrel to carry small stone or other round object in the fingers to carry on plat~. tray to place, put, put in for a fire to burn f~r a seed to sprout for a field to produce for an1mal(s) to be born ....., ....., u,
PAGE 793
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7.3 Other verbs (human subjects) abrazarse andar bailar botar caer cantar cocinar comer conocer gente contar contentarse, estar contento correr decir, La Paz Aymara qumantasina sarnaqana t"uquiia 1 iwtana jalaqtai'la kantai'la p 11 ayai'la manq'ai'la unt'ai'la sai'la, jak"ui'la kusisita:i'la jalai'la, t~ijtai'la sana English to embrace, hug to walk to da:ice to throw away to fall to sing to cook -....J -....J to eat ' to. know a person to count to be happy to run to say
PAGE 794
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7.3 (continued) encontrarse con alguien entrar escarbar escrib1r escuchar esperar estimar. querer. desear gritar hablar hacer lavar ropa levantarse. pararse llamar llegar La Paz Aymara j1k1s1i'la mantai'la llamayui'la qil lqai'la ist'ana suyt'ai'la munaih art'ai'la parlai'la lurai'la 1s t'axsui'!a sayt'ai'la jawsai'la puriiia English to m!?et someona to enter to dig (e.g., potatoes) to write to listen to wait to appreciate, 11ke, love. \'1ant -....J -....J to shout, scream -....J to talk to make, do to wash clothes to get up, stand up to call to arrive
PAGE 795
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-7.3 (continued) llorar jachaiia to cry mandar k"itai'la to order mirar untai'la to look moler q"unai'la, piqai'ia to grind morir j1Wi!Oa to die enfermarse. dar a luz usui'la to be 111 or pregnant; to bear a child ......, nadar tuyui'la to swim ......, co odiar ui'lisina to hate pasar pasai'la to pass pelear nU'.~asiila to right (physically) pensar lup'ii'la. amuyai'la to think perder algo ch"aqayai'la to lose something poder puyrii'la to be able preguntar jiskt 1 ai'la to ask
PAGE 796
APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7.3 (continued) quemar {lena). hacer arder recordar regar regresar, volver sentarse tapar un agujero tapar una olla Tengo sed. Tengo su':!no tomar, beber tostar en tostadera (maiz) venir ver volar La Paz Aymara nak"antayana amtai'la qllich'ana kutt'ai'la quntasiiia llupt'aiia q"upina Umat p"arj1tu. Ik1w puritu. umt'aiia jamp' iiia jutaiia uiijaiia muyuiia, tuyuiia English to burn (wood), •light a f1ra to remember to water, irrigate to return to sit down to cover a hole to cover a pot I'm thirsty. I'm sleepy. to drink to toast in toaster (e. g. corn) to come to see to fly --.J --.J \,0
PAGE 797
APPENDIX A (continued) Jaqaru AA-8 Jaqaru /nh/ word list 5 anhshishpta inhatza jinhara kanhara lanhtina panhara qunhtza tinhya wamanhripa wamanhtanqa yanha Spanish disputar, discutir pe6n, trabajar corno pe6n moco cuerda de maguey seco planta que cura heridas moledor hermano de un hombre tambor pequeno que tocan mujeres en fiestas ganaderas flor para jarabe para la tos papa amaril 1 a companero, ayudar English quarrel peon, work like a peon nasal mucus, snot dried maguey cord plant that heals wounds grinder. corn mill man's brother small drum played by women during cattle festivals flower used to ~~ke cough syrup yellow potato comrade, help "'-J co 0
PAGE 798
781 Notes 1 Hardman 1966:73. 2 Hardman 1966:75. 3 Hardman 1966:76. 4 Hardman 1966:77. 5 Hardman {personal communication).
PAGE 799
782 APPENDIX B ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES The following onomatopoeic utterances, class fiable as particles (7-2. 1), occurred in this research. Some are reduplicative; most are monosyllabic. Most were obtained from La Paz/Tiahuanaco. No formal attempt was made to elicit them elsewhere. It is hoped that additional examples will be found in future research. ch 11 ullx ch'uti jam jam jam jam krum k"urm k" ut "u p"ut"um sound of two glasses or bottles hitting (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of two small balls hitting (glass marbles, ball bearings, etc.) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of dog panting (Sitajara) sound of horse or donkey eating hay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'crunch' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of cow chewing cud (Calacoa) sound of fox's tail brushing the ground as it runs {Huancane) sound of explosion {Jopoqueri)
PAGE 800
p'utx p'utx g"upx talalax tulx tun tun ---t'alx t'ugx 783 'pop! pop! 1 {Sacca) sound of crunching, e. g. a carrot {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of explosion {Huancan~, La Paz) 'crunch' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of a tin can falling and hitting another {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of door slamming {La Paz/Campi) sound of explosion (Huancane) 'plop! 1 ; sound of fish falling on the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of raw egg in the shell, hitting the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco); sound of knock on the door, or of loud footsteps (La Paz/Campi)
PAGE 801
784 APPENDIX C REGIONAL VERSIONS OF GREETINGS AND COMMON EXPRESSIONS AC-1 Greetings The most common greetings between adults in con temporary Aymara may be a simple mama 'ma'am' or tata 'sir', sometimes suffixed with~ politive, as in mama.y and tata.y (Morocomarca and Calacala). The first syllable appears to have vowel length in Huancan~: ta:ta, ma:ma. The usual greeting by a child to an adult is 1.i.Y.!!_ (uncle) or~ (aunt) in La Paz, and tata. la.y or mama.la.yin Morocomarca. According to V~squez, the term tatala is derogatory in La Paz and would not be used there as a term of address, while in Vitocota it is used by a mother speaking to her son, as is mamala in speaking to a daughter. In Sitajara tatala and mamala are said to be used to refer to people from the highlands (department of Puno). Apart from tata and mama, the most common greet ings are probably Aymarized forms of the Spanish Buenos d1as ('good morning') and Buenas tardes ('good afternoon'), like the following:
PAGE 802
785 Winus tiyus. (La Paz/Campi) Winas tartis. (La Paz/Campi) Waynus tiyas. (Sitajara) Wa_ynas tartis. (Sitajara) An unusual greeting and reply apparently borrowed from 16th century Spanish persist in Calacoa. The original Spanish was identified for me by a native speaker of Span ish from Moquegua, who said the full reply would be Sin pecado concebida ('conceived without sin'). Maraptis. < Spanish Ave Marfa Purfsima Simpikaw. < Spanish sin pecado 'without sin' In several places Aymara greetings said to be archaic and no longer in use were elicited. In one case a verb with 2+3 F appears to be reduced from 3+2 and to repre sent a kind of frozen contraction or ellipsis, as the meaning is what it would be if the inflection were 3+2 F. Dias aski.y chura.:ta. God give 2+3 F 'God's blessing you will give.' (Juli ) Aski.y chura.:ta. 'Blessing you will give. 1 (Torata, Moquegua)
PAGE 803
786 Yusak God (Dias awki) ma: -father some Yusak ma: chura.nt tata. 2+3 F chura.ntama. give F 'God will give you (blessings). 1 (Jopoqueri; one speaker) Sum uru. ki. : . pan. 1 Let it be a good day. 1 ( Jopoqueri) good day 3+3 Suma diosa.r good god I chura. :ta, give F tata.y. sir 'You will give to (bless?) the good God, sir. 1 {Morocomarca) AC-2 Common Expressions A list of common expressions for La Paz (Campi and Tiahuanaco) was given at the beginning of the elici tation list in Appendix A. The expressions will be re peated here with analysis for comparison with similar expressions from other dialects. A number of the expressions contain vowel length verbalization (see 5-3.41.2) which does not appear in the transcription because the verbalization is followed by a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, causing the lengthened vowel to reduce to plain vowel. That is,
PAGE 804
787 a form that has vowel length verbalization at the morphemic level may not have it at the phonemic level. For example, kawki.n.k.iri.:.ta.sa with vowel length verbalization before the inflectional suffix S /-eta/, is pho nemically /kawkinkirjJ_asa/ and therefore so written. If there were no vowel length verbalization, the form would be */kawkinkirtasa/, which does not occur. It should also be noted that several homophonous suffixes occur in the expressions: -ta ~ -t 11 a 1 from, of' (5-3.31.4), -ta~ -t 11 a S (6-3.31), -ta S (6-3.31), and -ta nominalizer (7-4.21.3). In the following examples the verbal inflections are identified; the others are identifiable by context and gloss. AC-2. l Northern dialects AC-2.11 Huancan~ Sik.t'a.si.mam may, mama. ask one F Sik.t'a.si.mam.ch mama. Sik.t'a.si.n mun.sma.y, tata. want D-1 Suti.ma.x kuna suti.ni.sa? name 2p what name 1 May I ask you a question, ma'am? 1 'I would like to ask you a question, sir.' 'What is your name?'
PAGE 805
Tata, suti.ma.st kuna.sa? Na.n suti.ja.xa 1p lp Kawki.t.s jut.ta? where come 2+3 s Kawki.ta.s juma.x? 2p 788 'And what is your name, sir?' 'My name is __ _ 'Where do you come from?' 'Where are you from?' Na.x jut.t.w Punu 1p come 1+3 marka.t"a. city 'I come from the city of Puna.' s Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? 2+3 s Aka.n.k.iri.t.wa. here 1+3 s Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? 2+3 Naya.x lp s Li ma. n. k. t. wa. 1+3 s 'Where are you usually?' 'I'm usually here. 1 'And where are you now?' 1 I I m in Lima. 1 Yusulupay. < Dias se 1.Q pague 'May God repay you.'
PAGE 806
Yuspara.natpa. 3+2 F Yuspar.ka.natpa.y. Yuspar.sna.w. 1+2 s Ma: rat.kam. one while AC-2. 12 Sacca Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p Kawki.tugi.ta.sa where ? Juma.xa. 2p Kawki.t pur.ta.ni.w.ta.xa? arrive 2+3 Kawk.s sara.:ta? go 2+3 F s Jani. w kawk. s sar. ka. : . ti. no where go 1+3 F Yuspagara. 789 1 Thank you. 1 1 See you later. 1 1 What is your name? 1 1 Whereabouts are you from? 1 1 Where are you arriving from? 1 1 Where are you going? 1 'I 1 m not going anywhere.' 1 Thank you. 1
PAGE 807
Ma: rat.kama. one while Sar.x.ma. lla. go 2-+3 I Sara.waya.w.ma.lla. 2-+3 I Sara.w.ma.lla. 2-+3 I Jaki.si.n.kama. meet AC-2. 13 Juli Kuna.s what Na.n lp Naya.n suti.ma.xa? name 2p suti.ja.xa lp suti.ja.xa Kawki. ta. s where Kawki.ta.ta.s 2-+3 s ? Juma.xa. 2p 790 •see you later.' 'So long, go ahead, on your way.. 1 •until we meet again.• 1 What is your name? 1 1 My name is sa.ta.wa. 1 My name is called say 'Where are you from? 1
PAGE 808
Naya.x Juli marka.ta.t.wa. l p town l +3 Kawki.t.s jut.ta? where come 2+3 s sara.:ta? ( 2+3 Kawk.s) F where / l sara. :ta.x? Kawki.t.s where . t ? pur,.n. a. arrive 2+3 s Yapu.t field . t" pur,.n. a. Kamisa.k tata? how Wal i . k i . way . Diyuspagara. Ma: rat.kama. one while 1+3 s s 791 'I'm from Juli.' 'Where are you coming from?' 'Where you are going?' 'Where are you arriving from?' 'I'm arriving from the field.' 'How are you, sir?' 'Fine, thank you.' 'Thank you. ' 'See you later.'
PAGE 809
Jaki.si.n.kama. meet 792 'Until we meet again.' AC-2. 14 La Paz {Campi and Tiahuanaco, unless otherwise noted) Tata {mama), maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma. 'Sir {ma'am), may I ask you a question?' sir ma'am one ask M k t' . ? JlS a.s,. :ma. F 'May I ask you a question?' {San Andr~s de Machaca) Kuna.s suti.ma.xa, tata {mama)? 'What is your name, sir {ma'am)?' what name 2p Naya.n lp suti.xa.xa lp Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? where s .wa. Naya.x .n.k.iri.t.wa. s Jani.w aka.n.k.iri.k.t.ti. no here Kawk. s where sara.:ta? go F s 'My name is __ 'Where are you from?' 1 I'm from --'I'm not from here.' 'Where are you going {to go)?'
PAGE 810
Kawk.s sara.s.k.ta? 2+3 s Kawk.sa.t.s puri.s.k.ta? where arrive 2+3 s Yapu.t puri.s.k.ta. field arrive 1+3 s Kamisa.ki, tata (mama)? how Wali .ki. :.s.k.t.wa. well 1+3 s ~Jal i. ki. Juspajara.:tam. 3+2 F Jiki.si.n.kama. meet 793 'Where are you going (now)?' 'Where are you arriving from?' 'I'm arriving from the field.' 'How are you, sir (ma'am)?' 'I'm fine.' 'Fine.' (San Andr~s de Machaca) 'Thanks will be to you.' 'Until we meet again.' AC-2.2 Intermediate dialects AC-2.21 Calacoa May jisk.t'a.si.mama. 'M~y I ask you a question?' one ask 1+2 F
PAGE 811
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p Na.n suti.ja.x lp Kawki. t. s where pur.ta? arrive 2+3 s .wa. Kawki marka.t pur.ta? town Kawki marka.sti? Kami sa. raki? how Wal i . k i . wa. good Usulupaya. AC-2.22 Sitajara Jisk.t 1 a.si.wa.mam. ask 1+2 F Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa? how 2+3 s 794 1 What is your name? 1 1 My name is -1 Where are you arriving from? 1 1 What town are you arriving from?' 'And where is the town?' 1 How are you?' 1 Fine.' 1 Thank you. 1 1 May I ask you a question?• 1 How are you called?' (to child)
PAGE 812
Kuna suti.ma.s? what name 2p Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? where 2+3 s Kawki.y marka.ta.sa? where town Kawki.ta.sa? where Kawki.t.s pur.ta.x? s AC-2.3 Southern dialects AC-2.31 Jopoqueri Maya.y chis.t 1 a.si.:ma. one ask 1+2 F M h 11 k t 1 !'.:@Y. c , . a. s 1 : ma . Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa? how 2+3 s Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p 795 'What is your name?' (to adult) 'Where are you usually?' 'What town (are you) from?' 'Where (are you) from?' 'Where are you {coming } from? arriving 'May I ask you a question?' 'What is your name?'
PAGE 813
Naya.xa lp Suti.nha.xa name lp Kawki.ta.ta.s where 2+3 s sa.ta.t.wa. l+3 s sa.ta.wa. ? Juma.x. 2p 796 1 I 1 m ca 1 led -1 My name is -'Where are you from?' Naya.x aka Urur marka.ni.t.wa. 1 I 1 m from this town of Oruro. 1 lp this Oruro town 1+3 s Jani.w naya.x aka.ta.j.t.ti. 1 I 1 m not from here.• no lp here 1+3 Kawki.t.s . t ? pur. J. a. 2+3 s juta.ta? Yapu.t pur.j.t 11 a. field 1+3 Kawki. ru. s where s . t ? sar .J. a. go 2+3 s s 'Where are you {arr~ving} from?' coming 1 I 1 m arriving from the field. 1 'Where are you going?'
PAGE 814
Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.j.t.ti. no where go 1+3 s Kuna.ma.:.s.j.ta.s wiraxucha? how 2+3 s Wali.ki.:.s.j.t.wa. 1+3 s Jani wali.j.t.ti. no 1+3 Yuspajar.pan. 3+3 I s Ma: rat.kama. a while Jiki.si.n.kama. meet AC-2.33 Morocomarca Maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma. one ask 1+2 F Kuna.s sut.ma? what name 2p 797 'I'm not going anywhere.' 'How are you, sir?' 'I'm fine.' 'I'm not very well.' 'Thank you.' 'See you later. ' 'Until we meet again.' 'May I ask you a question?' 'What is your name?'
PAGE 815
798 Na_ya.n sut.na.ka .wa. lp name lp 'My name is Na_ya.n sut.na sa.ta.wa. Kawki.ta.sa? where Na_ya lp aka.t.pini.t.wa. here 1+3 Kawki.t.raj where s jut 11 a.n.ta? 2+3 s pur.ta? Yapu.t jut 11 a.n.t 11 a. field 1+3 Kawki.ru.raki.sti where s sar.k.ta? go 2+3 s 'Where (are you) from?' 1 I 1 m really from here.' 'Where are you {coming } from?' arriving 'I'm coming from the field. 1 'And where are you going?' Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.k.t.ti. 'I'm not going anywhere.' Wali.ki.s.k.ta.ti? 'Are you well?' good 2+3 s
PAGE 816
Wali.ki.s.k.t.wa. 1+3 Juspagar.pa. 3+3 I Ratu.kama. while Sar.xa.: .w, go 1+3 F s jiki.si.n.kama. meet AC-2.34 Calacala Kam.sa.ta.x sut.ma.x? how name 2p Naya sa.ta.t.wa l p 1+3 s 799 'I'm fine.' 1 Thank you. 1 1 See you later. 1 'I'm off, see you later. 1 'What is your name?' 'I'm called II Kawki.ta.raki.ta juma.xa? 'And where are you from?' where 2+3 2p s Naya jaqi .xa Qalagala. t.wa. 1 I am a person (man) from Calacala. 1 lp person Yuspaka.rap.sma.w. 'Thank you. 1 1+2 s
PAGE 817
AC-2.35 Salinas May chik.t'a.:ma. one ask 1+2 F Kam.sa.ta.raki.ta? how 2+3 s Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa? 2+3 s Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p Naya.x lp sa.ta.t.wa. 1+3 s Kawki.ta.ta.sa where 2+3 (juma.xa)? 2p s Kawki.ta.raki.ta? 2+3 s Naya.x aka.ta.t.wa. lp here 1+3 s Jani aka.ta.t.ti. no here 1+3 s 800 'May I ask you a question?' 'What is your name?' 1 I 1 m called -'Where are you from?' 1 I'm from here. 1 'I'm not from here. 1
PAGE 818
801 Naya.x Salina.ta.t.wa. 'I'm from Salinas.' lp 1+3 s Na.n marka.na.xa Salinas de Garci Mendoza sa.ta.wa. lp town lp 'My town is called Salinas de Garci Mendoza.' Kawki. t. ra(j) where ) pur. ta? l jut. ta? Yapu.t pur.j.t 11 a. field 1+3 Kawki. ru. rak where s sara.nta? go 2+3 F Jani kawki.ru.s. no where Kuna:ma.s.ka.raj.ta? how 2+3 s Wa 1 i . k i . wa good Juspagar.pan. 3+3 I 'Where are you {arr~ving} from?' coming 'I'm arriving from the field.' [saranda] 'Where are you going?' 'Nowhere. 1 'How are you?' 1 Fine. 1 1 Thank you. 1
PAGE 819
.!y u k 11 ama. 11 a. x. sa. so Ratu. ka :ma. while 802 'Well, just that (thank you). 1 'See you later.•
PAGE 820
803 APPENDIX 0 REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING ANO A RIDDLE A0-1 Unjaiia Saying: 'See before you say. 1 This saying, which illustrates the direct/indirect knowledge postulate (8-2.3) and variation in usage of the subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants) (7-4.22.l), was elicited in all dialects investigated except Calacoa and Sitajara. (Is is interesting to note that the saying does not occur in Jaqaru either, accord ing to Hardman [personal communication].) The different versions obtained are grouped regionally below. There is some variation within as well as across dialects, but the meaning is always almost identical. The verb sa.na that occurs in the saying is an obligatory. It may be translated variously as 'one must say', 'must be said', 'it is necessary to say', or 'is to be said'. I have arbitrari~y opted for 'one must say'. AD-1. l Northern dialects AD-1. 11 Huancan~ Un.ja.w.sin sa.na.xa , jan uii.j.ka.w.sin.xa see see say no see s (continued)
PAGE 821
no see 1+3 s 804 sa.na.wa. say 'Having seen, one must say 11 1 have seen"; not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen 11 1 AD-1. 12 Sacca Un.ja.sn.wa see see 1+3 s sa.na.xa. say Jan un.ja.sn.xa jani.w no see no see 1+3 s sa.na.ti. say 'Having seen, one must say 11 1 have seen 11 Not having seen, one must not say 11 1 have seen 11 1 AD-1.13 Juli see 1+3 s sa.sin.xa say Jan un.ja.sin.xa no see see 1+3 s sa.na.wa. say sa.na.wa. say no see 1+3 s 'Having said 11 1 have seen 11 3 one must say 11 1 have seen". Not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen 11 1 (The first part of this version appears to be garbled.)
PAGE 822
805 AD-1. 14 San Andr~s de Machaca Un.ka.sa.w sa.na.x. see see 1+3 say Jan no suri.ja.sa.sti }jani.w lun.j.ka.sa.sti no see 1+4 sa.na.k.i.ti. say see 'Having seen, one must say 11 ! have seen". Not having seen, one must not say 11 ! have seen". 1 AD-1. 15 La Paz/Compi Jan no un.ja.sa.x see no see 1+3 sa.na.w. say 'Not having seen, one must say 11 ! have not seen". 1 AD-1.2 Southern dialects AD-1.21 Jopoqueri {version 1) Jan no in.ja.san.xa see l 3 s see no In.ja. sana see see 1+3 s sa.na.wa. say sa.na.wa. say 'Not having seen, one must say 11 ! have not seen". Having seen, one must say 11 ! have seen". 1
PAGE 823
806 AD-1.22 Jopoqueri (version 2} Un.ja.san.xa see see s s.irijt.wa. say D-1 Jan no un.ja.san.xa see no see 1+3 s sa.s.ja.pani.w. say 'Having seen, l can say 11 1 have seen 11 Not having seen, 11 1 have not seen" really saying. 1 AD-1.23 Morocomarca Jani no in.ja.sana see 1+3 sa.na.wa. say In.ja.sana see see 1+3 s s sa.na.wa. say 'Not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen". Having seen, one must not say II l have seen 11 1 AD-l.24 Salinas Un.ja.sa.xa see see 1+3 s sa.na.wa. say no see sa.na.wa. say s Jan un.ja.sin.xa no see 'Having seen, one must say 11 1 have seen". Not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen 11 1
PAGE 824
807 AD-2 Spindle Riddle No attempt was made to elicit this riddle every where, but it occurred spontaneously with great frequency. It is probably general to all dialects. Like the unjana saying, it illustrates different usages of -sa and -sina (and variants). The riddle shows more stylis tic variation than does the saying. AD-2. l Northern dialects AD-2. 11 Juli (version l) K k k l . 11• t .. ? una.s una.s muy. a.sa wa .J q 1p .. 1ri.x. what turn very swell Qapu.w. spfriclTe 'What, what turning swells up? A spindle. 1 AD-2. 12 Juli (version 2) Ma: tawaqu.x A girl t 11 uoa.sa t 11 uga.sa wal g'ip.t.i.xa. dance very swell 3+3 Uka.x kuna.sa? Qapu.w. that what spindle s 'A young girl dancing, dancing becomes pregnant. What is that? A spindle.'
PAGE 825
808 AD-2. 13 Juli (version 3) T 11 ug 11 u.sin t 11 uq 11 u.sin usu.ri.pt.i.x. dance i 11 3+3 s Kuna.s uka.xa? Qapu.wa. what that spindle 1 Dancing, dancing [she] becomes pregnant. What is that? A spindle. 1 AD-2. 14 La Paz/Tiahuanaco T 11 ug.ta.s t 11 ug.ta.s Muy.ka.s muy.ka.s turn Qapu.w kuna.raki.:.ni.x. spindle what else 3+3 F kuna.s wal g 11 ip.t.iri.x? 1 Dancing, dancing (turning, turning) what swells up? A spindle, what else is it to be. 1 AD-2.2 Southern dialects AD-2.21 Jopoqueri Tan.ja.s tan.ja.s wal g'it.iri. Uka kuna.s? run very pregnant that what Uka.x qapu.x. that spindle 1 Running, running [she] gets pregnant. What is that? A spindle. 1
PAGE 826
809 AD-2.22 Morocomarca Ma tawagu muy.ka.sa muy.ka.sa wal g 1 ip.t.x.i. a girl turn very pregnant 3+3 s Uka kuna.raki.:.spa. that what 3+3 D-1 Qapu.w. spindle 1 A young girl turning, turning gets pregnant. And what can-that be? A spindle. 1 AD-2.23 Salinas (version 1) Muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa turn wa l q I i nt. x. i . very pregnant 3+3 s Q 11 apu.xa t 11 ug 11 .ka.sa, t 11 ug.ka.sa, spindle dance t 11 ug 11 .ka.sa uyru.nt.x.i. fill 3+3 s 'Turning, turning, turning, turning--[she] gets pregnant. A spindle dancing, dancing, dancing--fills up. 1 AD-2.24 Salinas (version 2) Ma: tawagu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.sa wal a girl turn very Uka kuna.sa? Uka.pi.y that what that spindle I •t Q 1 .x.,. pregnant 3+3 s 1 A young girl turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is that? That's a spindle, of course.•
PAGE 827
810 AD-2.3 Intermediate Dialect: Calacoa Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin usu.r.ta.si.w.x.i. A woman turn i 11 3+3 s Uka.x kuna.s ? Q 11 apu.w. that what spindle 'A woman turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is that? A spindle. 1
PAGE 828
811 APPENDIX E INDEX OF SUFFIXES The Aymara suffixes that have occurred in this study are here listed in alphabetical order. (Suffixes beginning with vowel length/:/ followed by a consonant are listed under that consonant, e.g. /-:ta/; suffixes consisting of vowel length alone are listed between suffixes beginning with /u/ and /w/; and zero complement is listed last.) The morphophonemics of each suffix are given in the notation indicated in 1-3.6. In cases of general rules (such as that all suffixes beginning with /i/ take a preceding consonant) the morphophonemics are not shown. For further information on the morphophonemics of each suffix see 4-2 and the section cited for each suffix. Abbreviations used are v. der. verbal derivational v. infl. verbal inflectional v. nom. verb nominalizer v. subord. verb subordinator indep. independent (nonfinal)
PAGE 829
cha -vcha-v--cha /-cchapi/ /-vchi/ ~ C chi -c/-cchista:na/ /-cchistani/ /-cchistasapa:na/ /-cchistaspa /chistpana/ C /chistu/ C /-cchita:na/ /-cchitasapa:na/ /-cchitaspa/ /chitaystu/ C /chitu/ C /chja-/ C /-cchjama-/ 812 /ch/ noun; diminutive (5-3.22.1) v. der., verbalizer/causative (6-2.11) final, alternative interrogative (7-2.22) noun, 'the one which' (5-3.12.1) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.ll. 11) v. infl., Non-Involver (6-3.36.1) v . i n fl . , 4 RD K ( 6 3 . 3 5 . l ) v. infl., F (6-3.32) v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.11) V i n fl . , I ( 6 3. 3 3) V i n fl . , S ( 6 3 . 31 ) v. in fl . , RD K ( 6 3. 3 5. l ) V i n fl . , D2 ( 6 3. 3 4 . 21 ) V. in fl . , D-1 ( 63. 34. 11 ) v. infl., RIK (6-3.35.2) V. in fl . , S ( 63. 31 ) v. der., 'likely' (6-2.3) v. der., 'likely' (6-2.3)
PAGE 830
/ch 11 api/ C /ch 11 i/ C ch 1 a -c-1ch 1 ak 11 a-/ C /-cch 1 i/ /ch 1 uki-/ C -i /-ichja-/ /-ijana/ /-ill a/ -imana /-inhana/ /-inana/ /-ipana/ /-i :pana/ /-ipnaf, /-ipuna/ /-iri/ 813 /ch 11 / noun, 'the one which' (5-3.12.l) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11) /ch 1 / noun, 'size, extent• (5-3. 12.2) v. der., sustained action (6-2.18. l) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11) v. der., sustained action (6-2.18.l) /i/ V i n fl . , 3+ 3 S ( 6 3 . 31 ) v. der., 1 likely 1 (6-2.3) v. subord., 1+3 (7-4.22.2) noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2) v. subord., 2+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 1+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 1+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2) v . s u b or d . , 3+ 3 ( 7 4 . 2 2 . 2 ) v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2) v. nom., subord., actor/purposive (7-4.21.l)
PAGE 831
814 /-irija:na/ v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijasma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irija:ta / C v. infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijatama:na/ V. inf l. , 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijat 11 ac/ v. infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /--irija:t 11 a / C V infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijiv/ v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijista:na/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijistu/ V infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-i:rijistu/ v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijita:na/ V. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijitu/ v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijma/ v. infl., l +2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijsma/ V infl., l +2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijsma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijstam/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijstama:na/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijsta:na/ V. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijta/ v. infl., 2+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) / i ri j tam/ V. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irijta:mac/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijtama:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijt"ac/ V. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) I i r i k a : s ma/ v. inf l. , l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
PAGE 832
815 /-irika:tac/ v. infl., 1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irika:tam/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irika:t"a / C v. infl., 1 +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irikiya:sma/ v. infl., 1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irikiyata:ma/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriksma/ V. infl., 1+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iriksna/ V. infl., 1+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikstac/ v. infl., 1+3 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irikstam/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikstan/ v. infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irikst 11 a/ v. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iriktac/ v. infl., 1 +3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikta:na/ v. i nvl . , 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriktma/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikt"ac/ v. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) V /-irik 11 a/ v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irik"asma:na/ V. infl., 1 +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irik 11 at 11 a / C v. infl., 1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irik 11 atma:na/ V. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriskasama:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriskasapa:na/ v. inf l . , 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriskatam/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriska:tac/ v. infl., 1 D-2 {6-3.34.22) /-iriskatama:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 {6-3.34.22)
PAGE 833
816 /-irisma/ V. i nfl . , l +2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irisma:n/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irista / C v. infl., 1+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iris tam/ V. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iristma/ V. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irist 11 ac/ v. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iritasama:na/ v. infl., 2+1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irja:na/ v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irja:ta/ v. infl., 2+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irjat 11 a / C v. inf l. , l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irji/ v. inf l. , 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irjistu/ v. infl., 3~ D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irjitu/ V. infl., 3+1 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irkasma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irkatama:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irka:t 11 a / C v. infl., 1+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) -isana v. subord., 4+3 (7-4.22.2) /-ista/ v. inf l. , 2+1 s (6-3.31) /-istan/ v. infl., 2+1 RDK and 3+4 RDK (6-3.35.l) /-ista:na/ v. infl., 3+4 RDK (6-3.35.l) /-istani/ v. inf l. , 3+4 F (6-3.32) /-istasapa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-istaspa/ V infl., 3+4 D-1 ( 6 3. 34. 11 ) /-istaspa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
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817 /-istasp 11 a/ v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.21) /-istasp 11 a:na/ V. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3. 34. 21) /-istata/ v. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-ista:sta/ V. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-ista:ta/ v. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-istaya:ta/ v. inf l. , 2+1 RDK (6-3. 35. l) /-istpa(n)/ v. infl., 3+4 I (6-3. 33) /-istu/ v. infl., 3+4 s (6-3.31) /-istusapa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-istuspa/ V. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.11) /-istuspa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-is tutu/ V. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-istu:tu/ v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) -ita noun, diminutive (5-3.22.3) /-ita/ v. infl., 2+1 I (6-3.33) /-itan/ v. infl., 3+1 RDK (6-3.35.l) /-ita:na/ v. infl., 3+1 RDK (6-3.35.l) -itani v. i nfl . , 3+1 F, I (6-3.32, 6-3.33) /-itanta/ v. infl., 2+1 F (6-3.32) /-itanhata/ v. infl., 2+1 F (6-3.32) /-itasama:na/ v. infl., 2+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-itasapa:na/ v. inf l. , 3+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-itasma(n)/ V. infl., 2+1 D-1 ( 63. 34. 11 ) /-itasma:na/ v. inf l. , 2+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-itaspa/ v. infl., 3+1 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
PAGE 835
/-itaspa:na/ /-itasp 11 a/ /-itasp"a:na/ /-ita:sta/ /-ita:ta/ /-itayasta/ /-itayista/ /-itaysta/ /-itaytu/ /-ititu/ /-itma/ /-itpa/ /-itpan/ /-itpana/ /-itp 11 ana/ /-itta/ / -i tu/ -itu /-itutu/ /-itu:tu/ /-iya:sta/ 818 v. infl., 3-rl D-2 (6-3. 34. 21) v. in fl . , 3-r l Dl ( 6 3. 34. 11 ) v. infl., 3-rl D-2 (6-3.34.21) v. infl., 2-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 2-rl F (6-3.32), 2-rl RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 2-rl RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 2-rl RDK (6-3.35. l) v. infl., 2-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 2-rl I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I, 3 4 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I (6-3. 33) v. infl., 2-rl S (6-3.31) v. infl., 3-rl S (6-3.31) noun, dimi~~ti-ve (5-3.22.4) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 2-rl RDK (5-3.35.l) /j/ noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) noun, 'amount, quantity' (5-3.12.3)
PAGE 836
j a-c/ja-/ C ~ C /-vj a-/ /-vja/ /-vja:/ /-:ja/ /-cjama/ /-cja:ma/ /jata-/ C /-vjata/ / vj a: ta/ /-vji/ jita -v-/ka-/ C /ka-/ C -ka -:ka .:.vkama C 819 v. der., divider (6-2.12) v. der., 1 preceding 1 /continuative/ incompletive (6-2.25) noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.l) v. infl., l F (6-3.32) v. infl., (6-3.33) F (6-3.32), 1+3 v. infl., F (6-3.32) noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) noun, 1 like 1 (5-3.32.3) v. der., 1 across 1 (6-2.17.1) v. infl., F (6-3.32) v. infl., F (6-3.32) I indep., 'just, only' (7-2.21.1) noun, 'exactly in a place' (5-3.21) / k/ noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.1) v. der., 1 preceding 1 /continuative/ incompletive (6-2.25) final, topic/resumator (7-2.22.1, 7-2.22.11) noun, 'general location' (5-3.12.5) noun, aggregate/attainer (5-3.32.1)
PAGE 837
/-ckata/ /-ckata-/ /kati/ C . /-vki/ lie.! -c .:.vkipa.:.vkipta~ C ku -v-kucha /k 11 a/ C /k 11 a-/ C : k II a /k 11 ata-/ C la -v/-vlayku/ C /-11 a/ 820 noun, 'across' (5-3.21) v. der., 'across' (6-2.17.1) noun, 'across' (5-3.21) indep., 'just, only' (7-2.21.l) noun, 'every other' (5-3.12.4) v. der., 'past a point' (6-2.15.l) noun, verbalizer (accelerated) (5-3.42.2) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3. 11.12) indep., 'or if' (7, fn. 14) / k II/ noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) v. der., continuative/incompletive (6-2.25) noun, 'through' (5-3.12.6) v. der., 'across' (6-2.17.l) /1/ noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.13) noun, 'on account of' (5-3.12.17) /11 / noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2), lp possessive (5-3.24); final, politive (7-2.22, 7-2.22.2)
PAGE 838
~ ~ C V ma -vc /-vma:/ /-vmama/ /-:man/ /-vmma/ C /-mna/ /-mnam/ /-vmpa/ /-:mpa/ /-vmpi/ /-: mu/ /mucha-/ V 821 /ml final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3) V. i n fl . , 2 +3 I ( 63. 3 3) noun, 2p possessive (5-3.24); kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14) noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) no u n , 1 l i k e 1 ( 5 3 . 3 2 . 3 ) , 1 th r o u g h 1 (5-3.32.3); v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14) final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3) final, disc l aimer (7-2.22.3) v. inf l. , 3+2 F (6-3.32) v. i nfl. , 3+2 I (6-3.33) noun, conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/ instrumental (5-3.31. l) noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) v . de r. , 1 away , off 1 ( 6 2 . l 7 . 4 )
PAGE 839
na -v-c C V /-:na/ nama -C'-V naga-v C /-vnatma/ /-vnatpa/ ni -vni -vni-v-/nma/ V nta-v-/-vnta/ /-vntam/ /-vnti/ /nuku-/ V /nuqa-/ C /nuqu-/ V 822 In/ noun, possessive/locational (5-3.31.2) v. infl., 3+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) noun, plural (5-3.25) noun, 'through' (5-3.32.3) v. der., 'around, aimlessly' (6-2.17.2) v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3.32) V. in fl . , 3+2 F ( 63. 32) noun, possessor/enumerator (5-3.23) v. infl., 3-->-3 F (6-3.32) v. der., approacher (6-2.23.l) v . i n fl . , 3+ 2 F ( 6 3 . 3 2 ) , 3-->2 I (6-3.33) v. der., 'into'/slow inceptive (6-2.17.3) v. infl., 2+3 F (6-3. 32) V. in fl . , 3+2 F ( 6-3. 32) noun, conjointer/accompanier/ agent i v e / i n s tr u men ta 1 ( 5 3 . 31 . 1 ) v. der., 'away, off' (6-2.17.4) v. der., placer/cessation of action (6-2.15.2) v. der., placer/cessation of action (6-2.15.2)
PAGE 840
/-vna/ ~ C na V !-/fol /-vna:/ /-vnani/ /-vnha/ C /-vnha/ /nha:ta/ V /-vnhata:ma/ /-cpa/ pacha -c-=-cpacha /-cpa(na)/ :..vpaya823 /n/ noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) V nom. , v. subord. (7-4.21.2) v. infl., 1-+3 F (6-3.32), 1-+3 (6-3.33) V infl., l +3 F (6-3.32) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3.32), 4+3 (6-3.33) /nh/ noun, l p possessive (5-3.24) v. inf l. , 1-+3 F (6-3. 32), 1-+3 (6-3.33) V . inf l. , 2-+3 F (6-3.32) V . infl., 3+2 F (6-3. 32), 3+2 (6-3.33) /p/ v. der., plural (6-2.26) noun, 3p possessive (5-3.24) v. infl., 3-+3 I (6-3. 33) noun, 'all, same' (5-3.32.2) I I I I v. infl., Inferential (6-3.36.2) v . i n fl . , 3-+ 3 I , 3-+2 I ( 6 3 . 3 3 ) v. der., compassionate/fun-poker (6-2.19.l) indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)
PAGE 841
/-vpi/ /-pi(:)/ /-vpini/ -=-v~ /-pu(: )/ /-vpuni/ -=-v~ C /p"ana/ C /-cqa-/ /-vqa-/ /-qa/ qata -v ra -vra-v/-vra/ /-vra(: )/ C 824 indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2) final, reiterator of known information (7-2.22.4) indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2) noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1) final, reiterator of known information (7-2.22.4) indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2) noun, 'between, among' (reciprocal) (5-3.12.8) /p"/ v i n fl . , 3+ 3 I ( 6 3 . 3 3 ) /q/ v. der., completive (6-2.25.2) v. der., 'down'/remover (6-2.15.3) final, topic/attenuator (7, fn. 2) noun, 'below' (5-3.12.9) Jr/ noun, 'through' (5-3.12.10) v. der., serial/reverser (6-2.14.1) i n de p. , ' st i1 1 , yet ' ( 7 2 . 21 . 3) indep., aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4)
PAGE 842
/ : ra/ /-Y,raji/ C rapi-v--=--raqa-v_ ...... __ rara -v-/-vrara/ /-vray/ /rpa:-/ V /rpaya-/ V ru -v-v C sa -csa Y. C sa -v825 indep., 'still? yet' (7-2.21.3) indep., aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) indep., aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) v. der., beneficiary (6-2.24.1) v. der., victimary (6-2.24.2) noun, intensifier (5-3. 12.11) indep., 'still, yet' (7-2.21.3) indep., 'still, yet' (7-2.21.3); aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) noun, 'on account of' (5-3.12.7) indep., aggregate/ cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) v. der., 'multiple action'/ intensifier (6-2.19.2) v. der., 'multiple action'/ intensifier (6-2.19.2) noun, directional 'to, at' (5-3.31.3) v. nom., subord., purposive (7-4.21.12) /s/ noun, 'side' (5-3.21) noun, 4p possessive (5-3.24) v. subord. {7-4.22.1)
PAGE 843
826 -sa final, information int=rrogative/ indefinite/ linker (7-2.22, 7-4.23.l) /-vsama:na/ V. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-vsana/ v. subord. (7-4.22.l) /-vsana/ v. i nfl. , D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-csapa:na/ V. infl., I (6-3.33) /-vsapa:na/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-vsa:sna/ v. infl., D-2 ( 6 3 . 34 . 21 ) /-cschista:na/ v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) /-cschistani/ V. infl., F (6-3.32) /-cschistaspa/ v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.11) /-cschistasapa:na/ V. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-cschistpana/ V. infl., I (6-3.33) /-cschistu/ v. inf l. , s (6-3.31) /-cschitani/ v. infl., 3+4 F (6-3.32) /-cschitasapa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 ( 6 3. 34. 21 ) /-cschitaspa/ v. infl., 3+4 0-1 ( 63. 34. 11 ) I c s ch i ta ys t u / V. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-cschitaytu/ v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-cschitu/ v. inf l. , 3+4 s (6-3.31) si-vv. de r. , (6-2.21) reciprocal/reflexive /-vsina/ v. subord. (7-4.22.l) /-vsina:n/ v. subord. (7-4.22.l) /-vsinana/ v. infl., 4+3 0-2 (6-3.34.21)
PAGE 844
827 /-vsisama:na/ v. infl., 2-+3 D-2 {6-3.34.21) /-vsisapa:na/ v. infl., 3-+3 D-2 {6-3.34.21) /-csistpana/ v. infl., 3-+4 I {6-3.33) /-csita:na/ v. inf l. , 3-+4 RDK {6-3.35.l) /-csitani/ V. inf l. , 3-+4 F {6-3.32) /-csitasapa:na/ V. infl., 3-+4 D-2 { 6 3 . 34 . 21 ) /-csitaspa/ V. infl., 3-+4 D-1 {6-3.34. 11) /-csitaystu/ V infl., 3-+4 RIK {6-3.35.2) /sitpana/ C v. infl., 3-+4 I {6-3.33) /-csitp 11 ana/ V. infl., 3-+4 I {6-3.33) /-csitu/ v. infl., 3-+4 s {6-3.31) situ -v-noun, diminutive (5-3.22.5) /sja-/ C V. der. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /-vsjamach-/ V de r. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /-csma/ V. infl., l -+2 s {6-3.31) /-vsma/ V. infl., 2 -+3 D-1 { 6 3. 34. 11 ) /-:sma/ V. inf l. , 2-+3 D-1 { 63. 34. 11 ) ; 1-+2 RDK {6-3.35.l) /smach-/ V v. der. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /-vsmachja-/ V. de r. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /sman/ V V. infl., 1-+2 RDK {6-3. 35. l) /sma:na/ v. infl., 2-+3 D-2 {6-3.34.21); V 1-+ 2 RDK {6-3.35.l) / s na/ C V. infl., 4-+ 3 s {6-3.31) /-csna/ V infl., 1-+2 (6-3. 34. 11) s (6-3.31); 4-+3 D-1
PAGE 845
/-csna(n)/ /-vsna'!,/ C /-:sna/ /-vsna:na/ /sna/ C /-vsna/ /-vspa/ /-vspa:na/ /-(:)sp 11 a(na)/ /sp 11 ana/ V /-cstani/ /-cstaspa/ -st i / s tu/ C SU-cta-c/-eta/ /-ctac/ /-vta/ /-v ta/ /-vtac/ V 828 v. infl., 4+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) v. subord. (7-4.22. l) V. infl., l +2 RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 4+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21) v. i nfl., 4+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) v. infl., 4+3 s (6-3.31) v. inf l. , 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) v. infl., 3+3 D-2 ( 6 3. 34. 21 ) V. inf l. , 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) V infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21) V. inf l. , 3+4 F (6-3. 32), 3+4 I (6-3.33) V. inf l. , 3+4 D-1 (6-3. 34. 11) final, follow-up (7-2.22) V. i nfl., 3+4 S (6-3.31) V. der. , 'out'/completive (6-2.13) /t/ v. der., 'up'/inceptive (6-2.16) v. infl., 2+3 S (6-3.31) v. infl., 1+3 S (6-3. 31) noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.15) noun, directional, 'from, of' (5-3.31.4)
PAGE 846
ta -v~ C /tak"i/ V C /-ctama/ /-:tama/ /-vtama:na/ /-ctan/ /-vtan/ /-:tan/ /-:tana/ /tana/ C 829 v. nom., subord., realized action (7-4.21.3) v. infl., 2+3 RDK (6-3.35.1), 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 1+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., 2+3 F (6-3.32), 2+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5) noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5) v. infl., 3+2 s (6-3.31) v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3. 32), 3+2 I {6-3.33), 3+2 RDK {6-3.35.1) v. infl., 3+2 s {6-3.31) v. infl., 3+2 s {6-3.31) V. i nfl . , 3+2 RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., 3+2 RDK (6-3. 35. l) v. infl., 4+3 s (6-3.31) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3.32), 4+3 I (6-3.33), 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3. 32), 4+3 RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 4+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., 4+3 s (6-3.31) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3.32), 4+3 I (6-3.33) v. inf l. , 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
PAGE 847
830 /ta:na/ V v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vtani/ v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtana/ v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /ta:sma/ V v. infl., 1 +2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:sna/ v. infl., 1 +2 D-2 (6-3.34.21), 1 +2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaspa:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.21} tata-v v. der. , scatterer (6-2.17.5) /tata' V . v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-cta:ta/ v. infl., 1 +3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:ta/ v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:tam/ v. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtata:mac/ V. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:tama/ V. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vta:tan/ v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtatma/ V. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vtatna/ v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:tsma/ V. infl., 1 +2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /tat 11 a / V C v. infl., 1+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtawi/ v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtay/ noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5) /-vtay(ic)/ V. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /tayna/ V V infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vtaysma/ V. infl., 1+2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /taystu/ V V. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2}
PAGE 848
831 /-vtayta/ V. infl., 2-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /tayta / V C v. i nfl., 1-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) / -v taytam/ v. infl., 3-+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytama/ v. infl., 3-+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytana/ v. infl., 4-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytna/ v. infl., 4-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytu/ V. infl., 3-+ l RIK (6-3.35.2) /tayt 11 a / V C v. infl., 1-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) -ti final, yes/no interrogative, negative (7-2.22, 7-4.23.3) /-vti:sta/ v. infl., 2-+ l RIK (6-3.35.2) /ti:stu/ V v. inf l. , 3-+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vti:tu/ v. infl., 3-+ l RIK (6-3.35.2) /-ctmac v. infl., 3-+2 s (6-3.31) ~ V /-vtm/ v. inf l. , 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-vtma/ v. infl., 3-+2 F (6-3.32), 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-:tma/ V. infl., 3-+2 F (6-3.32), 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-vtma:na/ v. i n fl . , 3+2 RDK (6-3. 35. l) /-vtna/ v. infl., 4-+3 F (6-3.32) /-:tna/ v. infl., 4-+3 F (6-3.32) /-vtpac/ v. infl., 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-:tpa(n)/ v. infl., 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-vtta/ noun, kinship (frozen) ( 53. 11 . l 5)
PAGE 849
/t 11 a / C C /t 11 a / C V /t 11 a / V C /-:t 11 a / C /t 11 a/ V t 11 api-c t'a-c-/-:/ /-:-/ /-:-/ /-:/ /-:/ -wa /wa-/ V 832 /t"/ v. infl., 3 s (6-3.31) v. infl., s (6-3.31) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v. i nfl. , RDK (6-3.35.1) noun, directional I Of, from' (5-3.31.4) V. der. , gatherer (6-2.14.2) /t'/ v. der., momentaneous (6-2.18.2) /: / noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.2) v. der., causative (6-2.22) v. infl., F (6-3.32), 1-+3 I (6-3.33) final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1, 7-2.22.12) final, emphatic (7-2.22) /w/ final, absolute (7-2.22) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
PAGE 850
/-vwa:-/ /-vwaya-/ /-vwi-/ .-vwisa/ /-vwisu/ /wiya-/ V wja -v-/-xa/ .:.cxa /-cxa-/ / xa-/ V /-vxa/ -:xa / : xa/ .:.c_x_a _r_u _xa : s i -c /xata-/ C /xaya-/ C /xita-/ C /-y/ 833 v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) noun, 'without' (5-3.12.12) noun, 'without' (5-3.12.12) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) noun, 'place' (5-3.21) I xi final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1, 7-2.22.12, 7-4.23.2, 7-4.23.3) noun, 'over, on' (5-3.21) v. der., completive (6-2.25.2) v. der., 'down'/remover (6-2.15.3) noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) noun, 'beside' (5-3.21) v. infl., F (6-3.32), (6-3.33) v. der., preparative of motion (6-2.17.6) v. der., static (6-2.17.7) v. der., 'on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4) v. der., accompanier (6-2.17.8) v. der., 'on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4) /y/ indep., 'just, only' (7-2.21.1)
PAGE 851
/-ya/ /-ya-/ /-ya:/ /-ya:na/ /-ya:sma/ /-ya:tac/ /-ya:ta/ /-yatam/ /-ya:tam/ /-ya:tan/ /-ya:t 11 ac/ /-yi:sta/ /-yi:stu/ /-yitu/ /-yi:tu/ /-yri/ Zero complement 834 noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.16); v. infl., F (6-3.32); final, politive (7-2.22, 7-2.22.2, 7-4.23.3) v. der., causative (6-2.22) v. infl., F (6-3.32) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35. l) v . i n fl . , l RD K ( 6 3 . 3 5 l ) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v . i n fl . , 3 RD K ( 6 3 . 3 5 . l ) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v. nom., subord., actor/purposive (4-3.22.13, 7-4.21.11) noun (5-3.33)
PAGE 852
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836 Bertonio, Ludovico. 1612. Vocabulario de la lengua aymara. Juli: Prancisco del Canto. [1879 facsimile ed. by Julio Platzmann, Leipzig: B.G. Tuebner.] [1956 facsimile ed. La Paz: Don Bosco.] Bouroncle Carreon, A. los aymaras. 1964. Contribuci6n al estudio de America Indfgena 24.129-169, 233-269. Boynton, Sylvia. 1974. A contrastive analysis of Spanish and Aymara phonology: Spanish as a goal language. M.A. thesis, University of Florida. Briggs, Lucy Therina. and culture. Florida. 1971a. Politeness in Aymara language Unpubl. term paper, University of 1971b. Aymarization, an example of language change. Unpubl. term paper, University of Florida. 1973. The Aymara four-person system. Papers in Andean Linguistics 2:1.1-3. 1974a. Las cuatro personas gramaticales del aymara. (Documentos No. 9, Depto. Lingufstica.) Cochabamba: Centro Pedag6gico y Cultural de Portales. 1974b. Algunos rasgos dialectales del aymara de Bolivia y del Peru. Paper read at 41st International Congress of Americanists, Mexico City. 1975. Structure of the substantive system. Ch. 8, Aymar ar yatiqanataki, 2nd ed., vol. 3, by Hardman et al. Ann Arbor: Xerox University Micro films. , and Nora C. England. 1973. Education and ------,-,ant hr op o logical linguistics. New Voices in Education 3:1.21-22. Buechler, Hans C. and Judith-Maria. 1971. The Bolivian Aymara. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Wilson. Calle P., Francisco. 1974. Aymarat liyt'apxana:n qillqt' apxana:ni. Tiahuanaco: Centro de Promoci6n Cultural Tiwanaku-Taraco, Jesas y Andr~s de Machaca, Bolivia. Carter, William E. 1964. Aymara communities and the Bolivian agrarian reform. (University of Florida Monographs, Social Sciences No. 24.) Gainesville: University of Florida Press.
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837 Carter, William E. 1965. Innovation and marginality: Two South American case studies. America Indigena 25:4.383-392. 1966. Factores socio-econ6micos en el desarrollo de la personalidad aymara. Proceedings of the 36th International Congress of Americanists, (Madrid, 1964) 3.367-381. 1968. Secular reinforcement in Aymara death ritual. American Anthropologist 70.238-263. -----1971. Bolivia, a profile. New York: Praeger . . 1972. Entering the world of the Aymara. Crossing cultural boundaries, ed. by Solon T. Kimball and James B. Watson. San Francisco: Chandler. Cat~logo de las voces usuales del aymara con la correspon dencia en castellano y quechua. 1953, 1963, 1971. La Paz: Gisbert. Catecismo en la lengua espanola y aymara del Piru. 1604. Sevilla. Chaski del Servicio Ecum~nico de Documentaci6n. 1974. (No. 2, July 1974.~ La Paz: Centro de Comunicaci6n Social. Choque Quispe, Domingo, and Martirictn Benavides Rodrtguez. 1970. Cursado de fonologia aymara. Oruro: De partamento de Extensi6n Cultural, Universidad Tecnica de Oruro. Copana, Pedro. 1973. Linguistics and education in rural schools among the Aymara. New Voices in Education 3:1.26-27. Diez de San Miguel, Garci. 1567. Visita hecha a la pro vincia de Chucuito ... en el ano 1567. [Reprinted in Documentos regionales para la etnologia y etnohistoria andina 1, ed. by Waldemar Espinoza Soriano. Lima: Casa de la Cultura, 1964.] Doctrina christiana, y catecismo para la instrucci6n de los indios ... traduzido en las dos lenguas generales de este reyno, quichua, y aymara. 1584. Ciudad de los Reyes (Lima): Antonio Ricardo. Ebbing, Juan Enrique. 1965. Gramatica y diccionario aymara. La Paz: Don Bosco.
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838 England, Nora C. 1975. Verbal derivational suffixes. Ch. 6, Aymar ar yatiqanataki, 2nd ed., vol. 3, by Hardman et al. Ann Arbor: Xerox University Microfilms. Escobar, Alberto. 1972a. 1 Alfabetizar 1 en el Peru. Primer Seminario de (Algunos estudios y ponencias). de Educaci6n . y 1 castellanizar 1 Educaci6n BilingUe Lima: Ministerio . {ed.) 1972b. El reto del mu1ti1ingUismo _____ e_n_e_l Peru. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. [Includes article by Escobar, l.ingiiistica y politica, 15-34.] , Gary Parker, J. Creider, and Rodolfo Cerr6n. -------=-=1967. Cuatro fonologias quechuas. {Plan de Fomento Lingiiistico. Serie Fonologias.) Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. Escribens, Augusto. 1972. Monolinguismo y bilingUismo: Lengua vern~cula y caste11ano con especial referencia al area andina. Primer Seminario de Educaci6n Bilingue, Algunos estudios y ponencias. Lima: Ministerio de Education. Espinoza Soriano, Waldemar. 1964. Visita hecha a la pro vincia de Chucuito por Diez de San Miguel en el ano 1567. Documentos Regionales para la Etnohis toria Andina 1. Lima: Casa de la Cultura. Farfan, J.M.B. 1955. Estudio de un vocabulario de las lenguas quechua, aymara y jaqe-aru. Revista del Museo Nacional 24.81 (Lima). Forbes, David. 1870. On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru. Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, n.s. 2:13.193-305. Franco Inojosa, Mario. 1965. Breve vocabulario castellano aymara. Puno: Departamento de Integraci6n Cultural de la CORPUNO . . 1967. Arte de la lengua aymara de Diego de ----=-Torres Rubio /1616/ Actualizaci6n de Mario Franco Inojosa /1966/. Lima: LYRSA. Garcia, Juan Antonio. 1917. Gramatica aymara sabre la base de una edici6n antigua. La Paz: Imprenta y Litografia Artistica.
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839 Grondin N., Marcelo. 1973. Metodo de aymara. Oruro: Rodrfguez-Muriel. Hardman, M.J. 1966. Jaqaru: Outline of phonological and morphological structure. The Hague: Mouton . . 1969. Computerized archive and dictionary -------=----,of the Jaqimara languages of South America. Papers in Linguistics 1.606-617. 1972a. Postulados lingufsticos del idioma aymara. El reto del multilingUismo en el Peru, ed. by Alberto Escobar, 35-46. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. 1972b. Early use of inclusive/exclusive. IJAL 38.145-146. 1975. Proto-jaqi: Reconstrucci6n del sistema de personas gramaticales. Revista del Museo Nacional 41.433-456. (Lima). (in press a) Linguistic postulates and applied anthropological ling~istics. Memorial vol. in honor of Ruth Hirsch Weir. The Hague: Mouton . -----. (in press b) Jaqaru: Compendia de la estructura fonol6gica y morfol6gica. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. , Juana Vasquez, and Juan de Dias Yapita, with -----,--Lau r a Martin-Barber, Lucy Therina Briggs, and Nora Clearman England. 1973. Aymar ar yatiqanataki. 3 vols.: l, Aymar ar yatiqa~ataki; 2, Teachers' manual to accompany Aymar ar yatiqanataki; 3, Aymara grammatical sketch. Washington D.C.: ERIC. , Juana Vasquez, and Juan de Dias Yapita, with -----,--Laur a Martin Barber, Lucy Therina Briggs, and Nora Clearman England. 1975. Aymar ar yatiqanataki, 2nd ed. [Vols. l and 2 have same titles as first ed.; vol. 3 is entitled Outline of Aymara phono logical and grammatical structure.] Ann Arbor: Xerox University Microfilms. Harris, Olivia. 1974. Los laymis y machas del Norte de Potosf. Semana Ultima Hora, 11 October 1974 (La Paz). Herrero, Joaqufn, Daniel Cotari, and Jaime Mejfa. 1971-72. Lecciones de aymara, 2nd ed. 2 vols. Cochabamba:
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840 Instituto de Idiomas, Padres de Maryknol l. [Vol. l, 1971; vol. 2, 1972.] Hickman, John Marshall. 1964. The Aymara of Chinchera, Peru: Persistence and change in a bicultural con text. Ann Arbor: Xerox University Microfilms. Hymes, Dell (ed.) 1964. Language in culture and society. New York: Harper and Row. Jim~nez de la Espada, Marcos (ed.) 1881-1897. Relaciones geogr~ficas de lndias. 4 vols. Madrid. Kispi H., Gabino. 1974. Aymaranakan q"ichwanakan qullapa. Plantas, yerbas medicinales en nuestros campos. Tiahuanaco: COPLA y Centro de Servicio Cultural de Tiwanaku. Kurath, Hans. 1972. Studies in area linguistics. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. LaBarre, Weston. 1948. The Aymara Titicaca Plateau, Bolivia. cal Association Memoir 68.) 50:l, part 2. Indians of the Lake (American Anthropologi American Anthropologist 1950. Aymara folktales. IJAL 16.40-45. Labov, William. 1972. Sociolinguistic patterns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Lapesa, Rafael. 1968. Historia de la lengua espanola. 7th ed. Madrid: Escelicer. Laprade, Richard A. 1976. of La Paz Spanish. Florida. Some salient dialectal features M.A. thesis, University of Lastra de Suarez, Yolanda. 1968. Review of Jaqaru: Outline of phonological and morphological structure. Lg. 44.652-654. 1970. Categorfas posicionales en quechua y aymara. Anales de Antropolog{a 7.263-284. Lehmann, Winfred P. 1962. Historical linguistics: An introduction. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Llanque Chana, Domingo. 1973. El trato social entre las aymaras. Allpanchis (Revista del Institute Pastoral Andino, Cusco) 5.19-32.
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841 Llanque Chana, Justino. 1974a. Educaci6n y lengua aymara. (Thesis presented to Escuela Normal Superior de Varones San Juan Bosco, Salcedo, Puna, Peru, for the degree of secondary school teacher.) ----~1974b. Religiosidad en la agricultura aymara. (Thesis presented to Escuela Normal Superior de Varones San Juan Bosco, Salcedo, Puno, Peru, for the degree of secondary school teacher.) Maidana, Juan, Herminia Martfn, and Juan de Dias Yapita. 1967. Informe del trabajo de campo realizado en la provincia Pacajes desde el 16 al 29 de enero de 1967. La Paz: Instituto Nacional de Estudios Lingu1sticos. Malmberg, Bertil. 1947-48. L'espagnol dans le nouveau monde. Probl~me de lingUistique g~n~rale. Studia Linguistica 1.79-116, 2.1-36. Mamani, Manuel (?). 1973. Aymara. Arica (Chile): Universidad del Norte, Secci6n ldiomas. Markham, Edwin. 1942. Outwitted. Modern American poetry, ed. by Louis Untermeyer. New York: Harcourt, Brace. Martfn, Eusebia Herminia. 1969. Bosquejo de estructura de la lengua aymara. (Colecci6n de Estudios Indigenistas 2, Instituto de Filologfa y Literaturas Hispanicas.) Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires. Martin-Barber, Laura. 1975. Phonology. Ch. 3, Aymar ar yatiqanataki, 2nd ed., vol. 3, by Hardman et al. Ann Arbor: Xerox University Microfilms. Mason, John Alden. 1950. The languages of South American Indians. Handbook of South American Indians 61 .157317. Matos Mar, Jose. 1956. Yauyos, Tupe y el idioma Kauke. Lima: Institute de Etnologia y Arqueologfa. Medina, Jose Toribio. 1930. Bibliograffa de las lenguas quechua y aymara. New York: Museum of the American Indian. Menendez Pidal, Ramon. 1968. Manual de gramatica his t6rica espanola. 13th ed. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe. Mesa redonda sabre el monolingUismo quechua y aymara y la educaci6n en el Peru. 1966. Documentos Regionales de la Etnohistoria Andina, No. 2. Lima: Casa de la Cultura.
PAGE 859
842 Middendorf, Ernst W. 1891. Die Aimara-Sprache. Die einheimischen Sprachen Perus [The aboriginal languages of Peru], vol. 5. Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus . . 1910. Introducci6n a la gramatica aymara -----[-t_r_. from the German by Franz Tamayo]. Boletfn de la Oficina Nacional de Estadfstica (La Paz) 5.517-560 . . 1959. Las lenguas aborfgenes del Peru ----~(~P-r-oemios e introducciones al quechua, al aimara y al mochica). Part II, El aimara [tr. into Spanish by Franz Tamayo, revised by Estuardo Nunez]. Instituto de Literatura de la Facultad de Letras No. 8, 56-102. Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. Miracle, Andrew and Juana Vasquez. 1972. Jama, t 11 axa, and p"uru: Three categories of feces in Aymara. Unpubl. term paper, University of Florida. Miranda S., Pedro. 1970. Diccionario breve castellano aymara aymara-castellano. La Paz: El Siglo. Murra, John V. 1964. Una apreciaci6n etno16gica de la visita. Visita hecha a la provincia de Chucuito par Garci Diez de San Miguel en el ano 1567, by Waldemar Espinosa Soriano. Lima: Casa de la Cultura. 1968. An Aymara kingdom in 1567. Ethno history 15.115-151. 1970. Curent research and prospects in Andean ethnohistory. Latin American Research Review 5.3-36. . 1972. El 'control vertical' de un maxima ----....,-de pisos eco16gicos en la economfa de las sociedades andinas. Visita de la provincia de Leon de Huanuco (1562), Inigo Ortiz de Zuniga, visitador, vol. 2. Huanuco (Peru): Universidad Hermilio Valdizan. Nebrija, Elio Antonio de. 1492. Gramatica castellana. [1946 facsimile ed. Madrid: D. Silverio Aguirre y Graficas Reunidas.] Nida, Eugene A. 1957. Learr.;ng a foreign language. Ann Arbor: Friendship Press. 1965. Morphology, the descriptive analysis of words, 2nd ed. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
PAGE 860
843 Orr, Carolyn and Robert E. Longacre. 1968. Proto-Quechumaran. Lg. 44.528-555. Palmer, Leonard Robert. 1950. Greek dialects. The Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. by M. Cary, J.D. Denniston, J. Wight Duff, A.O. Nock, W.D. Ross, and H.H. Scullard, 271-272. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Paredes Cand1a, Antonio. 1963. Vocables aymaras en el habla popular pacena. La Paz: Ediciones Isla. Pike, Kenneth L. 1947. Phonemics. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Plummer, John S. 1966. Another look at Aymara personality. (Behavior Science Notes.) Human Relations Area Files Quarterly Bulletin 1.55-78. Repiiblica del Peru. 1966. Resultados del VI Censo Nacional de Poblaci6n, Vol. 3. Idioma, Alfabetismo, Asistencia Escolar, Nivel de Educaci6n. Lima: Direcci6n Nacional de Estadfstica y Censos. 1974. Censos Nacionales VII de Poblaci6n, II de Vivienda, 4 de junio de 1972. Lima: Oficina Nacional de Estadfstica y Censos. [Published by Colegio Militar Leoncio Prado.] Rivet, Paul and Georges de Crequi-Montfort. 1951-56. Bibliographie des langues aymara et kicua. 4 vols. (Travaux et Memoires de 1 'Institut de'Ethnologie, Universite de Paris.) Paris: Institut d'Ethnologie. Ross, Ellen M. 1953. Rudimentos de gramatica aymara. La Paz: Canadian Baptist Mission . . 1963. Rudimentos de gramatica aymara, 2nd ----e~d-.-La Paz: Canadian Baptist Mission. [Reproduced by the Peace Corps with permission.] n.d. Manual aymara para las aymaristas. La Paz: Sociedades Biblicas. Samarin, William J. 1967 Field linguistics A guide to linguistic field work. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Sebeok, Thomas A. 1951a. Aymara 'Little Red Ridinghood' with morphological analysis. Archivum Linguisticum 3.53-69 . . 1951b. Materials for an Aymara dictionary. -----,,--Journal de la Societe des Americani~tes n.s. 40.89-151.
PAGE 861
844 Stark, Louisa. 1970. A reconsideration of Proto-Quechua phonology. [Paper read at 39th International Con gress of Americanists (Lima).] Swadesh, Morris. 1939. Sohre el alfabeto quechua-aymara. Bolet,n Bibliogr~fico de Antropologfa Americana. Mexico: Instituto Panamericano de Geografia e Historia. 1951. Diffusional cumulation and archaic residue as historical explanations. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 7:1-21. [Reprinted in Readings in Anthropology, vol. 1, Physical Anthro pology, Linguistics, Archaeology, ed. by Morton H. Fried, 199-218. New York: Crowell, 1959.] [Also reprinted in Language in culture and society, ed. by Dell Hymes, 624-637. New York: Harper & Row, 1 964.] Tarifa Ascarrunz, Erasmo. 1969. Suma lajjra aymara par lana. Gramatica de la lengua aymara. La Paz: Don Bosco. Tate, Norman. 1970. 'to carry'. Florida. An ethno-semantic study of Aymara Unpubl. term paper, University of Torero, Alfredo. 1972a. Grupos linguisticos y variaciones dialectales. Primer Seminario de Educaci6n Bilingue (Algunos estudios y ponencias). Lima: Ministerio de Educaci6n . . 1972b. Linguistica e historia de los Andes -----=---=-de l Peru y Bolivia. El reto del multilinguismo en el Peru, ed. by Alberto Escobar, 47-106. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. 1974. El quechua y la historia social andina. Lima: Universidad Ricardo Palma. Torres Rubio, Diego de. 1616. Arte de la lengua aymara. Lima: Francisco del Canto. [Reprinted with commen tary by Mario Franco Inojosa, ed. Lima: LYRSA, 1967.] Tovar, Antonio. 1961. Catalogo de las lenguas de Am~rica del Sur. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana. Tschopik, Harry. 1946. The Aymara. Handbook of South American Indians 2.501-573. 1948. Aymara texts: Lupaca dialects. IJAL 14. l 08-114.
PAGE 862
845 Tschopik, Harry. 1951. The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru. 1. Magic. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 44.133-308. U.S. Department of State. 1974. Background Notes [on] Bolivia. Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Vasquez, Juana. 1970. Primera cartilla de aymara. La Paz. 1971. Aymara Newsletter nos. 8-15. Gainesville: University of Florida. ______ , and Juan de Dias Yapita. 1969. Sistema YAVA aymar liyin qillqan yatiqanataki. Gainesville: University of Florida. Villamar, German G. 1942. Gramatica del kechua y del aymara. La Paz: Editorial Popular. Wanka Torres, Vitaliano. 1973a. Kunkrisutak q"ana chawi. Cochabamba: Centro Pedag6gico y Cultural de Portales. 1973b. La promoci6n de la lengua aymara en el area rural. Tiahuanaco: Comisi6n para la Promoci6n de la Lengua Aymara (COPLA). Weinreich, Uriel. printing.] 1966. Languages in contact. The Hague: Mouton. [Fourth Wexler, Paul (ed.). 1967. English speakers. Beginning Aymara: A course for Seattle: University of Washington. W51ck, Wolfgang. 1972. Las lenguas mayores del Pera y sus hablantes. El reto del multilingUismo en el Peru, ed. by Alberto Escobar, 189-216. Lima: Institute de Estudios Peruanos. 1973. Attitudes toward Spanish and Quechua in bilingual Peru. Language attitudes: Current trends and prospects, ed. by Roger W. Shuy and Ralph W. Fasold, 129-147. Washington D.C.: George town University Press. Yapita, Juan de Dias. 1968. Lecciones de aymara. La Paz. 1968-9. Textos de aymara, nos. 1, 2, 3. La Paz: Departamento de Idiomas de la Universidad Mayor de San Andres. ______ . 1969. Noticias culturales. [Four issues.] La Paz: Institute Nacional de Estudios Lingilfsticos (INEL).
PAGE 863
846 Yapita, Juan de Dios. 1970a. Yatinasawa. Gainesville: University of Florida . . 1970b. Aymara Newsletter nos. 1-7. Gaines------=-=-=ville: University of Florida . . 1970c. Boletin Ji:pi de Qumpi. Compi -----r( =-s-o =-, i v i a ) 1972-73. Literatura aymara, nos. 1-3. La Paz. 1973a. Alfabeto fonemico del aymara. Gainesville: University of Florida. 1973b. Linguistics in Bolivia. New Voices in Education 3:1.23-25. 1973c. Alfabeto fonemico aymara. Manuales Departamento LingUfstica No. l. Cochabamba: Centro Pedagogico y Cultural de Portales. 1974. Vocabulario castellano-ingles-aymara. Oruro: Indicep . -----. 1975. Brief description of local Aymara life. Gainesville: University of Florida. 1976. Aymara married life. Dialogo. Gainesville: Center for Latin American Studies, University of Florida.
PAGE 864
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Lucy Therina Briggs was born in Washington, D. C. on December 20, 1930, the daughter of a Foreign Service Officer, Ellis Ormsbee Briggs, and Lucy Barnard Briggs. Her childhood was divided between Latin American and the United States. In 1952 she graduated from Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts with a B. A. in history, having spent her junior year in Geneva, Switzerland. After two years of secretarial and volunteer work in Korea, Miss Briggs passed the Foreign Service examina tions and entered the Service in 1957, later serving in the bureaus of inter-American and educational and cul tural affairs of the Department of State. Undertaking graduate studies while working full time at the State Department, Miss Briggs completed the Master of Science degree in linguistics at Georgetown University in 1969. In the following year she left the Foreign Service to pursue doctoral studies in linguistics at the University of Florida in Gainesville, working with the Aymara Language Materials Project under the auspices of a grant from the Office ot Education of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. 847
PAGE 865
848 As the recipient of a National Science Foundation graduate fellowship (1971-74), Miss Briggs did field work on Aymara dialects in Bolivia and Peru in 1972 and in 1973-74. Her publications include a chapter on the Aymara noun system in the grammar produced by the Aymara Language Materials Project and numerous articles on the language, and she has read several scholarly papers, most recently at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association at San Francisco in December 1975. In addi tion to pursuing an interest in anthropological linguis tics, Miss Briggs has taught English as a foreign language in Korea, in Washington, D. C., and at the English Language Institute of the University of Florida, and is interested in broad aspects of intercultural communication. She speaks fluent Spanish and French and has a useful knowl edge of Portuguese and Aymara. Miss Briggs is a member of the American Anthro pological Association, the Asociaci6n de LingU1stica y Filolog,a de Am~rica Latina (ALFAL), the Institute de Lengua y Cultura Aymara (La Paz, Bolivia), the Inter national Linguistic Association, the Latin American Studies Association, the Linguistic Society of America, the Modern Language Association, and the Cosmopolitan Business and Professional Women's Club (Washington, D. C.), and is a member of the Board of Directors of the Aymara Foundation, Inc.
PAGE 866
ropology and Lingu I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy . . / ,~-//)}: // ,' / _4,,,c ~~9{1{. William E. Carter Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. l' Paul Doughty Professor of
PAGE 867
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. . I ~c/J~ aaee: Harder Professor of Linguistics I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Norman N. Markel Professor of Speech This dissertation was presented to the Graduate Faculty of the Interdisciplinary Graduate Program in Linguistics in the College of Arts and Sciences, and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August, 1976 ~duahlchool
DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE
OF BOLIVIA AND PERU
By
LUCY THERINA BRIGGS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1976
This deseription of dtalectal variatton in the
Aymara language of Bolivia and Peru ts dedicated
to all the Aymara speakers who helped make tt
posstble, and to the Aymara linguists of the
future who will improve upon tt.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study is based on research conducted from
1970 through 1975 at the University of Florida and in
Bolivia and Peru, under the auspices of (1) a graduate
teaching assistantship (1970-71) in the Aymara Language
Materials Project funded by Title VI of the National
Defense Education Act, (2) a National Science Foundation
graduate fellowship (1971-74), and (3) a University of
Florida College of Arts and Sciences graduate fellowship
(1974-75). To the sources of that support I wish to
express my deep appreciation.
Special thanks are due also to my parents,
Ellis Ormsbee Briggs and Lucy Barnard Briggs, who
gave me financial and moral support throughout my doc-
toral studies.
My field work in Bolivia was authorized by the
Instituto Nacional de Estudios Lingiifsticos (INEL) and
facilitated by the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara
(ILCA). My field work in Peru was authorized by the
Instituto Nacional de Investigaci6n y Desarrollo de la
Educaci6n (INIDE). Copies of this study are being made
available to the three named entities, for whose coopera-
tion I am very grateful.
iv
The list of persons who assisted me in the
research is long. I wish here to single out three per-
sons whose contributions were crucial to my undertaking
the task and bringing it to a conclusion. They are
Dr. M. J. Hardman, director of my doctoral dissertation,
and two native speakers of Aymara who were my teachers at
the University of Florida: Ms. Juana V&squez, writer and
artist, and Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita, founder and director
of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara of La Paz and
professor at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in
La Paz. Whatever insights I have gained concerning Aymara
language and culture are due in large measure to their
knowledge and patient guidance. Without the training I
received from them and their considerable help in the
analysis, this study could not have been completed.
Specifically, Ms. Vasquez helped me review the extensive
literature on Aymara, commenting on the Aymara examples
contained therein. Mr. Yapita reviewed a near-final
draft of the whole manuscript of this study, sometimes
listening to tapes to check the accuracy of the tran-
scriptions of the Aymara examples. Both worked with me
in the analysis of translation dialects culminating in
Chapter 9.
In the various stages of the work Dr. Hardman
was my constant mentor, challenger, and support. The
final draft also benefitted from the suggestions of the
other members of my doctoral committee, as well as those
of Professor Bohdan Saciuk of the Program in Linguistics
of the University of Florida, who kindly read and com-
mented on Chapters 3 and 4. I also wish to thank Dr.
Charles Palmer for preparing the final versions of the
maps, and Ms. Patricia Whitehurst for typing the final
draft of the manuscript.
In acknowledging the help I have received, I do
not wish to imply that this study is free ef errors. For
them 1 take full responsibility, trusting that researchers
who follow me will correct my mistakes with ‘the same zeal
that I have applied to correcting my predecessors, in
pursuit of the objective we all share--ever more accurate
descriptions of the Aymara language.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ---------------------- cere nner
ABSTRACT --------------- n-ne on nr rrr rrr rire
CHAPTER
] INTRODUCTION -------------------------------
1-1 Demography --------------- enn --
1-1.1 Number and location of Aymara
speakers ------ n-ne cn rn renner nee
]-1.2 Status ----------------- nee renee
1-1.3 Monolingualism, bilingualism,
and multilingualism -----------------
1-2 History ~----------- een n nce rene
1-2.1 Language family ---------------------
1-2.2 Dialects ----------------------------
1-2.3 Summary description of La Paz
Aymara ~----------------r errr errr
1-3 The Present Study -------------------
1-3.1 Theoretical bases -------------------
1-3.2 Purposes and scope ------------------
1-3.3 Methodology and data ----------------
1-3.4 Sites and sources -------------------
1-3.5 Organization of the study -----------
1-3.6 Conventions and terminology ---------
2 A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE -----------------
2-1] Introduction -------------<----------
2-2 Colonial Period ---------------------
2-3 Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th
Centuries ---------------------------
Vii
2-4 Linguistic Studies ------------------ 62
2-4.1 Synchronic studies ------------------ 62
2-4.2 Historical studies ------------------ 78
2-5 Summary and Projection -------------- 78
VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN PHONOLOGICAL
SHAPE OF MORPHEMES ------------------------- 80
3-1] Introduction ------------------------ 80
3-2 Phonemes ---------------0r rere c nnn 80
3-2.1 Phonemic inventory ------------------ 80
3-2.2 Allophones -------------------------- 83
3-2.3 Canonical forms --------------------- 86
3-2.4 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence -- 87
3-3 Nonphonemic Phenomena --------------- 89
3-3.1 Stress ------------- een nner ere 89
3-3.2 Intonation -------------------------- 90
3-3.3 Spanish loans ----------------------- 90
3-4 Phonological Correspondences Within
and Across Dialects ----------------- 9]
3-4.1 Vowel correspondences --------------- 92
3-4.2 Consonant correspondences ----------- 100
3-4.3 Correspondences of vowels and/or
vowel length and nonstop consonants -- 127
3-4.4 Metathesis --------------------------- 132
3-4.5 Correspondence of final (C)CV
sequence with another CV sequence
OY Z@YO --------- n-ne nnn er renee 136
3-4.6 Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and
Z@YO ------------------- ee 137
3-4.7 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and
vowel length or zero, and corre-
spondence of final /ma/ and zero ----- 139
3-4.8 Combinations of correspondences in
One word ---------------- nnn n nner nee 139
3-5 Conclusion -----------------9--------- 140
VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS ---------------- 145
4-] Introduction ------------------------- 145
viii
Page
4-2 Morphologically Determined Vowel-
Deleting and -Retaining Rutes
(Morphophonemics of Suffixes) ------- 146
4-2.1 Phonological and morphological
conditioning ---------------- rrr -- 147
4-2.2 Morphological conditioning ---------- 148
4-2.3 Phonological and syntactic
conditioning ------------- rrr rrr 149
4-2.4 Morphological and syntactic
conditioning ------------- rrr nn 149
4-3 Phonotactically Conditioned Rules
(Canonical Form Conditions) --------- 149
4-3.1 Word-initial position --------------- 150
4-3.2 Medial position --------------------- 154
4-3.3 Final position in morphological
Word ------------- nee een reer cence 185
4-3.2 Final position in syntactical word -- 192
4-4 General and Dialect-Specific Rules -- 193
4-4.1 Variation in morphophonemics of
suffIXeS ------- e-em recone 194
4-4.2 Variation in other morphophonemic
YULES ---- ee nn eo mm ne rrr rrr 195
4-5 Conclusion ------------ screen 197
VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM --------------- 202
5-1 Introduction ----------------r- HH 202
5-2 Closed Classes of Noun Roots -------- 203
5-2.1 Interrogatives --------------- nn 203
5-2.2 Demonstratives ---------------------- 210
5-2.3 Personal pronouns -----------~------->- 215
5-2.4 Numbers -------------------- cnr H-- 216
5-2.5 Positionals --------------------- 0-H 222
5-2.6 Temporals ----------------- reno 226
5-2.7 Ambiguous noun/verb roots --~--------- 243
5-3 Noun Suffixes ---~---------- rrr -- 245
5-3.1 Class of limited occurrence --------- 245
5-3.2 Class 1 suffixes -----------9-------- 259
5-3.3 Class 2 suffixes -----------4-------- 274
5-3.4 Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers) ------ 300
ix
5-4 Summary and Conclusions -------------- 309
5-4.1 Types of variation in the noun
SYSTEM ---- nn een en ee nr rr errr nn 309
5-4.2 Dialectal patterning ----------------- 311
VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM ~---------------- 317
6-1 Introduction ------------------------- 317
6-2 Verbal Derivational Suffixes --------- 318
6-2.1 Class 1 suffixes --------------------- 321
6-2.2 Class 2 suffixes --------------------- 345
6-2.3 Class 3 suffixes --------------------- 374
6-3 Verbal Inflectional Suffixes --------- 384
6-3.1 Introduction ------------------------- 384
6-3.2 Verbal inflectional distinctive
features --------------- eee rn rrr 386
6-3.3 Tenses ------------ rrr errr rrnne 389
6-4 The Verb sa.fia 'to say' -------------- 445
6-4.1 sa.fia with Simple tense -------------- 447
6-4.2 sa.fia with Future tense -------------- 450
6-4.3 sa.fia with other tenses -------------- 453
6-4.4 Dialectal patterning -~---------------- 454
6-5 Summary and Conclusions -------------- 455
6-5.1 Types of variation in the verb
SYSt@M ------ non nnn ner er renner nnn 455
6-5.2 Dialectal patterning ----------------- 459
SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION ----- 468
7-1 Introduction ------------------------- 468
7-2 Particles and Syntactic Suffixes ----- 469
7-2.1 Particles ----------------------- eee 469
7-2.2 Syntactic suffixes ------------------- 473
7-3 Basic Sentence Types ----------------- 508
7-4 Morphosyntactic Processes ------------ 509
7-4.1 Reduplication ---~--------------------- 509
7-4.2 Subordination ------------------------ 517
7-4.3 uka linker and summarizer ------------ 562
7-4.4 sa.fia embedding ---------------------- 564
7-4.5 Negation ----------------------------- 576
7-5 Conclusion --------------------------- 587
10
VARIATION IN SEMANTICS ---------------------
i
_
& Whr—
.
ad
co © CO © co wwocnc oo
'
> ww wo nM PON PP
i
ot
Introduction ------------------------
Linguistic Postulates ---------------
Four-person system ------------------
Human/Nonhuman ----------------------
Directly/Indirectly acquired
knowledge (data source) -------------
A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural ----
Semantic Variation in Roots and
Suffixes -------------- nen nen n eee
Noun system -------------------------
Verb system -------------------------
Metaphor ------------------- ene
Summary and Conclusion --------------
MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA -------
9-1 Introduction ------------------------
9-2 Phonology --------- reer nner rrr
9-3 Morphophonemics ---------------------
9-4 Morphology ------------ rrr r nnn r ne
9-5 Morphosyntax and Syntax ~-------------
9-6 SemanticS --------- ec rrr rrr errr ne
9-6.1 Linguistic Postulates ---------------
9-6.2 Other semantic peculiarities --------
9-7 Summary and Conclusion --------------
CONCLUSION ---------------------- 9-2-0 ------
10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara -------
10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and
Features ~--------------- nee one nee
10-2.1 Northern group: La Paz, Juli,
Socca, Huancané ---------------------
10-2.2 Southern group: Jopoqueri (and/or
Corque), Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or
Calacala) ---------------------------
x7
718
722
724
10-2.3 Intermediate dialects: Calacoa
and Sitajara ----------------------- 727
10-2.4 Peripheral (as distinguished from
central) dialects ------------------ 728
10-2.5 Cross-regional features ------------ 733
10-2.6 Cross-dialectal perceptions -------- 735
10-2.7 Attitudes toward Aymara language
and culture ------------------------ 736
10-3 Interpretation of Research Results
and Their Implications ------------- 739
10-4 Directions for Future Research ----- 746
APPENDICES
A ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND
SENTENCES ---------------------------------- 752
B ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES --------------------- 782
C REGIONAL VERSIONS OF GREETINGS AND
COMMON EXPRESSIONS --------------- ---------- 784
D REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING AND A
RIDDLE ------------------------------------- 803
E INDEX OF SUFFIXES -------------------------- 811
REFERENCES ------------------------------------------ 835
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH --------------------------------- 847
xii
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE
OF BOLIVIA AND PERU
By
Lucy Therina Briggs
August, 1976
Chairman: M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista
Major Department: Linguistics
The Aymara language is spoken on the high Andean
plains of Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake
Titicaca to the salt flats south of Lake Poop6. South-
west of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the upper reaches
of some of the river valleys that descend to the Pacific
coast and to the east it extends into the subtropical
Yungas valleys, but its domain is primarily the altiplano.
The total number of speakers approaches two million, of
whom about one and a half million live in Bolivia and
the rest in Peru. There are also a few speakers in
northern Chile. Predominantly farmers or herders, the
Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area, Aymara
women playing a major role in regional marketing of agri-
cultural produce.
x1ii
Aymara belongs to the Jaqi family of languages
whose other extant members are Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken
in the department of Lima, Peru. The relationship of
Aymara to Quechua, the other major Andean language, is
undetermined. Dialects of Aymara have not hitherto
been systematically studied, although dialectal variation
has been known to exist since colonial times. The present
study was conceived to begin the task of determining the
extent and character of dialectal variation in Aymara.
Based cn research in ten Aymara communities and
incorporating data from a survey of the literature from
colonial times to the present, this study examines
regional variation in phonology, morphophonemics, mor-
phology, syntax and morphosyntax, and semantics, and
three translation dialects not specific to any one region:
Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara. The appendices
include the elicitation list used in fieldwork, a list
of onomatopoeic particles, regional versions of greetings,
a brief dialogue, a saying, and a riddle, and an index
of suffixes.
The study confirms that all dialects share the
basic structures attributed to two La Paz dialects in
earlier studies by M. J. Hardman and associates at the
University of Florida. Aymara is a polysynthetic language
in which suffixes play not only morphological but also
%
syntactic roles and retain or lose their own or preceding
vowels according to complex morphophonemic rules. All
dialects also have certain linguistic postulates: a
system of four grammatical persons, a distinction of human
and nonhuman reference, and a distinction of direct and
indirect knowledge. All dialects are mutually (though
not equally) intelligible.
Regional differences occur primarily in phonology
and morphophonemics. Two dialects have a phoneme lacking
in the others, and there is considerable variety in phono-
logical shapes in morphemes stemming from phonemic insta-
bility and morphophonemic variation. Regional patterning
involves two overlapping distinctions: (1) a division
into northern and southern dialects (with two intermediate
dialects sharing some features of both), and (2) a division
into central and peripheral dialects reflecting the spread
of La Paz influence toward outlying areas that retain
certain features La Paz has lost. The dialectal picture
is further complicated by the existence of certain features
shared by a few dialects without regard to regional
patterning.
While many La Paz innovations are attributable
to Spanish influence and all dialects of Aymara appear
to be adopting Spanish loans at an accelerating rate,
Aymara is a vigorous language that will survive due to
natural population increases for at least several genera-
tions. In the long run the future of the language will
XV
depend on many factors, not least of which will be the
extent to which its speakers succeed in fostering its
use as a vehicle of literature and education.
XVI
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1-1 Demography
1-1.1 Number and location of speakers
Aymara is spoken on the high Andean plains of
Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake Titicaca
to the Uyuni salt flats south of Lake Poopé (see Figure
1-1). Southwest of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the
upper reaches of some of the many river valleys that
descend to the Pacific coast, and to the east it extends
into the subtropical Yungas valleys, but its domain is
primarily the altiplano.
The majority of native speakers of Aymara today
are Bolivians and constitute approximately a third of
the Bolivian population (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). As
the total estimated population of Bolivia in 1973 was
5.3 million (U. S. Department of State 1974:1), Bolivian
Aymara alone may account for well over a million and
a half speakers.
In Peru, according to the national census of 1961,
persons for whom Aymara was the first (maternal) language
\, \ . : ¢ :
\. NX. »* PANDO 4 . 8
oN, N, VY os N, &
Lima °, ~. : foe ‘ ] “sees 4
© Cachuy (Kawki) ’. \, . / ™., 2
7, OTupe ( \Cu ~. ST
Lp , upe Jagaru), \ : nN L
Y a \ NO
AP E, R U
4 MS /
\ “low ost a
“wen ~/
7 ‘
ee w,
pinte ee
‘AREQUIPA ; As
Socca
“ig yop
i~
(a A Am i
>. or .
ye - VEE ie, B oO L I V I A
0 atkeba he \
Moquesvs f 4 lA % Jestis de Mi CH
Z Area Where Aymara Is Spoken OSKias San Andrés de. MENA 4,8 4 Z SANTA
Fag ati Vs fy © Liallagua on CRUZ
. Primary Aymara Sites For This Study OTacné/, 72 \eUneia’ Voi Carasi
j . \o Calacala \
Z,\ Sorodontatea, aN
fo R yy of L. P5506 1 iN
Other Sites Where Aymara Or ** O YL) Xu,
i a Oe ‘
T ae
Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study
Another Jaqi Language Is Spoken O%Salinas dé
ose vom
Certain Other Towns Or Cities U7 a
A/
Mentioned In Text ni" / tee A
, ICHUQUI SACA
-——-» International Boundaries £0 p
. . : Os
—-— Departmental Boundaries
_)
Figure 1-1. Area Where Aymara is Spoken
made up only 3.5% of the population five years old and
older, or 290,125 out of a total of 8,235,220 (Repablica
del Perd 1966:4-45). According to the 1972 Peruvian
census, their number had grown to 332,593, although this
then constituted only 2.9% of the total population five
years old and older (Repdblica del Perf 1974:2.646).
Allowing for the inclusion of Peruvian Aymara children
under five, the total of Aymara speakers in Bolivia and
Peru today may be estimated as nearing two million.
The 1961 Peruvian census gave breakdowns of
Aymara speakers by department and province. Unfortu-
nately, such figures are not yet available for 1972.
The 1961 census indicated that of the total 290,125,
83.9% were in the department of Puno, in the provinces
of Puno, Chucuito, and Huancané. Of the rest, 8.4%
were in the interior highlands of the departments of
Moquegua (province of Mariscal Nieto) and Tacna
(province of Tarata), with the remaining 8.5% scattered
in the departments of Arequipa (provinces of Arequipa
and Istay), Puno (provinces of Sandia and San Roman),
Lima, and Cuzco.
For Bolivia, reliable statistics on numbers
and location of Aymara speakers are not available. The
majority of speakers are generally considered to be in
the departments of La Paz and Oruro. There are also
Aymara in the northern and western parts of the department
of Potost and (Javier Alb6 and Walter Pefiaranda, personal
communications) along the western border of the department
of Cochabamba. The presence of Aymara throughout the
department of La Paz is well known although the north-
eastern provinces beyond the Cordillera Real (Larecajas,
Mufecas, Bautista Saavedra, and part of Camacho) are
shared with Quechua speakers, some villages being pre-
dominantly Quechua, others Aymara. The situation in
eastern Oruro is similar, with a preponderance of Quechua
as one approaches the Potosi border.
In northwestern Potos?t between the departments
of Oruro and Cochabamba the linguistic situation is
complex. The mining centers just east of the Oruro-
Potosi border are Quechua speaking, but surrounding
towns, such as Calacala and Morocomarca (see Figure 1-1)
are often Aymara. In some of these, as in Calacala, the
younger generation is bilingual in Spanish and Quechua
rather than Aymara. Although persons over 15 are capable
of telling stories in Aymara they obviously prefer to
use Quechua; children under 12 do not understand Aymara.
The situation is like that noted by 0. Harris (1974)
in some other communities in the province of Bustillos
and in the province of Charcas, where Aymara is spoken
only at home; its use in public is met with embarrassment,
if not shame, and Quechua is used primarily in public or
with strangers. This situation suggests a kind of
diglossia, perhaps a relic of an earlier time when general
languages coexisted with the particular languages used in
each locale. Harris has also noted, however, that many
areas of Potosi traditionally considered to be Quechua
speaking are inhabited by Aymara-speaking groups for
whom Quechua does not appear to be becoming the dominant
language. For example, the valleys of San Pedro de
Buena Vista in northern Potosi? and the area of Llica in
western Potos? near the Uyuni salt flats are Aymara
speaking.
In some cases, according to Harris, the designation
of a given ayllu (clan group) as Aymara or Quechua speak-
ing is inappropriate; language cuts across ayllu lines.
For example, Harris found that the Machas, who live near
the border of Chuquisaca department and are generally
considered to be Quechua speaking, speak Aymara in the
most remote part of their valley, near Carasi, province
of Charcas. The situation of the Laymis, on the other
hand, is the reverse: in the high puna near Uncia they
all know Aymara while in the remote parts of their
valley they speak Quechua.
These are examples of the complexities that need
further study to determine the exact areas where Aymara
is spoken today. The mobility of the Aymara must also
be taken into account. Predominantly farmers or herders,
the Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area.
Aymara women play a major role in regional marketing
of agricultural produce. Aymara families that move to
the cities maintain close ties with their villages and
frequently own agricultural property at several ecologi-
cal levels, a system of vertical archipelagos that has
existed since prehistoric times (Murra 1968 and 1972).
Aymara is also spoken in the environs of Arica,
Chile, and is taught at the Universidad del Norte in
that city (Juan de Dios Yapita, personal communication).
It may also be spoken along the Chilean border of the
Bolivian department of Oruro. Whether the Aymara popula-
tion of Chile is native or predominantly of recent Bolivian
or Peruvian Aymara settlers also needs further clarifi-
cation.
1-1.2 Status
Both Bolivia (in 1970) and Peru (in 1971) have
recognized Aymara as a national language, together with
Quechua and Spanish, but this action has failed to alter
the social fact that monolingual Aymara speakers are
effectively barred from active participation in national
life (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). This situation is offset
by the efforts of small but active groups of Bolivian
Aymara speakers to educate other Aymara and the public
at large on Aymara language and culture and to stimulate
the production of written literature in the language.
These efforts received considerable impetus from the
participation of members of the Bolivian Aymara community
in the Aymara Language Materials Project at the Univer-
sity of Florida (see 2-4.12) and have continued under
the leadership of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura
Aymara (ILCA) and the Instituto Nacional de Estudios
Lingifsticos (INEL) in La Paz. The Centro Pedagédgico
y Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba has promoted the
development of teaching materials in Quechua and Aymara
and is involved with ILCA and INEL in sociolinguistic
surveys to determine speaker attitudes toward education
in the two languages.
The government of Peru has recently embarked on
an educational development plan which includes primary
education in vernacular languages for those who do not
speak Spanish. Programs in Aymara have yet to be
developed but the government is financing the translation
into Spanish of the Aymara teaching and reference grammar
produced at the University of Florida (Hardman et al.
1975) for use in training teachers of Aymara children.
1-1.3 Monolingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism
Figures for Aymara monolingualism, Spanish-Aymara
bilingualism, or multilingualism of other types are
either lacking or untrustworthy. The 1961 Peruvian
census indicated that of the total of 290,125 speakers
4
of Aymara five years or older, 162,175 said they did
not speak Spanish when asked if they did and that 96%
of these were in Puno (Repablica del PerG 1966:2-3).
Other official Peruvian sources differentiate coordinate
and subordinate bilingualism but the application of these
terms to actual cases varies. Redefinitions and refine-
ments of the terms monolingual and bilingual are needed
for the Andean situation, which includes such complexi-
ties as those of northern Potosi (1-1.1). Some persons
encountered in this research who were designated by
other Aymara speakers as monolingual appeared to have a
receptive if not productive competence in the Spanish
lanauage within a narrowly defined set of topics. Other
persons who on first acquaintance appeared to be fairly
fluent in Spanish later proved to have many difficulties
in comprehension and production. The role of cultural
and social factors must also be taken into account.
(See the remarks for bilingualism of sources, 1-3.3.
Present-day Aymara dialects that show heavy Spanish
influence are discussed in Chapter 9.)
1-2 History
1-2.1 Language family
Aymara is a member of the Jaqi language family
(Hardman 1975) which Torero (1972b) prefers to call the
Aru family. Other extant members of the family are
Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken in Tupe and Cachuy, respectively,
in the highland province of Yauyos about 150 miles south
of Lima, Peru. Jaqaru is still vigorous but Kawki is
dying out.
Citing historical and toponymical evidence,
Torero (1972b) has established the probable extension
of this language family in the 16th century as from the
area of two present provinces of Lima, Huarochiri and
Yauyos, south to what is now southern Bolivia. Aymara
occupied the most extensive area, south and southeast
of the River Pampas basin in southern Huancavelica and
northern Ayacucho departments, while the other Jaqi
languages were spoken in a more restricted area to the
north. Hardman (1966:15) has reported evidence for the
existence of a Jaqi language in the valley of Canta
north of Lima in the early 1900's. According to Torero
the language family entered its expansive phase with
the rise of Huari (Ayacucho) and Aymara has since moved
south, taking over territories of other languages such
as Puquina. Torero has cited his and Hardman's
glottochronological calculations as indicating approxi-
mately 1,490 years of minimal divergence between Jaqaru
and Aymara beginning in approximately A. D. 480. By
this reckoning Kawki and Aymara are 1,130 years apart,
having diverged around A. D. 840.
10
On the basis of these dates and linguistic evi-
dence from Hardman of a closer linguistic relationship
between Kawki and Aymara than between Jaqaru and Aymara,
Torero has posited the following phases in the expansion
of the language family: (1) a first split in the fifth
century A. D. or before, (2) a second split in the
ninth century, and (3) a proto-Aymara period a few cen-~-
turies before the establishment of the Inca empire.
Tying these in with archaeological evidence, Torero has
identified the first phase with the beginning of Nazca
influence in the region of Ayacucho and the second phase
as occurring during the Vifiaque culture centered in the
city of Huari, which controlled the area from Yauyos in
Lima to southern Cuzco and Arequipa between A. D. 500
and 1000. The third phase coincided with the third
stage of the Middle Horizon after the decline of the
important Vifiaque centers (Torero 1972b:92,94,97).
With respect to the expansion of Aymara on the
altiplano, Torero has calculated the date of divergence
between the dialect of Moho in the province of Huancané,
department of Puno, and that spoken near La Paz, Bolivia
as about A. D. 1550. While holding that a comparison
of these dialects with one from southern Bolivia would
show a longer period of separation, he has tentatively
suggested that Aymara penetrated the area around Lake
Titicaca during the 13th century A. D. in the latter part
of his third phase (Torero 1972b:62-63).
1-2.2 Dialects
11
According to colonial and later sources cited
by Tschopik (including Cieza de Leon, Bertonio, Rivet,
and Markham), the following were independent Aymara
states existing before the Inca conquests and in
Tschopik's view probably also dialect groups (Tschopik
1946:503).
Name
Canchi
Cana
Colla
Lupaca
Collagua
Ubina
Pacasa or Pacaje
Caranga or Caranca
Charca
Location
Vilcanota valley between Com-
bapata and Tinta (department
of Cuzco, Peru)
Between Tinta and Ayaviri
(department of Puno, Peru)
On the plains of the Pucara
and Ramis rivers as far as the
city of Puno, Peru
On the southwestern shore of
Lake Titicaca between Puno and
the Desaguadero River
North of Arequipa (Peru) on the
upper course of the Colca River
East of Arequipa in the upper
drainage of the Tambo River
(department of Moquegua, Peru)
South of Lake Titicaca along
both banks of the Desaguadero
River (Bolivia)
South of the Desaguadero River
to Lake Coipasa (Bolivia)
Northeast of Lake Poopé near
Chuquisaca (Bolivia)
12
Quillaca or Quillagua Southeast of Lake Poop6
(Bolivia)
Omasuyo East of Lake Titicaca (Bolivia)
Collahuaya Provinces of Mufnecas and
Caupolican (Bolivia)
Aymara is spoken today in the areas attributed
to the Lupaca, Pacasa or Pacaje, and Caranga or Caranca,
and in parts of the areas attributed to Omasuyo and
Collahuaya, other parts of which, like the other regions
cited above, are now largely Quechua speaking. Other
areas where Aymara is spoken today are not included above,
e.g. the present region of Mariscal Nieto province of
Moquegua and of Tarata province of Tacna, Peru. In any
case, determining where the early Aymara groups were
located is complicated by the ancient Andean system of
maintaining vertical archipelagos of colonies at differ-
ent ecological levels (Murra 1968 and 1972). For example,
the report of the administrative inspection (visita
general) by Garci Diez de San Miguel of the Lupaca-
controlled Chucuito province in 1567 cited the names
of towns subject to Chucuito but located in the valleys
sloping westward to the Pacific and eastward to the Yungas
and the valley of Cochabamba. Among these towns were
the following, most of which have modern counterparts:
Moquegua and Torata (department of Moquegua), Sama and
Tarata (department of Tacna), Larecaja (department of
13
La Paz, east of the Cordillera Real), Chicanoma
(Chicaloma is a modern town in Sur Yungas province,
La Paz department), and Capinota (western Cochabamba
department) (Diez de San Miguel 1964:14,17,27,203;
modern departments and correspondences supplied).
According to the Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias
(colonial geographic reports), the Pacaxe (sic) also had
colonies interspersed among those of the Lupaca near
the Pacific coast (Jiménez de la Espada 1881:1.338).
The only detailed information so far available
as to the size of any Aymara-speaking population during
the colonial period is also for the Lupaca. The earliest
figures date from the visita general of 1549 which gave
a total of 18,032 heads of household in Chucuito province
(Diez de San Miguel 1964:202-203). The 1567 visita
found a total of 63,012 persons, children and adults,
of whom 15,047 were Urus; the figure of 63,012 was said
to include the population of the Chucuito colonies
mentioned above. Of the total, 15,404 were identified
as taxpayers. The principal cacique of the province,
Martin Cari, claimed an additional 5,000 taxpayers,
but Diez de San Miguel disputed this claim, saying that
the original figure of 15,404 already included ‘many
Indians that the said caciques and heads of ayllus
declared they had in Potosf and La Paz and the province
of Charcas and other parts of these Kingdoms' (Diez de
14
San Miguel 1964:204-206). It may be hoped that as addi-
tional visitas from the colonial period become available
to scholars (Murra 1970), more details for the populations
of the other Aymara nations may come to light.
With respect to the linguistic situation in
Chucuito and its colonies, Diez de San Miguel gave
little information. He used the term aymaraes to refer
to the people but not their language, recommending that
priests sent to the area remain long enough to learn
‘la lengua colla' (Diez de San Miguel 1964:227).
Originally the name of one Aymara nation, Colla acquired
a wider connotation under the Incas after they designated
their southernmost province Collasuyu. According to
Tschopik (1946:503), Cieza de Le6n's Cr6nica, written
about 1550, used the terms Colla and Collao indiscrimi-
nately, and the use of the term Aymara to designate a
language first appeared in a relation of Polo de
Ondegardo of 1559. The term apparently did not come
into general use until the 17th century, however.
It is not clear from the visita of 1567 whether
the Urus, who were considered a separate ethnic-cultural
group from the Aymara, were nevertheless native Aymara-
speakers. Torero believes the Urus spoke a language
related to Chipaya but also spoke one or more of the
general languages of the area (Torero 1972b:60). Urus
living among the Aymara would speak Aymara but to what
15
extent or degree of native fluency is unknown. There is
some evidence that the Urus constituted a servant class
(Hardman, personal communication).
Differences among Aymara dialects have always
been considered minor from colonial times to the present.
The priests who went to the mines in Potosi to preach
and hear confessions had no trouble understanding Aymara
speakers from different provinces, according to the Jesuit
missionary Ludovico Bertonio (1612, A 2). Bertonio
(1603b and 1612) occasionally identified certain forms
as preferred by the Lupaca but not until recent times
have compilers of Aymara word-lists or grammars some-
times indicated the geographical origins of the forms
cited. The published literature gives no indication
whatever of social differentiation of dialects as dis-
tinguished from regional variation.
1-2.3 Summary description of La Paz Aymara
The most complete and accurate ethnographic
and grammatical description of Aymara to date, based
on that spoken in Compi and Tiahuanaco, two communities
near La Paz, Bolivia, is contained in Outline of Aymara
phonological and grammatical structure by Hardman et al.
(1975:3). The Outline describes Aymara as a polysynthetic
language in which suffixes and retention or loss of
vowels perform almost all grammatical functions.
16
Suffixes have complex but usually regular morphophonemics.
Some suffixes require a preceding consonant, others
require a preceding vowel, and others allow either;
some suffixes also determine the retention or loss of
their own final vowel. Syntactic units are signalled
by final suffixes and by morphophonemic vowel loss or
retention. Suffix order is usually fixed, as is word
order within the noun phrase; otherwise word order is
fairly free although some orders are preferred.
The phonemic inventory consists of three vowels,
vowel length, and 27 consonants, including plain,
aspirated, and glottalized stops and affricates,
as well as fricatives, nasals, laterals, glides, and
a flap or trill.
Morpheme form classes are roots and suffixes
which together form stems. Root classes are nouns,
verbs, particles, and a class of interrogatives cutting
across the others. Suffix classes are noun (derivational),
verb (derivational and inflectional), independent nonfinal
(occurring before inflection on verbs and before final
suffixes on nouns and particles), and final suffixes
(occurring on any word, after all other suffixes).
Verb roots are bound; nouns and particles are free.
Class change through verbalization and nominalization
(a special kind of derivation) is extensive and recursive,
creating verb and noun themes. Inflection, defined as
7
closing a root, stem, or theme to further derivation,
is limited to verbs and to one noun 'suffix', zero
complement vowel drop; noun case suffixes permit further
derivation. Accumulation of suffixes on one stem is common.
Morphosyntactic subordination is accomplished
by nominalization and use of final suffixes to mark
dependent clauses. Syntactic processes include use of
the demonstrative uka 'that' as linker and summarizer,
and sentence embedding with the reportive verb sa.fia
‘to say'.
Apart from these features, Aymara shares with
the other Jaqi languages certain linguistic postulates.
Hardman (in press a) has defined linguistic postulates
as
. recurrent categorizations in [a]
language . . . the most tightly tied to
the perceptions of the speakers. ...
The most powerful .. . are those involved
in the obligatory grammatical system.
Typically, a postulate is realized at
several levels . . . morphologically,
syntactically, and in the semantic struc-
ture.
The principal Jaqi linguistic postulates according to
Hardman (1972a) are a four-person system, a distinction
of human and nonhuman, and a distinction of direct and
indirect knowledge with respect to data source. These
three postulates are marked throughout Aymara structure
in morphology, syntax, and semantics.
18
1-3 The Present Study
1-3.1 Theoretical bases
Theoretical bases for this study are two: one
concerning the nature of language, and the other concern-
ing scientific description of a language.
A language or dialect is a system of interlocking
contrasts, or rules, used in social and cultural inter-
action by a given community. Like all natural phenomena
language is always changing. At any moment certain con-
trasts are being neutralized; certain rules are being
suspended temporarily or broken; new rules are being
created as people adapt language to their own needs.
Some rules are more resistant to change than others;
these include the linguistic postulates. But language
variation is a major fact of the nature of language:
variation within one idiolect, within one dialect, or
in a group of dialects. The extreme of language varia-
tion is the proliferation of languages that are mutually
unintelligible although perhaps still related and sharing
a number of rules. The point at which dialects become
separate languages is arbitrary, usually determined by
political rather than strictly linguistic considerations.
To investigate variation within a language is to
seek a more complete description of that language. In
a praiseworthy attempt to go beyond one-dimensional,
19
single-dialect descriptions of English, Labov and his
followers have developed the concept of variable rules
and a methodology to collect and analyze data reflecting
them, using statistical measurements. There is an
obvious need for such studies of other languages con-
ducted by native speakers trained in linguistic field
methods. In early stages of research, however, what is
needed are structural descriptions upon which to base
later studies in greater depth. Such descriptions,
while limited in accuracy and completeness and relatively
informal in presentation, may be considered scientific
if they meet certain criteria. These are (1) use of
sound field methods for gathering and recording not only
linguistic, but also relevant social and cultural data;
(2) collection of sufficient data to insure the identi-
fication of significant features; and (3) adherence to
analytical methods that respect the structure of the
target language or dialect and that base the description
on that structure.
The last criterion implies a willingness to
experiment with different models and to select models
that best fit the data, while avoiding the temptation
to choose for description only those aspects of a
language or dialect that lend themselves to description
in terms of currently popular models, or worse, to force
the data into a distorting mold. Ideally, this approach
20
requires the analyst to know how to use a variety of
models. Traditional phonemic, generative, or stratifi-
cational models might be used for phonology and morpho-
phonemics; structuralism or tagmemics might be appropriate
for morphology; generative or interpretive semantics,
case grammar, or Chafian models might be used for
Syntax and semantics.
Unfortunately, questions of time and expediency,
as well as personal taste, limit the linguist's access
to different models. Moreover, theories and models have
a way of evolving into dogmas with schools of more or
less fanatic leaders and disciples who demand commitment
to one model, one terminology, one faith. The linguis-
tics scholar wishing to try different models must learn
to switch philosophies and metalanguages with the skill
of a simultaneous interpreter. Even then, he or she
often finds that communication across theoretical
boundaries is difficult, if not impossible. Theoretical
schools tend to draw circles to shut each other out;
few draw circles to take each other in (Edwin Markham,
Outwitted). But different languages and different parts
of a given language may call for different theoretical
approaches.
For the best results different models should
be kept in mind at every stage of analysis. For early
stages of the investigation the discovery procedures
2]
developed by Pike and Nida are still unsurpassed;
Hockett's item and arrangement and item and process
models are still relevant. Generative grammar has
refined the item and process model, enabling it to
account more adequately for relationships among rules.
The generative phonology model, focusing on distinctive
features that underlie or compose phonemes, can illumi-
nate and show in an easily grasped notation aspects of
phonology and morphophonemics that structural phonemics
is not so well prepared to handle; case grammar or
Chafian semantics may offer similar advantages lacking
in earlier models. Having a repertory of models or
conventions to choose from in presenting the rules
discovered enhances the likelihood that the linguist
will choose the model best reflecting the rules'
operation.
This point of view does not reject the
existence or the importance of language universals
or the need to search for ultimate truth. It merely
holds that at present, linguistic diversity, whether
among languages or within one language, is more interest-
ing than linguistic uniformity. By the same token, it
favors the encouragement of theoretical diversity as
ultimately leading to more accurate and therefore more
scientific language description.
22
1-3.2 Purposes and scope
As noted above, the existence of dialectal vari-
ation in Aymara was known in the 17th century, although
differences were dismissed as insignificant. The Aymara
examples cited by Hardman et al. (1975) include some
cases of dialectal variation between Compi and Tiahuanaco
(La Paz) but other contemporary published references to
Aymara dialectal variation are extremely rare. This
study was conceived to carry forward the task of describ-
ing such variation and thereby to increase knowledge of
the language as a whole.
Using the description by Hardman et al. (1975)
as a basis for comparison, I decided to sample selectively
the Aymara spoken over a wide area (approximately
that shown by the shaded area of Figure 1-1), investigating
phonological, morphological, morphophonemic, syntactic,
and semantic variation with a view toward seeking answers
to the following questions: What is the extent of dia-
lectal variation in Aymara? Is it indeed minor, or does
it affect intelligibility? In what parts of the grammar
does variation occur? Does it occur within as well as
across dialects? What kinds of variation are most preva-
lent and/or significant? What are the major features
distinguishing dialects and the major dialect groups
identifiable on the basis of them? What of interdialectal
23
attitudes: are some dialects more prestigious than
others? What of the effects of the dominant language,
Spanish: is Aymara an ‘oppressed language' showing
signs of decline, as suggested by Alb6 (1973a), or is
it vigorous and growing?
Apart from their intrinsic interest for linguis-
tics, answers to such questions would have a number of
practical applications. A full description of variation
in Aymara is needed for reconstruction of proto-Aymara
and of proto-Jaqi, a task already begun by Hardman.
Descriptions of areal features in conjunction with
information contained in colonial documents may enable
historians to reconstruct past population movements and
relationships among areas (Murra 1970:20). And now that
programs of bilingual education are being undertaken or
considered in Peru and Bolivia, there is a growing demand
for detailed descriptions of Aymara and other indigenous
languages to be used for developing teaching materials.
The field work for this study was conducted from
July to September 1972 and from March 1973 to January
1974. After returning to the University of Florida,
I reviewed the literature on Aymara from the 17th century
to the present, incorporating into the analysis of field
materials Aymara texts and grammatical information of
relevance to the present study. However, the focus of
this study is on Aymara as presently spoken in Peru and
Bolivia.
24
1-3.3 Methodology and data
Methodology for the present study was based on
that of Pike (1947), Nida (1965), and Samarin (1967)
as interpreted and applied by Hardman. Two complementary
kinds of data were sought: (1) free texts recorded on
tape, and (2) materials obtained through an elicitation
list of words, phrases, and sentences presented orally
in Spanish to Aymara-Spanish bilinguals for translation
into Aymara.
Free texts included messages of greeting; tradi-
tional folk tales, riddles, songs, and sayings; and con-
versations among native speakers, or monologues, on such
topics as life in the community, festivals, local agri-
culture, education, illness, and other personal experi-
ences. Recordings were also made of a Baptist sermon
in Aymara, of Baptist and Catholic hymns, and of several
Aymara radio broadcasts in La Paz.
The elicitation list in Spanish was developed
to obtain a body of data readily comparable from one
site to another. Based on the longer Swadesh list, it
included words, phrases, and sentences originally
elicited in Aymara or one of the other Jaqi languages
in earlier research by Hardman and associates and sub-
sequently translated back into Spanish as spoken in the
Andean area. In the course of the field work for this
study, these materials were modified in order to elicit
25
already-identified Aymara grammatical categories and
syntactic structures, and individual lexical items show-
ing dialectal variation. Eventually the list was refined
to eliminate material not showing variation and to focus
on areas of differences. In areas having the velar
nasal phoneme, Jaqaru words containing it were added to
the list in an effort to elicit Aymara cognates.
Although the use of Spanish in the elicitation
list sometimes resulted in Aymara translations that
reflected Spanish syntactic patterns, this drawback was
minimized by deliberate inclusion of Andean Spanish
examples already paralleling Aymara structure, and
balanced by analysis of free texts recorded in Aymara.
Grammatical structures were also elicited directly in
Aymara. For example, verb tense paradigms were
elicited by changing subject and complement pronouns
once an example of a verb with person/tense suffix had
occurred. Because the purpose of the investigation was
to elicit variation, it was important to encourage use
of local forms which sources might tend to suppress if
La Paz dialect forms were used to elicit them; the use
of Spanish avoided this problem. For example, using
Spanish made it possible to elicit in each site a brief
selection of common remarks (see Appendix C). A somewhat
abbreviated version of the elicitation list is given in
Appendix A.
26
The free texts provided examples of previously
unattested forms or variations which were then sought
elsewhere. Although no attempt was made to obtain the
same folktales in different places, a few occurred more
frequently than others, providing readily comparable
data complementary to that obtained through the elicita-
tion list. All free texts were tape-recorded; in most
cases translations of the elicitation list were not.
A total of approximately five hours of tape-recordings,
plus another five hours of data transcribed directly
without recording, constitutes the basic corpus of this
study. (Included in the total are approximately 30
minutes kindly recorded on my behalf in Torata, Moquegua
by Francisco Gangotena and Carlos Saavedra.) Another
five hours of tape-recorded texts were used as background
only. (Included were some recordings made in Oruro and
northern Potosi by Javier Alb6 and generously made
available to me.) Several hundred hours were spent
in reviewing original transcriptions with one or more
native speakers, whenever possible the source of
the text or another resident of the same community.
(A text recorded in a trilingual area of Potosi was
checked with a Quechua speaker from Llallagua to see
whether a certain unusual form might be a Quechua loan,
but no formal attempt was made to compare Aymara texts
with Quechua.) Some texts were later checked with
27
speakers from other areas, revealing further dialect
similarities or differences. Transcriptions were then
exhaustively analyzed with regard to phonology, morphology,
morphophonemics, syntax, and semantics, including linguis-
tic postulates.
The key factor making possible my entry into
and acceptance in the several Aymara communities where
I conducted research was my previous training in field
methods and study of Aymara language and culture under
Hardman and the Bolivian Aymara linguists Juana Vasquez
and Juan de Dios Yapita. Carter (1972) has noted that
ethnographic research in a given community can succeed
only if it is desired by a leading member of the community;
this is true of linguistic research also. As the first
native speaker of Aymara to receive formal linguistics
training and to teach Aymara at universities in Bolivia
and in the United States, Yapita is such a leader. In
1972 he founded the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara
(ILCA) in La Paz to encourage the development of scholarly
research conducted by and for members of the Aymara
community. My initial field work in Bolivia was under-
taken with his approval and support and with the help
of persons who had been his students or were otherwise
associated with him; subsequently my work contacts ex-
tended to persons who knew him only by reputation.
28
In order to facilitate my research in Peru,
where his work was not known, Yapita provided me with
a two-minute tape-recorded message in Aymara conveying
his greetings on behalf of ILCA and the Bolivian Aymara
community. This message, supplemented by my explanation
of the purposes of my research and by my assurances that
its results would be made available to ILCA to advance
the study of Aymara language and culture, served to
create a very favorable climate for cooperation among
the Peruvian Aymara I met.
Although my command of spoken Aymara was rudi-
mentary, making it necessary for me to rely heavily on
Spanish as a contact language, my familiarity with
Aymara grammar and culture and my association with
community leadership enabled me to accomplish most of
my research goals.
Questions of ethics and the sources' rights to
privacy were considered during the research. In most
cases recordings were made with the participants’ knowl-
edge; in the few cases when participants were not aware
that they were being recorded, the recordings were later
played for them with the offer to erase anything unac-
ceptable; this was never requested. Typed transcripts
of some of the recorded stories were later provided to
the tellers, and some have been published through ILCA
or the Aymara Newsletter (2-3.12) with due credit given
29
the authors. In order to respect sources' privacy,
recorded texts or transcriptions containing information
of a personal nature will not be made public without
the source's permission.
1-3.4 Sites and sources
Communities mentioned in this section may be
found in Figure 1-1, except as noted.
In Peru I collected data in the following com-
munities:
Huancané (province of Huancané, department
of Puno)
Juli (province of Chucuito, department of
Puno)
Calacoa (province of Mariscal Nieto, depart-
ment of Moquegua)
Tarata and Sitajara (province of Tarata,
department of Tacna)
In addition, I recorded in Puno examples of the Aymara
of Socca (province of Puno).
In Bolivia I collected data in the following
communities:
Corque (province of Carangas, department of
Oruro)
Salinas de Garci Mendoza (province of Ladislao
Cabrera, department of Oruro)
30
Calacala (province of Bustillos, department of
PotosT)
Compi (province of Omasuyos, department of
La Paz)
Achocalla (province of Murillos, department
of La Paz; just south of the capital, and
not on Figure 1-1)
In addition, in Bolivia I obtained examples of Aymara
from the following communities although I did not visit
them:
Jopoqueri (Carangas)
Morocomarca (Bustillos)
Jesds de Machaca, San Andrés de Machaca,
and Taraco (province of Ingavi, department
of La Paz)
Yapita and Vasquez furnished additional data from their
own dialects representative of the communities of Compi
and Tiahuanaco (Ingavi), respectively, as modified by
many years of residence in the city of La Paz. As
Aymara translator for the American Universities Field
Staff Film Project, Vasquez also provided examples from
the dialect of Vitocota (near Ayata in the province of
Mufiecas, department of La Paz) from the sound tracks
of four films made there in 1972.
31
Serendipity was largely responsible for choice
of sites; weather conditions, in particular as they
related to the state of the roads, determined the timing
of visits. In Peru I intended to visit areas of greatest
Aymara concentration as indicated in the 1961 census.
While attending a meeting of the International Linguistic
Association in Arequipa in March 1973, I met three young
Aymara men who responded to Yapita's recording and my
description of research interests. One was originally
from Juli and provided me with a letter of introduction
to his family there. Another was a school teacher in
Lima, originally from Huancané; I interviewed him in
Lima and visited his family in Huancané. The third
was from Socca, near Puno; although I was unable to
visit there, I did obtain several texts from him in
Puno.
After the Arequipa meeting I went to Tacna
hoping to visit Aymara-speaking areas in Tarata province.
An Aymara taxi driver encountered by chance in Tacna
took me to the town of Tarata, where he helped me find
and interview Aymara speakers. Some months ljater, after
roads became passable, he took me to visit his mother
in the nearby town of Sitajara. Shortly thereafter
he drove me to Moquegua, where he helped me locate an
Aymara bus owner from Calacoa who arranged for me to
visit that community and stay with his wife's family.
32
In Bolivia I hoped to collect data in areas
where the Aymara was popularly thought to be different
from that of the city of La Paz and its environs. The
initial selection of areas to visit was made in consul-
tation with Yapita and with Javier Alb6, an anthro-
pologist with many years of residence and travel in
Bolivia, but as in the case of Peru, final choice of
sites was fortuitous. A former student of Yapita's
was my first source on the Aymara of Carangas. Through
him I met a teacher who arranged a visit to his brother's
family in Corque. Later, the teacher's wife invited me
to accompany her on a visit to her mother in Salinas
de Garci Mendoza (hereafter referred to as Salinas),
a trip postponed some months because of impassable roads.
With the help of a young woman related to the teacher,
I made contact with Aymara speakers in the Quechua mining
town of Llallagua, in northern Potosi, who invited me
to visit the nearby town of Calacala. In Uncia, near
Llallagua, I met through the local parish priest a young
Aymara man from the village of Morocomarca and inter-
viewed him in Uncfa as time did not allow a visit to
Morocomarca.
As in the case of choice of sites, the selection
of sources (the term source is being used here in pref-
erence to the somewhat negatively loaded term informant)
was random. An attempt was made to obtain data from both
33
sexes, of different ages and educational levels ranging
from illiteracy to completion of several years of uni-
versity study. Occupations included market seller, certi-
fied school teacher, bus driver, farmer, student (ele-
mentary, secondary, normal school, or university), taxi
driver, housewife, university professor, administrator
of community development programs, and Baptist minister.
All sources 40 and under were bilingual in the sense of
being able to carry on an intelligible conversation in
Spanish, although in some cases their phonology was
heavily Aymara (see 1-1.3).
Below iS a chart showing sex, age, and (for
sources over 40) knowledge of Spanish, the latter
determination based usually on a speaker's self-evaluation.
Ages shown are approximate as age was not obtained for
all sources. An average of six sources was consulted
for each major site, the numbers ranging from one to
13.
0 - 19 20 - 39 40 - 59 60+ Totals
+Sp -Sp +Sp_ -Sp
M 3 16 5 1? 25
F 7 13 5 2 1 2 30
55
(The question mark refers to a speaker who was not
heard to speak Spanish and was not asked if he did.)
34
As may be seen, a preponderance of sources were
under 40 and hence by definition bilingual in Spanish.
(Sources from Calacala and Morocomarca were trilingual
in Spanish, Aymara, and Quechua.) Monolinguals were
relatively less accessible to me than were bilinguals
primarily because lack of time and difficulties of
travel prevented visits to remote communities where
monolingualism is reportedly widespread and secondarily
because most monolinguals encountered in the communi-
ties visited were elderly and infirm, often with missing
teeth and consequent faulty diction. Determination of
the location of communities with a high proportion of
monolinguals of different ages must await future
research, preferably with the participation of native
speakers trained in linguistic field methods.
With regard to training of native speaker
linguists, an informal attempt was made throughout
this research to instill in sources the basic concepts
of anthropological linguistics and field methods, by
example if not in formal classes. For example, two
young women from urban centers were taken on field trips
to act as interpreters and to learn the basics of
informant-investigator relations. One source who
already had a firm grasp of the Yapita phonemic alphabet
(3-2) was asked to transcribe a tape-recorded story from
a dialect other than his own, at whose telling he had
35
been present. His mistakes in transcription were sig-
nificant in showing points of difference between the
two dialects and, when brought to his attention, made
him aware of the ways that one's own language or dialect
grid may structure one's perception. Throughout the
research I maintained and encouraged in all persons with
whom I worked an attitude of respect or even enthusiasm
toward the diversity that became apparent, noting, however,
their occasional linguocentric comments (see 10-2.6).
1-3.5 Organization of the study
This study is organized into chapters on the
following topics: a survey of literature on Aymara
from the colonial period to the present; variation in
phonemics and in phonological shape of morphemes within
and across dialects; variation in morphophonemics, in-
cluding rules general to all dialects and rules limited
to certain dialects; variation in the noun system, in
the verb system, and in morphosyntactic and syntactic
Structures and processes; variation in semantics, including
a section on the nonvarying linguistic postulates; three
translation dialects: Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio
Aymara; and a conclusion summarizing kinds of variation,
identifying regional dialect groups on the basis of sig-
nificant variation, and offering suggestions for future
research. Following the chapters there are Appendices
v “My
36
as follows: (A) the elicitation list used in field work;
(B) a list of onomatopoeic particles; (C) regional versions
of greetings and certain common expressions; (D) regional
versions of a saying and a riddle; and (E) an index of
suffixes.
1-3.6 Conventions and terminology
In this study the following conventions are
observed, conforming in most cases to those used by
Hardman et al. (1975).
Aymara examples are usually written in the
Yapita phonemic alphabet (see 3-2) modified by the use
of a colon (:) rather than a dieresis mark (“) for vowel
length in order to permit separation of morphemic length
from the vowel it occurs on. Occasional examples are
given in phonetic transcription within square brackets
([]). Place names are spelled as they appear on maps
for ease of reference although users of the Yapita
alphabet prefer to spell them according to its rules,
e.g. Qumpi for Compi. Aymara examples from published
sources other than Hardman and associates are usually
converted to Yapita orthography. All examples not
attested by Hardman et al. (1975) or later reported
by Vasquez, Yapita, or me are preceded by a raised
cross (7); morphemic as well as phonemic analyses of
such forms are mine. An asterisk (*) before an example
means it is unattested; context will indicate whether it is
37
rejected by native speakers or presumed to exist on the
basis of other evidence.
Periods separate morphemes within a word, e.g.
uta.xa ‘a/the/my house.' Unsuffixed bound roots (verbs)
are followed by a hyphen, e.g. juta- ‘come.' In citation
form, suffixes which may close a construction are pre-
ceded by a hyphen, e.g. the final suffix -xa. Other
suffixes are preceded and followed by a hyphen, e.g.
the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. Recurrent sub-
morphemic partials are placed within hyphens and within
Slants, e.g. /-pa-/. A lowered v before a suffix indi-
cates it must be preceded by a vowel; a lowered v after
a suffix indicates it must retain its own final vowel
when followed by another suffix; a lowered c before a
suffix indicates it must be preceded by a consonant; a
lowered c after a suffix indicates it must drop its
final vowel before a following suffix and/or when it
occurs word-finally. For example, in most dialects
the possessive/locational suffix -
na. is preceded by
v-——c
a vowel but drops its own vowel word-finally and before
following suffixes, e.g. uta.n, uta.n.xa ‘in/of the
house.' When a suffix may be preceded by either a vowel
or a consonant the more common (or base) occurrence is
indicated above a tilde (~) and the less common below
the tilde, e.g. = da first person possessive suffix.
Cc
A similar notation after a suffix indicates it may in
38
some circumstances keep and in others lose its own final
vowel. If no subscript v or c follows a suffix, either
other factors determine the retention or loss of the
final vowel or the rule has not yet been determined.
Grammatical persons are indicated by the numbers
1, 2, 3, and 4, usually followed by a p, e.g. -ja Ip
possessive suffix, -ma 2p possessive suffix. Verbal
inflectional suffixes have the subject person on the
left and the complement person on the right of a right-
pointing arrow, e.g. 1+2 means Ip subject, 2p complement.
Verb tenses are sometimes abbreviated as S
(Simple), F (Future), I (Imperative), RDK (Remote
Direct Knowledge), RIK (Remote Indirect Knowledge),
D-1 (Desiderative), D-2 (Remonstrator), IF (Inferential),
and NI (Non-Involver).
Aymara examples are underlined when treated as
base forms or words (that is, as morphemes or combina-
tions thereof):
juma.mpi ‘with you' juma 2p pronoun
-mpi os 'with'
the suffix -jama and variants
Jupa.x wali suma jagi.wa. ‘He/she is a good
person.'
Aymara examples are placed between slant lines when
treated as allomorphs:
39
ss
cy
/-mpi/ occurs in La Paz, /-nti/ in Salinas
The suffix -jama has the allomorphs
/-~jama/, /-:ma/, /-ja/
What may sometimes appear to be inconsistency with re-
spect to this notation will be due to the fact that a
morph that at the individual dialect level is a base
form (morpheme) may be considered an allomorph of a mor-
pheme at the supradialectal level and/or in another
dialect. In such cases context will dictate whether the
morph is to be treated as an allomorph or as a morpheme.
If there is only one invariant allomorph for all dialects,
it will always be underlined unless given in phonetic
transcription. If there is one allomorph that occurs
almost everywhere (even if some dialects have others),
it will be considered the base form of the morpheme in
question and underlined, e.g. the final suffix -xa
which has the allomorph /-:/ (vowel length) in some
areas. If a morpheme has several allomorphs, they may
all be referred to at once in alphabetical order and
underlined, e.g. the suffix -mpi_ ~ -nti, the suffix
~taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay.
Examples are glossed in one of two ways: (1)
If the example is short or for added clarity (for
example when a morpheme occurs without its final vowel )
individual morphemes are glossed to the right:
40
jani.w ‘no’ jani ‘not' -wa final suffix
(2) If the example is long, it will be glossed
beneath and followed by a free translation of the whole
example:
Kuna.r un.ta.t sar.naqg.ta.xa,
anything look at go 2>3
around S
jagi.tak p'inga, anu.tak unra.
people shame dog honor
"How stupid you are, you are a shame to the
human race, an honor to dogs.' (La Paz/Compi)
(Yapita 1975:3)
As shown here, examples from Yapita are identified as
being from La Paz/Compi; similarly, material obtained
from Vasquez is identified as being from La Paz/Tiahuanaco.
Thus is noted the fact that both have lived many years
in the city of La Paz although their dialects are
basically those of their communities of origin.
Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes
are identified in either (or both) of two ways: (1)
by a term describing the function of the suffix, e. g.
-mpi agentive/instrumental, or (2) by a gloss, e. g.
cmpi ‘with, by'. Function terms are not placed with-
in single quotes, while glosses are. The function term
4]
may be a neologism like distancer (used for the verbal
derivational suffix -waya-); such terms are those used
by Hardman et al. (1975).
Aymara sentences, defined by the presence or
absence or certain final suffixes, have the first word
capitalized and usually have a period, question mark,
or exclamation point at the end. Often the final suf-
fixes in Aymara convey semantic and emotional overtones
which are conveyed in spoken English by intonation and
in written English by punctuation. When a question mark
or exclamation point would be superfluous in Aymara
they are usually omitted even though the English gloss
may carry them. Aymara examples that are not sentences
in Aymara may in some cases be translated by sentences
in English but in such cases the Aymara punctuation will
usually be adhered to in the gloss as well as in the
Aymara example unless meaning would thereby be obscured.
Example:
kama.cha.ta.:.rak.pacha.:t"a ‘what could have
happened to me'
(Sitajara)
Embedded quotes are shown within angled brackets:
«Jach.k.i.w > S.i.way.
cry 373 Say
S
'"They are crying,"
they say.'
42
Spanish words occurring in Aymara sentences
are written as Spanish if they were so pronounced, e. g.
contento ‘happy, content'. If they were phonologically
adapted to Aymara (Aymarized) they are written as Aymara,
e. g. kuntintu. In some cases decisions whether to treat
a given word as Spanish or Aymara were arbitrary, and a
few hybrids occurred, e. g. Pedru.
CHAPTER 2
A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE
2-1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the contents and merits
of selected works relating to Aymara dating from the
colonial period to the present. The two major biblio-
graphical sources for works on or in Aymara are (1)
Bibliograffa de las lenguas quechua y aymara by José
Toribio Medina (1930), and (2) the monumental four-volume
Bibliographie des Langues Aymara et Ki ua by Paul Rivet
and Georges de Créqui-Montfort (1951-1956; henceforth
Rivet). To my knowledge no bibliographical work
specifically on Aymara has been published since Rivet's
fourth volume (1956).
2-2 Colonial Period
As is well known, the Spanish found no written
materials in the languages of the Inca Empire. In the
16th and early 17th centuries all works published in or
on Aymara were written for the purpose of spreading the
Christian faith by missionaries assisted by unnamed Aymara
43
44
converts bilingual in Aymara and Spanish. Such works
consisted of catechisms and other religious tracts and
of grammars to be used by missionaries wishing to learn
to speak and understand the language. The earliest work
known to contain Aymara is the anonymous Doctrina
christiana, y catecismo para la instruccién de los Indios,
published in Lima in 1584 (Rivet 1951:4-9).
According to Rivet (1956:631) a study of the
early Catholic evangelization of Peru from 1532 to 1600
and the use of Aymara and Quechua as languages of con-
version is Cristianizaci6n del Pera (1532-1600) by
Fernando de Armas Medina (1953). Two other publications
useful for information about Aymara society in the 16th
century are Visita hecha a_la provincia de Chucuito ...
en_el afio 1567 by a colonial administrator, Garci Diez
de San Miguel (1567), reporting on his inspection of
Chucuito province (see 1-2.2), and an ethnological
appraisal of the Diez de San Miguel inspection, Una
apreciaci6n etnolégica de la visita by John V. Murra
(1964).
The first attempt at a complete grammar of Aymara
was written by Ludovico Bertonio in the early 17th
century. Born in 1552 in Italy, Bertonio joined the
Company of Jesus in 1575. Sent to Peru in 1581, he
remained there for 44 years, dying in Lima in 1625 or
1628 (Rivet 1951:26-27). Bertonio apparently spent most
45
of his time in Juli, capital of the Aymara-speaking
Lupaca kingdom, on the shores of Lake Titicaca. There
he wrote three grammars of Aymara, a Spanish-Aymara/
Aymara-Spanish dictionary, and several Aymara transla-
tions of religious texts. In 1603 he published two
grammars, an Arte breve de la lengua aymara (1603a) and
an Arte y grammatica muy copiosa de la lengua aymara
(1603b). A facsimile edition of the latter was published
in Leipzig in 1879 by Julio Platzmann (Rivet 1953:35).
Juan de Dios Yapita owns a volume containing the first
14 pages of the Arte breve (Bertonio 1603a) bound
together with pages 19 through 348 of the Arte y
grammatica muy copiosa (Bertonio 1603b); the latter is
missing the title pages, a section entitled Al lector,
and pages 207 and 208. A photocopy of the Yapita volume
is in the library of the University of Florida.
In his longer grammar of Aymara (1603b), Bertonio
gave a detailed description of the language in terms
of Spanish and Latin. Spanish spelling is adapted
(inconsistently and inaccurately) to Aymara sounds,
Spanish grammatical categories are translated into the
nearest Aymara equivalents, and Spanish sentences are
rendered into Aymara. The grammar is valuable not only
as an example of the Latinate grammars of American
languages written during the colonial period but also
for the wealth of material it provides on the Aymara
46
language of the Lupaca kingdom in the early 17th century.
These data and Bertonio's analyses must be carefully
reinterpreted, however, in the light of techniques of
contemporary linguistic scholarship and recent discoveries
concerning Aymara language and culture. A review of
individual forms attested by Bertonio (for example, verb
derivational and inflectional suffixes) shows many forms
identical with some in general use today, others in use
in only one or a few present-day Aymara dialects, and
still others not attested in modern Aymara but extant
in other Jaqi languages. In some cases the semantics
of a form have shifted since Bertonio's time, if his
translations may be taken as accurate. But that is a
problem: reviewing Bertonio's Aymara sentences with
Juana Vasquez has revealed that most of them are unac-
ceptable. At best they sound translated; at worst they
are perceived as simply incorrect even when archaic or
unknown terms are replaced by contemporary terms. The
book contains no native Aymara texts--no sentences form-
ing a narrative that might have been spoken in the
language by native speakers--but only translations from
Spanish or Latin of isolated words, phrases, or sentences.
Bertonio's grammatical analysis of the language
missed many important features because of its focus on
Spanish categories. Nevertheless, Bertonio was a care-
ful observer and tireless organizer of his material.
47
On the morphological level his analysis is often accurate
in detail. For example, his grasp of the inclusive/
exclusive distinction in the Aymara person system is
essentially correct (Hardman 1972b). With respect to
syntax and cultural content, however, Bertonio's gram-
matical analysis must be characterized as distorted and
inadequate.
According to Rivet (1951:52-53), there exists a
third Aymara grammar by Bertonio, Arte de la lengua aymara
(1612), containing sentences in Aymara and Spanish and
a list of Aymara words; the only known copies are repor-
tedly owned by the Posnansky family in La Paz and by the
Biblioteca Nacional in Sucre, Bolivia.
In 1612 Bertonio published his Vocabulario de la
lengua aymara which has since appeared in several fac-
simile editions, most recently in La Paz, Bolivia in
1956. This Tengthy book is a dictionary, the first part
(474 pages) Spanish-Aymara and the second (398 pages)
Aymara-Spanish, with approximately 50 entries to a page.
A thorough study of this book with native speakers is
Tong overdue to determine how many and which forms are
in use today and to correct errors evident in a sampling
of the entries.
LaBarre (1948) (see 2-3) performed the useful
service of culling out and repeating, with English trans-
lations, some categories of words in the Vocabulario such
48
as kinship terms, diseases, and sins to be reported in
confession. Checking these with Vasquez revealed that
many terms cited by Bertonio are perceived today as
awkward translations of Spanish terms into Aymara rather
than as native words or expressions. In this connection
it is interesting to note that in the introductory section
to the Vocabulario Bertonio indicated that he took the
entries (1) from Aymara translations of the lives of
Christ and the saints, sermons, comparisons of vices and
virtues, and so forth written by certain Aymara brought
up as Christians during the 35 years that the Jesuits
had been in Juli, and (2) from similar materials collected
by other priests. The entire dictionary, in other words,
was based on materials translated from Spanish into
Aymara, not the other way around.
An example with respect to kinship is illustrative.
In modern Aymara the nominalized verb apa.fia ‘to carry'
may also be used with the metaphorical meaning of ‘con-
temporary', ‘of the same age' (i.e., a person carried by
his/her mother at the same time as another person was
similarly carried). Bertonio translated it (or the
derived term apa.fia.ni ‘having a contemporary') as
'relative' (Spanish pariente), and used it to translate
sentences like 'If that woman is your relative you may
not marry her.' The present-day meaning of the Aymara
sentence (see 6-3.34.13) is ‘If that woman is your
49
contemporary you may not marry her.' It seems unlikely
that a semantic shift has occurred with this word since
the 17th century. Rather, the Bertonio gloss probably
reflects an initial difficulty in translation when the
Aymara interpreter, having no one term in his language
for 'relative', finally approximated it with apa.fia.
The bafflement of the Aymara at hearing an injunction
to marry only someone older or younger may only be
imagined. Other such translation errors or distortions
have contributed to the development of the translation
dialects Missionary and Patr6n Aymara (Chapter 9).
Such errors may well have contributed to the
difficulties the missionaries encountered in their
efforts to convert the Aymara. Bertonio acknowledged
such difficulties in the Vocabulario in a section
addressed ‘to the priests of the Aymara Nation'. Deny-
ing that Aymara was a difficult language (he said the
Jesuits in Juli learned to preach in the language in a
year), he conceded that students of the language tended
to become disheartened, discerning in the Aymara a low
capacity for learning and a strong resistance to con-
version.
. they are so given to bad customs,
their hearts are so full of spines and
thistles, that the seed of the divine
word planted there will not bear fruit
(Bertonio 1612:unnumbered page
facing A 3; English translation mine)
50
The stubborn refusal of the Aymara to be con-
verted, in spite of the best efforts of gifted and ener-
getic priests like Bertonio, was attributed then and
later to incapacity coupled with sheer cussedness.
Recent discoveries with respect to Aymara linguistic
postulates (see 8-2) have put the Aymara recalcitrance
in a new light. In any event, negative stereotypes of
the Aymara character had by the end of 35 years become
fully accepted among the colonizers and were to persist
well into the 20th century (see 2-3).
Very similar to Bertonio's work although shorter
is a grammar by another Jesuit assigned to Juli, Diego
de Torres Rubio, whose Arte de la lengua aymara appeared
in 1616. A photocopy, the original of which belongs
to the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara in La Paz,
is in the University of Florida Library. The photocopy
and the original lack pages 65 through 68 and pages 72
through 77. The volume contains following the Arte
the complete Catecismo en la lengua espafiola y aymara
del Piru originally published in Sevilla (1604) on the
basis of materials dating from a Provincial Council in
Lima in 1583. According to Rivet (1951:75), several
known copies of the Torres Rubio 1616 grammar are bound
with the Catecismo in this manner.
It is not known whether Torres Rubio and Bertonio
collaborated or worked independently. They were almost
5]
the same age and had similar careers. Torres was born
in 1557 in Spain, joined the Jesuits in 1572, and arrived
in Peru in 1579. He died there in 1637 or 1638 (Rivet
1951:71). In 1967 Mario (to be distinguished from
Alejandro) Franco Inojosa published a version of the
Torres Rubio Arte in modern Spanish, giving the Aymara
in Torres' original spellings followed by transcriptions
in the official Peruvian alphabet for Aymara and Quechua
adopted in 1946.
After the middle of the 17th century the early
fervor of missionary activity subsided and for the next
hundred years little was published in Aymara except
occasional sermons, few of which have survived. As
described by Tovar (1961:186-194) the alternating lin-
guistic policies of the Spanish conquerors help explain
the relative dearth of materials published in Aymara
between the second half of the 17th century and the
late 18th century. In 1550 it was decided to teach
the Indians in Spanish. As this attempt proved unsuc-
cessful, in 1583 the policy of using native languages
was adopted, stimulating the production of grammars and
religious texts in those languages. By 1596 the earlier
policy was reinstated over the missionaries’ objections.
The impasse was resolved in practice by the use of gen-
eral languages which at first included Aymara although
during the 17th century it gave way to Quechua. By the
52
late 18th century the Spanish crown had expelled the
Jesuits from Peru and shortly thereafter the crown re-
stored the Spanish-only policy. Nevertheless, the wealth
of material on New World languages which the Jesuits
had gathered soon began to be published in Europe, mostly
in the form of comparative vocabulary lists. From that
time on the amount of published Aymara material gradually
increased.
2-3 Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th Centuries
Prelinguistic studies are those written without
benefit of the theories or techniques of modern linguis-
tic scholarship or dealing primarily with other than
linguistic aspects of Aymara culture.
The great European philologists Hervas, Vater,
Adelung, Pott, and Jéhan, writing in the late 18th and
early 19th centuries, included in their encyclopedic works
references to Aymara taken from earlier sources and super-
ficial comparisons of Aymara words with those of other
languages. In the second decade of the 19th century
political speeches and documents relating to the inde-
pendence movements in South America were published in
some native languages including Aymara.
In 1826 appeared the first Protestant materials
in Aymara, translations of the New Testament. From then
53
On a series of such translations emanated first from the
British and Foreign Bible Society and subsequently from
the United States. Catholic materials (mostly by Bolivian
priests) began to appear in greater numbers also. Later
in the 19th century there began to appear accounts by
European scholar-adventurers of their travels on the
Bolivian and Pervuian altiplano. These usually included
grammatical sketches of Quechua and Aymara or word lists
of numbers, animals, plants, medicines and diseases, and
kinship terms.
The first detailed ethnographic account of the
Aymara was On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru
by David Forbes (1870), based on research done in Bolivia
and Peru from 1859 to 1863. A British mining engineer
of scholarly bent and the stamina necessary to remain for
Tong periods at altitudes up to 15,400 feet, Forbes was
best at concrete measurement and description of the
activities he witnessed. His account of the Aymara was
somewhat sympathetic, revealing the relentless physical
hardships and social injustices they suffered, but some
of his explanations for Aymara behavior suggest he may
have given too much credence to tales spread by whites
and mestizos based more on myth than on fact.
Forbes gave Aymara names for objects, activities,
and the like most of which, though deformed by an inade-
quate transcription, are recognizable today. His
54
grammatical analysis of Aymara is sketchy but accurate
so far as it goes. Appendix C of his book is a vocabu-
lary of Aymara words, including kinship terms, with
English translations. Forbes cast light on the status
of Aymara studies at the time in remarking on his fruit-
less efforts while in Bolivia to obtain a copy of a 17th
century Aymara grammar or dictionary even though he had
advertised in the papers that he would pay the ‘high
sum of 50 dollars' (274, fn.) for it.
In 1891 the German physician-turned-philologist
Ernst Middendorf published Die Aimara-Sprache, the fifth
volume of his study of aboriginal languages of Peru
(Rivet 1952:558). The introduction to Middendorf's Aymara
grammar was translated into Spanish by the Bolivian scholar
Franz Tamayo in an article published in 1910 in La Paz
(Rivet 1952:558). Later, the Peruvian scholar Estuardo
Ndnez, working from an incomplete copy of the Tamayo
translation, revised and added some notes to it and
published it in a volume entitled Las lenguas aborigenes
del Perd (1959) prepared under the auspices of the Univer-
sidad Mayor de San Marcos in Lima to commemorate the 50th
anniversary of Middendorf's death. The following section
refers to that volume (1959:96-102).
Middendorf indicated that his grammar was based
on Bertonio's and on the dialect then spoken in La Paz,
which he visited on several occasions. He stated that at
55
that time both whites and mestizos spoke Aymara but in
most cases only as a lingua franca for communication with
Aymara servants or sellers in the marketplace. Middendorf
was able to find only a few persons with enough knowledge
to teach him the language. Like Forbes, he found no one
who possessed a Bertonio grammar, adding that no one had
even heard of such a book, not even the President of
Bolivia or members of his cabinet. Middendorf was finally
able to find some lawyers who had lived among rural
Aymara and claimed to know more of the language than the
city-dwellers. With them Middendorf reviewed a copy of
the Bertonio grammar in his possession, comparing forms
then in use with earlier ones, noting both, and using
them to draw up rules of sentence formation. In the
introduction to his Aymara grammar he devoted several
paragraphs to Aymara vowel-dropping, giving examples
of inflected verbs, and commented on Aymara verbs of
going and carrying. It is to be hoped that someday
Middendorf's grammar of Aymara may be translated into
Spanish.
In 1917 another Aymara grammar based largely
on Bertonio's appeared, by Juan Antonio Garcia, a Bolivian
priest. Subsequently, etymologies and word lists for
such topics as kinship, place names, and musical instru-
ments proliferated, and a number of Aymara stories, poems,
and legends were written by self-styled Aymara scholars
56
(aymarélogos). Novels on Indian themes, such as Alcides
Arguedas' Raza de bronce (1945), contained some Aymara
phrases. There was a continuous spate of dictionaries
or handbooks of Aymara, Quechua, and Spanish words and
phrases, as well as both Catholic and Protestant publica-
tions.
The matter of a standardized alphabet for Aymara
and Quechua has engaged the sporadic attention of scholars
and governments for years. In 1939 the Twenty-Seventh
International Congress of Americanists proposed an
alphabet for Aymara and Quechua which was adopted by offi-
cial Peruvian government decree in 1946 (Rivet 1956:265).
In 1954 the Bolivian government adopted a virtually
identical alphabet approved earlier that same year by
the Third Inter-American Indigenist Congress (Rivet 1956:
675).
Catholic missionaries on the altiplano adopted
this alphabet. It represents an improvement over earlier
ones in that it shows phonemic vowel length; distinguishes
plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops and an affricateâ€
in the proper articulatory positions; and distinguishes
the velar and postvelar fricatives. But it uses the
five Spanish vowels to represent the three phonemic Aymara
vowels and allophones of two of them which are not always
predictable from the environment, unnecessarily confusing
the transcription.
57
Meanwhile, Protestant missionaries developed a
variation which employs some Spanish letters, such as ¢
and qu to represent the Aymara velar stop, in the belief
that their use makes it easier for the Aymara to learn
Spanish. This alphabet, known as the CALA alphabet for
the first initials of the Comisi6n de Alfabetizaci6n y
Literatura Aymara (Aymara Literacy and Literature Com-
mission), was adopted as official by Bolivian government
decree in 1968, apparently without rescinding support. of
the earlier alphabet. Since then the two official Bolivian
alphabets have coexisted in uneasy competition.
Beginning in the 1930s American anthropologists
turned their attention to the study of Aymara society.
The Aymara (1946) and The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru
1. Magic (1951) by Harry Tschopik and The Aymara Indians
of the Lake Titicaca Plateau, Bolivia (1948) by Weston
LaBarre are generally considered classics, but research
in the last decade has shown them to be deficient in
important respects, based as they were on data obtained
through mestizos and whites. A more balanced account
is The Aymara of Chinchera, Peru: Persistence and change
in a bicultural context (1964) by John Marshall Hickman,
reporting on a Peruvian Aymara community near that studied
by Tschopik 20 years earlier; Another look at Aymara
personality (1966) by John S. Plummer questioned earlier
negative assessments of the Aymara character. William E.
58
Carter has conducted extensive studies among the Bolivian
Aymara in the department of La Paz. His Bolivia, a profile
(1971:89-91) brought together the various expressions of
the Aymara negative stereotype and put them in historical
perspective. The Bolivian Aymara (1971) by Hans C. and
Judith-Maria Buechler is a somewhat superficial network
analysis of the community of Compi on Lake Titicaca.
The languages of South American Indians (1950) by
John Alden Mason contains a short section on the Aymara
language, but it is full of inaccuracies, not only with
respect to the supposed relationship of Aymara to other
languages, but also to identification of Aymara-speaking
areas and dialects. Catdlogo de las lenguas de América
del Sur (1961) by Antonio Tovar represents a slight
improvement in the information provided but the work is
still incomplete and inaccurate and the brief grammatical
description of Aymara is very weak. Other publications
on Aymara well into the 1960s testify to the sorry state
of scholarship with respect to the language.
| Characteristic are the many virtually identical
handbooks or catalogues of common expressions in Aymara,
Quechua, and Spanish published in Bolivia, Peru, and
even Chile from the middie of the 19th century to the
present. (The latest to come to my attention is dated
1971, but new editions have probably appeared since then.)
These little books contain the kind of Aymara spoken by
59
white and mestizo landowners who learned to speak the
language imperfectly as children and whose attitude
toward the Aymara people and their language ranges
from kindly but patronizing to contemptuous. This kind
of Aymara is referred to as Patr6én Aymara (from the
Spanish patr6n 'owner') by Bolivian Aymara native speakers.
In the catalogues individual forms may be correctly trans-
lated but Spanish phrases are translated word for word
into Aymara that is usually discourteous if not insulting,
and often incorrect. Moreover, chaotic spelling reflects
a very inadequate grasp of Aymara phonology. (See Chapter
9 for examples.)
A variation on the catalogue is Gramética del
kechua_y del aymara (1942) by German G. Villamor. It
contains short grammatical descriptions of Quechua and
Aymara, a brief three-way dictionary of words from those
two languages and Spanish, and sections on history, myths,
and superstitions. Insofar as the Aymara is concerned,
the book is deficient in every respect, with incorrect
material poorly arranged. Another variation on the cata-
logue is Vocablos aymaras en el habla popular pacena
(1963) by Antonio Paredes Candfa, containing Aymara words
purported to occur in colloquial La Paz speech. Accord-
ing to Vasquez, who reviewed the book with me, many of
the Aymara forms are incorrectly translated and in any
case are terms used by whites or mestizos in the city
60
rather than by rural Aymara. The book is useful primarily
to show what the white or mestizo understands by certain
Aymara words. Usually the context is not culturally
Aymara and the tone is patronizing when not actually
insulting.
Two works which avoid the condescending tone of
the foregoing are a short Spanish-Aymara dictionary by
Mario Franco Inojosa, Breve vocabulario castellano aymara
(1965), and a more complete dictionary, Diccionario breve
castellano-aymara aymara-castellano (1970), by Pedro
Miranda. Mario Franco Inojosa, who updated the Torres
Rubio grammar (1616), uses the official Aymara alphabet
adopted by the Peruvian government in 1946. Most terms
he cites are the same as those used in La Paz, making it
useful for quick reference for that dialect; however,
the book is cheaply printed and has many typographical
errors. The Miranda dictionary (1970) is more complete
and better printed, and employs the official Bolivian
alphabet adopted in 1954.
Although it reflects patr6n and missionary
usages, by far the best of -the prelinguistic grammars
of Aymara is Gramaética y diccionario aymara (1965) by
Juan Enrique Ebbing. This reference grammar. was modeled
on Bertonio's longer grammar (1603b) and like it contains
a wealth of detail, although the geographical origins of
the forms attested are not given. The author's method
61
is to explain a Spanish grammatical category and then to
give its translation equivalent in Aymara. This makes
for a repetitious presentation as the same Aymara form
may translate several different Spanish forms, and the
method skews Aymara structure into a Spanish mold as in
the case of Bertonio's grammars. While some of the Aymara
examples are acceptable to native speakers, much of the
Aymara sounds translated and the book suffers from a
generally patronizing tone. The phonology is better than
most but confuses velars and postvelars. In spite of
its faults, however, this grammar shows an understanding
of certain aspects of Aymara usually overlooked such as
the fact that certain suffixes are essential to the Aymara
sentence, and although given to stating general rules to
which exceptions must then be made, Ebbing at least in-
cludes the exceptions, making up in accuracy of data for
loss of economy in presentation. As a handbook for study-
ing Aymara, his grammar is useful as a source of Aymara
glosses of individual Spanish forms. Translations of
Spanish sentences should be checked with Aymara native
speakers, however, as they are written in a style asso-
ciated with Catholic priests (for examples see Chapter 9).
The nadir in prelinguistic grammars of Aymara
was reached in Suma _lajjra_ aymara parlafia (1969) by
Erasmo Tarifa Ascarrunz. Another example of Patr6n Aymara,
this book contains a wealth of material, but so badly
62
analyzed and presented as to be very difficult to use.
As usual in prelinguistic grammars, the Aymara sounds as
if it were translated from Spanish. On the other hand,
the Spanish translations of the Aymara (or Spanish
sentences from which the Aymara was translated) are in
the popular Spanish of the Andean area which reflects
Aymara structure to a considerable extent even in the
usage of monolingual Spanish speakers. In all, the book
is an interesting compendium of fact and misconception
which should be checked with native speakers before any
of its contents are accepted as valid.
2-4 Linguistic Studies
2-4.1 Synchronic studies
As far as I am aware, the first linguist to
note in print that Aymara has a three- rather than a
five-vowel system was Bertil Malmberg (1947-48). Kenneth
Pike, in his Phonemics (1947:153), included an Aymara
problem with data that clearly implied a three-vowel
system, although Pike left this conclusion to the reader.
Tschopik (1948) and LaBarre (1950) provided partially
phonemic renditions of Aymara folktales with English
translations but without grammatical analysis. Although
transcribed with five vowels and no indication of vowel
length or of syntactic final vowel dropping, the texts
63
appear to be otherwise phonologically accurate native
Aymara. (The informants are identified as monolingual.)
These texts are useful for the dialectal variants they
contain and for comparison with present-day dialects
from the same areas for the purpose of identifying changes
during the past 30 years.
The first morphological analysis of Aymara was
made by Thomas Sebeok (1951a). However, it was
based on an Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood
translated from Spanish, rather than on a native Aymara
folktale, and the text is an example of Patr6n Aymara.
Sebeok (1951b) also collected data for an Aymara diction-
ary, using data from Tschopik, LaBarre, Villamor, Pike,
and Floyd Lounsbury as well as his own. Each entry
consists of a set of Aymara words sharing the same root
morpheme, with English (or in the case of Villamor's
data, Spanish) translations.
2-4.11 Missionary grammars and associated studies
The first attempt at a fairly complete grammatical
description of Aymara by a linguist using the methods of
modern scholarship was made by Ellen M. Ross, whose
Rudimentos de gramatica aymara (1953; second edition
1963) was published by the Canadian Baptist Mission in
La Paz with an introduction by Eugene Nida. The preface
indicates that the Aymara of Huatajata (department of
64
La Paz) is the dialect on which the grammar is based and
that it is similar to that of the city of La Paz. Three
Aymara native speakers collaborated with Ross in producing
the grammar, a trilingual textbook for English-speaking
missionaries and Spanish speakers. Making use of aural/
oral language-teaching methods, the book presents graded
Aymara dialogues and drills with translations into Spanish
and grammatical explanations in Spanish and English. The
grammar includes cultural notes such as a comment on the
importance of greetings among the Aymara. While it has
an index of grammatical forms and topics (in Spanish),
it lacks a table of contents and thus cannot easily be
used as a reference grammar.
In any case, although it represents a tremendous
improvement over its predecessors, Rudimentos contains
frequently inaccurate grammatical analyses. More impor-
tant, the text still reflects, in the tradition of earlier
Aymara grammars, the usage of missionaries and their fol-
lowers. For this reason the Ross grammar should be used
with caution by persons not wishing to be identified with
or aS missionaries. Also, the CALA writing system used
presents the learner with certain difficulties, especially
with respect to the postvelar fricative symbolized as jj
and reduplicated as the unwieldy and confusing cluster
aaa,
65
A reference grammar for native speakers of Aymara
is Ross's Manual aymara para los aymaristas (n.d. [con-
siderably after Ross 1953]). Its purpose is to enable
Aymara speakers already bilingual and literate in Spanish
to learn to read and write Aymara and to become aware of
differences between Aymara and Spanish structure which
create difficulties for Aymara monolinguals wishing to
learn Spanish. As indicated earlier, the CALA writing
system used by Ross is designed to familiarize Aymara
speakers with Spanish spelling with a view to facilitating
their learning to read and write in that language.
Accordingly, Spanish loans, even those which entered
Aymara hundreds of years ago and are completely adapted
to Aymara phonology, are spelled as Spanish and the five
vowels of Spanish are used even though Ross recognized
that Aymara has a three-vowel system. Evidence that
the CALA alphabet does in fact accomplish the objective
of making it easier for Aymara monolinguals to learn
Spanish is lacking.
The Ross Manual is in effect a contrastive study
of Spanish and (Missionary) Aymara, often describing
Aymara in terms of Spanish, although this is warned
against (n.d.:65). The manual is also prescriptive,
for example in Lesson IX on punctuation. The grammatical
analysis is lacking in some important respects; for
instance, the four-person system is not completely
66
understood. The distinction of personal and nonpersonal
knowledge is recognized, however, for the first time.
The importance of morphemic vowel length and morphopho-
nemic vowel dropping is also understood and the reader
is urged to write as he speaks, although this injunction
is not always followed in the examples given in the text.
The role of sentence suffixes (called enclitics) is well
covered. But while the Manual has its strengths, never-
theless the message conveyed by the book is that learning
to read and write Aymara is merely a means toward learning
to be fully literate in Spanish and not a worthy end in
itself. This attitude is clear in a discussion of the
embedding of direct quotes in Aymara: the reader who
wishes to write a more involved style is urged to consult
a good Spanish grammar or to observe the style of writers
in that language (Ross n.d.:121).
Two subsequent teaching grammars of Aymara owe
much to Ross. Paul Wexler and his associates attempted
in Beginning Aymara: A course for English speakers (1967)
to write a linguistically sound pedagogical grammar of
Aymara specifically for English speakers. Intended for
Peace Corps volunteers, this grammar was based on research
carried out in Bolivia by three American field workers
who spent a short time there aided by three Aymara native
speakers from La Paz who were bilingual in Spanish. It
is of value primarily as an example of what happens when
67
linguistic researchers fail to take cultural as well as
linguistic factors into account in spite of their obvious
importance in a grammar designed for foreigners proposing
to live and work in an unfamiliar society. While care-
fully organized into graded dialogues and drills on topics
generally relevant to altiplano life, the Aymara sentences
in the book sound translated from Spanish, often using
missionary and/or patr6n terminology, and are therefore
both culturally and linguistically unacceptable to some
native speakers. Wexler recognized that the Aymara of
the informants probably showed heavy Spanish influence,
but he was evidently unaware of the social dimension of
their dialect--its evangelical cast--although he did
recommend further research with monolingual speakers.
The book also suffers from problems of translating Andean
Spanish into English. For example, wank'u (Wexler
wanc'u) is translated 'rabbit' instead of ‘guinea pig',
probably because the Andean Spanish for guinea pig is
conejo (Peninsular Spanish 'rabbit').
The second Aymara grammar owing much to Ross,
and the best of the missionary grammars to date, is
Lecciones de Aymara (1971-72) by Joaquin Herrero,
Daniel Cotari, and Jaime Mejia, said to be based on a
dialect from roughly the same area as that of the Ross
grammars. Herrero is a native of Spain; Cotari and
Mejia are Bolivian Aymara speakers bilingual in Spanish.
63
Developed for use at the Maryknoll Language Institute
in Cochabamba, this grammar is superior to its predeces-
sors in grammatical analysis, but it has the same charac-
teristics perceived by some native speakers as non-Aymara
or substandard. An innovation useful for students of
Spanish dialects is the provision of two translations of
each Aymara dialogue, one in Andean Spanish and the other
in Peninsular Spanish.
The alphabet used by Herrero et al. is that
adopted by the Bolivian government in 1954. It differs
from the CALA alphabet only in its use of k and q for
the velar and postvelar stops, respectively, instead
of the CALA c and qu for velar and k for postvelar. The
phonology section includes numerous minimal triplets
illustrating plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops.
The importance of morphophonemic vowel dropping is clearly
grasped and suffixes are designated as weak (retaining
previous vowel) and strong (dropping previous vowel) when
they are first introduced, helping the learner to produce
correct forms from the beginning. The book is good on
the Aymara four-person system (while not calling it that),
avoiding Ross's error, repeated by Wexler, of designating
the inclusive fourth person as dual. Full verbal inflec-
tional paradigms with affirmative and negative examples
are presented in the body of the text.
69
A much shorter, less complete grammar is Método
de aymara (1973) by Marcelo Grondin, using the same alpha-
bet as Herrero. Published in Oruro, the book mentions
certain forms as different from those occurring in La Paz
but fails to include the distinctive allomorph of the first
person possessive suffix (with velar nasal) found in the
province of Carangas, Oruro. The Aymara four-person system
is clearly grasped, vowel-dropping is understood, and the
role of sentence suffixes noted, but the Aymara is pre-
sented in short dialogues that sound nonnative. The trans-
lations of the dialogues are in Andean Spanish.
The question arises why grammars of Aymara con-
tinued for so long to reflect only missionary and patré6n
usages. The answer lies in the fact that for many years
all linguists who undertook to study Aymara in depth were
missionaries who, however well prepared in linguistic
field methods, were more concerned with translating
Scripture from Spanish or English into Aymara than in
eliciting native texts on which to base a description of
the language. Their informants, being members of the same
religious community, were ready to accept the missionaries’
authority in matters of style and content. Many missionary
linguists, notably Nida (1957:58-60), are aware of the
linguistic pitfalls inherent in their approach and try
to avoid them; but it is unrealistic to expect missionary
grammars to be completely free of the distorting influence
of translation.
70
The few nonmissionary linguists who approached
Aymara did so either through missionaries or through
mestizos and whites. In such circumstances it is re-
markable that Tschopik and LaBarre were able to elicit
native Aymara folktales free of missionary or patron
influence. Sebeok was not so fortunate; the story on
which he based his morphological analysis is in Patr6n
Aymara. When the Wexler team sought to study Aymara they
proceeded through missionary contacts and thereby unwit-
tingly acquired informants trained in that tradition.
So long as all linguistic research was conducted
with sources speaking varieties of Missionary or Patr6n
Aymara, only data reflecting such dialects could be
obtained. A new point of entry into the Aymara community
was needed.
2-4.12 Aymara-centered studies
In 1965 M. J. Hardman arrived in Bolivia as a
Fulbright lecturer in linguistics. Together with Julia
Elena Fortin, Director of Anthropology in the Bolivian
Ministry of Education, Hardman founded the Instituto
Nacional de Estudios Lingitiisticos (INEL) in La Paz for
the purpose of training Bolivians in linguistics for
national development. Hardman had already investigated
Aymara's sister languages, Jaqaru and Kawki, and had
determined their relationship as members of the Jaqi
71
language family. Hardman's Jagaru: Outline of phonological
and morphological structure (1966) is the first grammar of
a Jaqi language described in its own terms rather than
from the point of view of Spanish. A second edition in
Spanish translation is now in press in Peru. (Pre-Hardman
Peruvian sources for the study of Jaqaru and Kawki are
the writings of J. M. B. Farf&n and of José Matos Mar.)
One of Hardman's students at INEL in La Paz was
Juan de Dios Yapita, a native speaker of Aymara from the
community of Compi on the shores of Lake Titicaca. Yapita
had been educated in La Paz but maintained close ties with
monolingual friends and relatives in Compi. As the out-
come of an assignment, Yapita wrote the first phonemic
alphabet of Aymara ever produced by a native speaker of
the language and later, together with Herminia Martin and
others studying under Hardman's direction, did field work
in the provinces of Ingavi, Pacajes, Andes, Omasuyos, and
Manco Capac, department of La Paz. Hardman also did
field work in the province of Larecaja. The first pub-
lished result of this research was Martin's Bosquejo de
estructura de la lengua aymara (1969), a brief sketch of
the Aymara spoken in the town of Irpa Chico, province of
Ingavi. It is important as the first published description
of Aymara by a linguist for linguists, combining both
adequate theory and competent field investigation.
72
On the basis of Aymara research undertaken by
Hardman and associates in Bolivia, the Aymara Language
Materials Project began at the University of Florida in
1969 with support from the U. S. Office of Education of
the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. The
goal of the project was to produce teaching and reference
grammars of Aymara reflecting linguistic and cultural
realities of the language from the point of view of
native speakers. The materials were prepared by a team
consisting of Hardman, two Bolivian native speakers of
Aymara trained in linguistics and anthropology (Yapita
and Juana Vasquez, who is from Tiahuanaco), and three
graduate students in anthropology and linguistics who
assisted with the analysis and tested the teaching
materials in Aymara classes. Their work was supplemented
by extensive help from a number of other native speakers
of Aymara as well as from other University of Florida
graduate students and staff.
The primary fruit of the project is a three-volume
work by Hardman, Vasquez, and Yapita entitied Aymar ar
yatiganataki ('to learn Aymara') which appeared first in
1973 and in a revised edition in 1975. Volume 1, which
bears the title of the whole work, is a course in Aymara
for English and Spanish speakers, consisting of graded
dialogues based on rural Aymara life and drills based
on the dialogues, with translations into both Spanish and
73
English and accompanying tape recordings with English
translations. Volume 2, Teacher's manual to accompany
Aymar_ar_yatiqafataki, is keyed to the course and provides
cultural as well as grammatical explanations. Volume 3,
entitled Aymara grammatical sketch in the first edition
(1973) and Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical
structure in the second (1975), is a detailed reference
grammar which may stand alone. It incorporates University
of Florida master's theses by Laura Martin-Barber on
phonology and by Nora C. England on verbal derivational
suffixes, and my term paper on the structure of the
substantive system, as Chapters 3, 6, and 8, respectively.
The project has also produced a computerized concordance
glossary of words, roots, and suffixes.
Secondary results of the project include numerous
student papers for graduate courses in anthropology and
linguistics at the University of Florida, for example
Norman Tate's ethnosemantic study of verbs of carrying
(1970) and a paper by Andrew Miracle and Juana Vasquez
on ethnosemantic categories of feces in Aymara (1972).
Published articles related to the project include Hard-
man's on Aymara and Jaqi linguistic postulates (Hardman
1972a and in press a), Yapita's discussion of the role
of linguistics in Bolivian national development (1973b),
and Pedro Copana's recommendations concerning the educa-
tion of rural Aymara children (1973).
74
An increasing number of materials written in the
Aymara language have appeared as a result of the project.
The Aymara Newsletter has been published irregularly at
the University of Florida since 1970, originally under
the alternating editorships of Yapita and Vdsquez, who
also collaborated on a correspondence course for Aymara
speakers (Vdsquez & Yapita 1969). V&Asquez has written an
Aymara primer (1970) and is preparing another. Yapita has
edited several mimeographed Aymara literary journals,
among them Yatifiasawa (1970) and Literatura aymara
(1972-73). He has also produced materials for teaching
his phonemic alphabet in Bolivia (1973a) and a Spanish-
English-Aymara vocabulary (1974).
Former Yapita students who are members of the
Bolivian Aymara community have produced materials of their
own. Representative are articles by Vitaliano Wanka
Torres, describing results of the Aymara literacy pro-
gram he directs in Tiahuanaco (Wanka 1973a and 1973b);
an Aymara primer for adults (1974) by Francisco Calle P.,
of which a first edition of 17,000 was printed (Chaski
2:1974); and a bilingual manual on medicinal plants and
herbs (1974) by Gabino Kispi H. (Wanka and Kispi spell
their surnames, traditionally Huanca and Quispe, in
Yapita orthography. )
So far, lack of funds has precluded formal pub-
lication of more than a few of the Aymara-centered
materials that have begun to appear in growing numbers.
75
2-4.13 Sociolinguistic studies
In Peru the government has in recent years sought
the participation of missionary linguists associated with
the Summer Institute of Linguistics and of secular linguists
from academic institutions in the development of educa-
tional programs for speakers of indigenous languages
(loosely referred to as bilingual education programs).
While most publications on problems of multilingualism
in Peru focus on Quechua and the jungle languages rather
than on Aymara, several recent studies include references
to Aymara. As noted in 1-1, the two most recent Peruvian
national censuses (for 1961 and 1972) contain basic demo-
graphic data on the numbers and location of Aymara speakers
in Peru. The proceedings of a round table on problems
of Quechua and Aymara monolingualism held in 1963 have
been published in Mesa redonda sobre el monolingiiismo
quechua_ y aymara y 1a educaci6n en el Perd (1966). One
of the participants in the round table was Alberto
Escobar, a Peruvian linguist who later founded the
government- and Ford Foundation-supported Plan de Fomento
Lingiifstico (linguistic development plan) at the National
University of San Marcos in Lima and who has written
several thoughtful essays on the language problems of
Peru such as an article on literacy programs (Escobar
1972a). Escobar edited a collection of articles entitled
El_reto del multilingiiismo en el PerG which appeared in
76
1972, the year the Peruvian government inaugurated a new
policy of bilingual education. The book includes articles
by Hardman on Aymara linguistic postulates (Hardman 1972a),
by Alfredo Torero on historical background (Torero 1972b),
and by Escobar on linguistics and politics (Escobar 1972b).
Domingo Llanque Chana, a Peruvian Aymara who is
a Maryknoll priest and at present (1976) vicar general
of the Prelature of Juli, has presented in Spanish trans-
lation an interview he conducted in Aymara with a 56-year-
old Aymara man from a rural community near Lake Titicaca
(D. Llanque Chana 1973). The topic is social interaction
among the Aymara, including the way they treat outsiders
as well as each other. To my knowledge this is the first
time the topic has been discussed in print by an Aymara.
The author observes that the basic element of Aymara
interaction is mutual respect expressed primarily through
courteous speech as exemplified in greetings.
A graduate of a normal school in Puno, Justino
Llanque Chana, has given an overview of the educational
situation of Peruvian Aymara based on the results of his
1973 survey of 85 high school students in the town of
Chucuito near Puno (J. Llanque Chana 1974). The survey
revealed negative attitudes toward Aymara language and
culture which the author interpreted as confirming the
alienating effects of an educational system stressing
acquisition of Spanish skills while banning (in theory if
not in strict practice) the use of vernacular languages.
77
Meanwhile in Bolivia, where the government has yet
to give formal support to bilingual education, only one
organization has so far as I know published materials
relevant to sociolinguistics: the Centro Pedagégico y
Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba, which is supported by
the Patifio Foundation. In connection with a series of
educational conferences and seminars for Aymara and Quechua
speakers, Portales (as it is usually called) began in
1973 to publish in mimeographed form such materials as
articles by Javier Alb6 on the future of Aymara and
Quechua (which he considers to be ‘oppressed languages';
Alb6 1973a) and on Aymara and Quechua educational radio
programs in Bolivia (Alb6 1973b). Also in 1973 Portales
published the Yapita phonemic alphabet and in 1974, my
article on the Aymara four-person system (Briggs 1974a)
and a summary of Hardman's article on Aymara linguistic
postulates (Hardman 1972a).
Portales has also assisted sociolinguistic sur-
veys. In 1973 and 1974, Yapita and Pedro Plaza, the
director of INEL, conducted with Portales and Ford Founda-
tion support sociolinguistic surveys of groups of Aymara
and Quechua speakers in Bolivia using methods developed
by Wolfgang W6lck for Quechua in Peru (W6lck 1972 and
1973).
A valid contribution to knowledge of the Aymara-
speaking population of northern Potosi department is an
78
article by the British anthropologist Olivia Harris
(1974) on the Laymis and Machas (1-1.1).
2-4.2 Historical studies
Torero set forth well-grounded theories as to
the history of Aymara and its sister languages (1-2.1)
in an article entitled Lingiiistica e historia de los Andes del
Perd y de Bolivia (1972b). The relationship of Aymara and
Quechua, the other major language family of the Andean
area, is still a matter of debate. Mason (1950:196)
proposed 'Kechumaran' as a term 'to designate the yet
unproved but highly probable subphylum consisting of
Quechua and Aymara.' Also supporting a fairly close
relationship between Quechua and Aymara are Carolyn Orr
and Robert E. Longacre (1968) and Yolanda Lastra de
Suérez (1970). Hardman ascribes similarities in lexi-
con and phonology, where they exist, to geographic
proximity and overlap rather than to a genetic relation-
ship (Hardman, personal communication). Louisa Stark
(1970) has provided convincing data in support of Hard-
man's position.
2-5 Summary and Projection
The foregoing survey of representative litera-
ture on and in Aymara shows how scholarly and
79
not-so-scholarly treatment of the language has changed
in accordance with the focus of each period and the
development of more adequate method and theory. While
the production of written texts in Aymara is still meager,
it is increasing. Like the spoken language on which they
are based, these texts show dialectal variation, and they
will provide material for further dialect studies as well
as investigations of literary style.
CHAPTER 3
VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN
PHONOLOGICAL SHAPE OF MORPHEMES
3-1 Introduction
The basic phonology of Aymara has been described
by L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3, Chapter 3).
To the phonemic inventory therein described must now be
added the velar nasal, although it is of limited occur-
rence. Variations in phonological shape of morphemes
both within and across dialects are paralleled by morpho-
phonemic rules operating within dialects, to be discussed
in Chapter 4, to which this chapter is an introduction.
-*
3-2 Phonemes
3-2.] Phonemic inventory
Figure 3-1 shows Aymara phonemes in Yapita
phonemic orthography.
There are three vowels (front, central, and
back) and a phoneme of vowel length. |
The 27 consonants
are divided into voiceless and voiced. Voiceless conso-
nants are 12 stops, three affricates, and three fricatives.
80
81
Vowels: ioaeoou Vowel length:
Consonants:
bilabial
alveolar
palatal
Voiceless:
Stops
Plain p t
Aspirated p" t"
Glottalized p' t'
Affricates
Piain ch
Aspirated ch"
Glottalized ch'
Fricatives S
Voiced:
Laterals ] 1]
Nasals m n ni
Glides W y
- Flap r
postvelar
Figure 3-1. Aymara Phonemes (Yapita Phonemic Alphabet)
82
Voiced consonants are two laterals, four nasals, two
glides, and a flap. The stops occur in four positions
of articulation and three manners: plain, aspirated,
and glottalized. The three affricates are all palatal
and pattern with the stops. The three fricatives are
alveolar, velar, and postvelar. The laterals are alveo-
lar and palatal; the glides are bilabial and palatal;
the flap, which may be realized as a trill, is alveolar.
Included in the total of four nasals is the
velar nasal /nh/ ([ H 1), a phoneme in the related language
Jaqaru. The velar nasal has phonemic status in only two
Aymara dialects encountered to date, in the provinces
of Carangas (Oruro, Bolivia) and Tarata (Tacna, Peru),
specifically in the communities of Jopoqueri and Corque
(Carangas) and of Tarata and Sitajara (Tarata). Although
the phoneme occurs in few morphemes, these have a high
functional load. In both Carangas and Tarata the phoneme
occurs in homophonous allomorphs of two suffixes: /-nha/
first person possessive and /-nha/ verbal inflection of
first to third person, Future tense. In Tarata the
phoneme occurs in two more suffixes of the Future tense
(see Figure 6-3) and in at least two noun roots: anhanu
‘cheek' and panhara 'grinder.'
The two areas where the velar nasal phoneme occurs
are separated by the province of Pacajes, department of
La Paz, whose dialects were not investigated directly for
83
this study. The phoneme was not found in the Pacajes
dialects investigated in the research for Hardman et al.
(1975). Late in the research for the present study,
evidence was obtained for the existence of a relic of
the /nh/ phoneme in La Paz/Compi dialect, in one word:
the noun ch'inhi 'nit' (Spanish liendre). This con-
trasts with intervocalic /n/ and /fi/ (e. g. ch'ina ‘human
posterior' and fiufu ‘breast, teat'). Another apparent
relic of /nh/ is a velarized allophone of /fi/ occurring
in Morocomarca (4-3.21.2). It may possibly also occur
in other Aymara dialects not yet investigated. °
3-2.2 Allophones
The allophones described by L. Martin-Barber
(Hardman et al. 1975:3) exist for the dialects of Aymara
investigated for this study. The following additional
comments may be made.
3-2.21 Vowels
In Spanish-influenced dialects the mid vowel /a/
may approximate Spanish /a/ but in monolingual Aymara
(and some nonmonolingual dialects, for example in northern
Potosi, a trilingual Quechua-Aymara-Spanish area) /a/ is
more closed, being realized frequently as [A] or [a].
/i/ and /u/, as noted by L. Martin-Barber, are lowered
in the environment of postvelar consonants /q/ and /x/
84
and raised in the environment of /n/ and /y/ and word-
initially. Elsewhere intermediate or high allophones
occur. Additional study will be needed to determine the
conditioning.
3-2.22 Consonants
Most allophonic variation of consonants in Aymara
is morphophonemically conditioned, and is therefore dis-
cussed in Chapter 4.
Friction attending the velar and postvelar frica-
tives /j/ and /x/ and the flap /r/ is variable but whether
the variation is dialectal, stylistic, or idiosyncratic
is yet to be determined. Impressionistically it was
noted that some Juli speakers pronounced initial /j/ with
heavy friction whereas in other dialects initial /j/ is
more often a glottal [h]. Dialects having /j/ (Salinas,
Jopoqueri) where La Paz and other dialects have /k/, for
example in the incompletive verbal derivational suffix
-ja- ~ -ka-, articulate a somewhat prevelar, palatalized
/j/ and a clearly postvelar /x/. The difference is quite
noticeable even to a nonnative in such pairs as
Chur.j.t.wa. ‘I'm giving it to him/her/them. '
Chur.x.t.wa. ‘I gave it to him/her/them.' (Jopoqueri)
(The second example has the verbal derivational suffix
85
-xXa- completive.) The amount of friction attending both
/j/ and /x/ in those dialects seems impressionistically
about the same; it is the relative fronting and backing
which is distinctive, as in the case of Aymara vowels.
The front and back vowels lower in the environment of
postvelar consonants by assimilation, thereby assisting
the nonnative speaker of Aymara in distinguishing the
velar and postvelar consonants. Examples:
i
ik.i Liky] ‘he/she/it/they sleep(s)' (all dialects)
igqiqu [eqeqo] “mischievous spirit! (all dialects)
sar.j.i [sang ~ sar] ‘jt rusted' (La Paz)
> <
sar.Xx.i [sarxe] 'he/she/it/they left' (La Paz, elsewhere)
uU,uU uu ' ; <
puku puku [p~k~ p~k~] smal] owl' (Juli)
VvwVvwvvwYy
pug.u [poqo] ‘it produces, ripens' (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Calacala)
ij
p'isi.ja [p" =s-Ja ~ p"~s~xa] ‘my cat' (San Andrés
IIx de Machaca)
1
p"isi.xa [p"ssexa] 'the/a cat' (San Andrés de Machaca)
86
In the related language Jaqaru the velar and post-
velar fricatives are allophones of the same phoneme
(Hardman 1966). Their distinct phonemic status in Aymara
is attested by the minimal pairs cited above. In certain
dialects, however, there are cases of one morpheme having
variants with both the velar and postvelar fricative,
which may indicate that the distinction between the two
is neutralized in those morphemes or that the phonemic
split into /j/ and /x/ is still underway in Aymara, having
yet to occur in certain morphemes.
3-2.3 Canonical forms
These do not vary dialectically. As noted by
L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3.69-70) most roots
have the canonical form CVCV(CV); another productive
form is CVCCV with a reduplicative subclass of the form
C,V,C,C,V,. Noun suffixes are of the form CV(CV), VCV,
or C,CoV (C, nasal, C, stop) except for the verbalizer
-pta- which is unique among the noun suffixes in that it
consists of two stops followed by a vowel. Verbal deri-
vational suffixes have the shape C,V((C,)V) except for
a few C,C,V in which Cy is a nasal and one C,CoV(C3)V,
-rypaya ~ -rpa: (VV = V:). Verbal inflectional suffixes,
except for the Simple and to an extent the Future tense,
which have suffixes of the form (C)V and C,VC(V), are
more complex, containing recurrent submorphemic partials
87
(see 6-3.2). Nonfinal independent suffixes (7-2.21)
and final sentence suffixes (7-2.22) are of the form
CV(CV). Verb subordinating suffixes (7-4.2) take the
form (V)CV(CV) in which the first V, if any, is /i/.
3-2.4 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence
3-2.41 Individual phonemes
The postvelar fricative /x/ occurs in root-initial
position in only a few dialects and very rarely. The
examples are
xaxchi.fia noun/verb ‘bobbin, already threaded;
to wind thread on a bobbin'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
xarsa.ni.fia ‘to have asthma, be out of
breath' (Vitocota)
Jupa.x__Xarsa.n.i.w. ‘He's out of breath.’
——— (Vitocota)
A phoneme that does not occur initially in native
Aymara roots is /r/. (A voiced fricative allophone of
Spanish or Quechua /r/ may occur initially in loanwords. )
The velar nasal may occur initially in suffixes
but not initially in roots, even in the dialect where
it is attested in roots. Evidence for the nonexistence
of roots with /nh/ in Carangas, where suffixes with
the phoneme do occur, is the pronunciation given
by a speaker from Jopoqueri to the following Jaqaru
88
noun roots containing the velar nasal phoneme.
Jaqaru Aymara (Jopoquer?)
inhatza ‘agricultural *inhatsa [ingatsa]
worker'
kanhara ‘dried maguey *kanhara [kangara ]
cord'
That is, the speaker did not pronounce the velar nasal
intervocalically in the two (to him) nonsense words given
above but rather inserted a voiced velar [g] after the
velar nasal, as did other speakers bilingual in Spanish
(as he was) who had no velar nasal phoneme in their dia-
lects. Below are shown Jaqaru-Aymara cognates in which
the Jaqaru has /nh/ while the Aymara (also of Jopoqueri)
has /ng"/, /n/, /y/, or /yn/. (Jaqaru words, like those
above, are from Hardman, personal communication. )
Jaqaru Aymara
manha 'down' mang"a ‘down, inside!
anhnatza ‘down' aynacha ‘down'
anhshishpta ‘to quarrel’ ayni.si.fa ‘to quarrel'
yanha ‘comrade, to help’ yanap.ta.fa "to help'
3-2.42 Phoneme sequences
Germinate (reduplicated) vowels may occur as
vowel length, but sequences of different vowels
89
(diphthongs) do not occur. Vowel-glide and glide-vowel
sequences do occur; the former are phonetically (but
not phonemically) diphthongs. As noted above, two-
consonant clusters occur medially in roots and initially
in some suffixes. The first consonant is usually not a
stop, while the second usually is.4
Ciusters of two or more consonants may occur
word-medially in all dialects as the result of suffixa-
tion accompanied by obligatory morphophonemic vowel-
deletion. Such clusters may also occur word-initially
or -finally in certain dialects under certain conditions
(see 4-3.12.1, 4-3.32, and 6-4).
3-3 Nonphonemic Phenomena
Nonphonemic phenomena include stress, intona-
tion, and the adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara.
Subphonemic voicing of prevocalic stops is discussed
in 4-3.21.3.
3-3.1 Stress
In all dialects stress occurs nonphonemically
on the penultimate vowel of a word having wore than one
vowel. (A word in Aymara may be defined as a free form
having at least one vowel, that is, a root, stem, or
theme.) Stress may appear to fall on a final vowel if the
90
final vowel is long.
sara.: [sard] ‘I will go.' /-:/ 173 F
Stress may also appear to fall on the final syllable if
after stress placement has occurred, the final vowel of
the word is devoiced or dropped.
sar.i.wa ---> sar.i.w(a) ‘he/she/it/they went'
°
Vowel restoration affects stress placement in the case
of certain verbal inflectional suffixes (see 4-3.33).
3-3.2 Intonation
No attempt was made in this study to assess vari-
ation in intonation patterns. Certain morphemes and
syntactic units in all dialects carry intonation patterns
that appear to adhere to them in all or almost all environ-
ments. Impressionistically the range of intonation levels
appears flatter in La Paz than in dialects distant from
the capital. Otherwise, differences in intonation seem
to be primarily stylistic, but further study of the pat-
terning is needed before definite statements of condition-
ing may be made.
3-3.3 Spanish loans
Spanish loans have entered and continue to enter
Aymara, especially in urban areas. L. Martin-Barber has
91
described adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara phonology
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.81-88). Depending on the extent
of the speaker's knowledge of Spanish phonology, such
loans may be more or less ‘Aymarized'. As will be noted
in examples in other chapters, certain speakers incor-
porate Spanish loans that preserve some Spanish phonemes
(for example /b/ or /g/) while other speakers adapt such
loans to Aymara phonology. The whole process of entry
of Spanish loans into Aymara merits a study of its own
taking into account sociocultural factors. (See Chapter
9 for a discussion of heavily Spanish-influenced Aymara
dialects. Aymara influence’ on Bolivian altiplano
Spanish is now being investigated by H. Martin and
Laprade. )
3-4 Phonological Correspondences Within and Across
Dialects
One morpheme (the base form) may have a slightly
different phonemic shape in one dialect (or idiolect)
than in another. Usually differences of one or two pho-
nemes are involved. Some phonological correspondences
within or across dialects parallel morphophonemic varia-
tion within certain dialects: the rules that change one
phoneme to another or delete or retain phonemes in
certain morphemes in certain environments. These morpho-
phonemic rules are discussed in Chapter 4.
92
The dialectal phonological correspondences to
be discussed here will be treated by type of phoneme
(vowels, consonants) and by morphological class of the
morphemes in which they occur. The tilde (~) will be
used between phonemes that correspond intra~- or cross-
dialectally, and between forms which are in free varia-
tion within a dialect.
3-4.1 Vowel correspondences
3-2.11 /a/ ~ /i/
Nouns:
‘old man' fachachi/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
/achichi/ (Sitajara)
‘toasted corn' /jamp'i/ (Calacoa)
/jampi/ (Morocomarca)
/jimp'i/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajara)
‘beautiful ' /k"usa/ _ (Socca)
/k"usi/ (Calacoa)
/kusa/ (La Paz/Compi)
‘down, inside’ /mang"a/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri)
/manq"i/ (Huancane, Sitajara)
/manq''a ~ mang"i/ (Calacoa)
‘last year'
‘hair cutting’
‘wild duck’
‘other'
Verbs:
‘to lose'
'to meet'
‘to toast in oven'
‘what to do'
93
/may .mara/
/miy.mara/
(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca)
(Sitajara)
/may.mara ~ miy.mara/ (La Paz)
/rutucha/
/rutuchi/
/qanqata/
/qangati/
/yaq"apa/
/yaq" ipa/
/ch"iga.fia/
/ch"aqa.fna/
/jaki.si.fia/
/jiki.si.na/
/jamp'i.tia/
/jimp'i.tia/
/kami.cha.fa/
/kama.cha.tia/
(La Paz)
(Socca)
(San Andrés de Machaca)
(Socca)
(Vitocota)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
(Salinas)
(elsewhere)
(Juli, Socca)
(La Paz, Jopoqueri,
Morocomarca, Salinas,
Sitajara, Calacoa)
(La Paz, Calacoa)
(Jopoqueri)
(Salinas)
(elsewhere)
3-4.12
94
Suffixes:
Verbal derivationals:
‘on top of, up to' /-xita-/
/-xata-/
distancer /-wa-/
/-wi-/
/-waya- ~
/-wiya-/
/-waya- ~
/-wiya- ~
/-waya- ~
Verb subordinator:
/-sana/
/-sina/
/a/ ~ fu/
Nouns:
"night, morning’ /arama/
‘evening’ /arama/
‘night! /aruma/
(Salinas)
(elsewhere)
(Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Calacala)
(Jopoqueri )
-wa:-/ (La Paz)
(Salinas)
-wa:- ~ -wa-/ (Sitajara)
(Morocomarca)
-wiya-/ (Corque)
(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Calacala)
(elsewhere)
(Jopoqueri )
(Salinas)
(La Paz, Juli, Huancané,
Calacoa)
95
"night, morning,
midnight to dawn' /aruma/
‘morning' /aruma/
'chicha maker’ /chapira/
/chupira/
‘blindness' /ch"arpu/
/ch"u:rpu/
‘cloud’ /qinaya/
/qinayu/
Verbs:
‘to remember’ /amtasi.na/
/amtu.si.fia/
‘to cover a pot' /q"ap.t'a.na/
/g"up.t'a.na/
Suffixes:
Verbal derivationals:
‘away, off' /-mucha-/
/-muchu-/
(Morocomarca )
(Sitajara)
(Sitajara)
(Socca)
(Socca, Jopoqueri)
(Sitajara)
(La Paz/Compi)
(Huancané)
(La Paz)
(Juli)
(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
(La Paz/Compi )
(Salinas)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
96
‘placer’ /-nuga-/ (all dialects)
/-nuga- ~ -nuqu-/ (Jopoqueri)
Verbal inflectionals:
3-4 Desiderative /-istaspa ~ -istuspa/ (La Paz)
304 Remonstrator /-istasapa:na ~ -istusapa:na/ (La Paz)
3>1 RDK /-ituna/ (La Paz)
* 7 -4tana/ (Ebbing 1965: 146)
3-4 RDK /-istana ~ -istuna/ (La Paz)
/-stana ~ -stuna/ (La Paz)
Verb subordinator:
/-ipuna/ [ibuna] (Calacala)
/-ipana/ (elsewhere)
3-4.13 /if~ /u/?
Nouns:
'today' /juch"u:ru/ (Achocalla)
/jich"u:ru/ (elsewhere)
97
‘around' /tuqu/
/tuqi/
Verbs:
(Morocomarca, Calacala)
(elsewhere )
Stems based on the verb ina.na ~ ufna.na ‘to see'.
‘to wait for’ /ifia.s.t'a.fia/ (Morocomarca, Calacala)
/ufa.s.t'a.fia/ (Calacoa)
‘to look at' /ina.si.na/
(Morocomarca )
/ifia.si.fia ~ ufa.si.fia/ (Jopoqueri)
/ufia.si.fia/
‘to know' /if.t'a.na/
/ufi.t'a.na/
Other stems:
‘to water' /k'ayi.na/
/k'ayu.na/
‘to hate’ /ini.si.na/
/uni.si.na/
(elsewhere)
(Morocomarca, Calacala)
(Salinas, La Paz)
(Calacoa)
(Sitajara)
(Salinas, Jopoqueri)
(La Paz, Sitajara,
Calacoa)
98
Suffixes:
Verbal inflectionals:
3>1 RIK /-itutu ~ -itu:tu/ (La Paz)
/-itutu/ (Morccomarca)
oo /-itu:tu/ (Salinas)
/-ititu ~ -ti:tu/ (Sitajara)
/-ti:tu/ (Jopoqueri )
34 RIK /-istutu ~ -stutu ~ -istu:tu/
(La Paz)
/-istu:tu/ (Salinas)
/-istutu/ (Morocomarca )
/-ti:stu/ (Jopoqueri )
Final suffix:
reiterator /-pi/ (La Paz, Juli,
Huancané, Socca)
/-pi ~ -pi:/ (Sitajara)
/-pi_~ -pu/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
/-pu ~ -pu:/ (Corque)
3-4.14 fa/ ~ /i/ ~ /u/
Examples are two verbs and one independent suffix.
3-4.15
3-4.16
‘to cook'
‘to wash clothes’
99
/p'aya.fia/ (La Paz, Salinas,
Calacoa)
/p"aya.fia ~ p"iya.fia/ (Jopoqueri)
/p"uya.na/ (Morocomarca, Calacala,
Huancané)
/t'axsa.fia/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Juli, Sitajara, Calacoa)
/t'axsi.fia/ (Salinas)
/t'axsa.fia ~ t'axsi.fia ~ t'axsu.a/
(La Paz)
Independent suffix:
'really'
/-pani/ (Jopoqueri )
/-pini/ (Juli, Sitajara,
Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala)
/-puni/ (Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa)
/-pini ~ -puni/ (La Paz)
/a/ ~ /u/ and /a/ ~ /ils
This occurred in one verbal derivational suffix:
‘sustained action'
Vowel ~ 9
Nouns:
‘a while ago'
/-ch'ak"a-/ (Sitajara)
/-ch'uki-/ (elsewhere)
/nink"ara/ (La Paz, Salinas)
/nink"ra/ (Morocomarca)
4p pronoun /jiwsa/ (Calacoa, Sitajara;
also Bertonio 1603b)
/jiwasa/ (elsewhere)
Suffixes:
Verbal inflectional: See the examples for
Remonstrator and RDK tenses, 3-4.12. Another example:
3+4 Future /-istani ~ -stani/ (La Paz)
/-stani/ (Calacoa, Sitajara)
/-sitani/ (Socca)
/-istani/ (elsewhere)
Verb subordinators:
/-ipana ~ -ipna/ (La Paz)
/-sina ~ -sna/ (La Paz, Juli, Socca)
/-sana/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
/-sina/ (elsewhere)
3-4.2 Consonant correspondences
3-4.21 Correspondences of plain, aspirated and glottalized
stops and affricates
These will be discussed in the following order:
bilabials, alveolars, palatals, velars, and postvelars.
3-4.21.1 Bilabials
3-4.21.11 /p/ ~ /p"/
Nouns:
‘quinoa' /jupa/ (Morocomarca)
‘quinoa’
3p pronoun
‘day after tomorrow'
'five'
‘nest!
Suffixes:
Verbal inflectionals:
/jup'a/
/jup''a/
/jupa/
/jurpi/
/jurp"i/
/jurpu:ru/
/jurp"u:ru/
/pisga/
/p"isqa/
/tapa/
/t"apa/
/t'ap'a/
(elsewhere)
(Morocomarca)
(elsewhere)
(Jopoqueri )
(Calacoa)
(La Paz)
(Juli)
(Salinas; also
Bertonio 1603b)
(La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
(La Paz/Compi)
(Salinas, Morocomarca,
Juli)
(Jopoqueri, Calacoa)
Socca has /p"/ where
others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+3, 3+1, and
374 Imperative inflections.
Morocomarca has /p"/ where
others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+1 and 3+4
Desiderative and Remonstrative tenses (see Figures 6-5
and 6-6).
3-4.21.12 /p/ ~ /p'/
Noun:
‘toasted corn'
3-4.21.13 /p/ ~ /p"s ~
Noun:
‘evening'
3-4.21.2
102
/p'/
/jampi/ (Morocomarca )
/jamp'i/ (Calacoa)
/jimp'i/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajara)
/jaypu/ (Huancané, Sitajara)
/jayp"u/ (Morocomarca)
/jayp'u/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri)
Alveolars /t/ ~ /t"/
(No examples occurred of correspondences between
/t/ or /t"/ and /t'/.)
Nouns:
‘this morning'
'flea'
/jich"armanti/ (Juli)
/jich"armant"i/ (La Paz)
/k'uti/ (La Paz/Compi)
/kiut"i/ (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco)
Suffixes:
Noun suffix:
‘of, from'
Verbal
1+3 Simple
173 Desiderative
and
173 Remonstrator
1>3 RDK
1+3 RDK
1+3 RIK
103
/-ta/
/-ta ~ -tia/
/-tia/
inflectionals:
/- ta)/
/-tha,/
/-tla/
(La Paz)
(Juli, Huancané,
Calacoa, Jopoqueri)
(Sitajara, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
(La Paz, Huancané,
Calacoa)
(Calacoa)
(elsewhere)
ending in /-ta/ (La Paz, Juli,
ending in /-t"a/
/-:ta/
/-:t!a/
/-ya:ta/
/-ya:t'a/
ending in /-ta/
ending in /-t"a/
Huancané)
(elsewhere )
(La Paz)
(elsewhere)
(La Paz)
(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
(La Paz, Huancané,
Socca)
(Juli, Sitajara,
Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca)
104
3-4.21.3 Palatal affricates
3-4.21.31 /ch/ ~ /ch"/
Nouns:
pig' /k"uchi~ k"uch"i/ (La Paz)
'daughter' /p"ucha/ (La Paz)
/p"ucha ~ p"uch"a/ (Huancane)
Noun suffix:
‘the one which’ /-chapi/ (Huancané; also
, Bertonio 1603b)
/-ch"api/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
3-4.21.32 /ch/ ~ /ch"/ ~ /ch'/
Noun:
‘chick’ /chiwi/ (Socca)
/chiwli ~ ch"iwli ~ ch"iwchi
(La Paz, Tiahuanaco)
/ch' iwch'i/ (San Andrés de Machaca)
Noun suffix:
/-chi/ (La Paz, Calacoa,
Juli, Sitajara)
/-ch"i/ (Jopoquer i)
3-4.21.4 Velars
3-4.21.41 /k/ ~ /k"/
Nouns:
'fly'
"beard '
Verbs:
"to count’
‘to carry on donkey'
Particle:
'fast'
/-ch'i/ (Salinas)
/-chi ~ -ch'i/ (Morocomarca, Huancane)
/ch"ich"illanka ~ ch"ich"illank"a
(La Paz)
/sunka/ (Calacoa)
/sunka ~ sunk"a/ (Sitajara)
/sunk"a/ (La Paz/Compi)
/jaku.fia/ (Calacoa)
/jak"u.fia/ (La Paz, Sitajara,
Socca)
/kumu.si.fia/ (Juli)
/k"umu.nta.fia/ (Salinas) [nda]
/k"um.t'a.wa.fia/ (Sitajara)
/k"umu. fia/ (Calacoa, La Paz)
/ma:ki/ (La Paz)
/mak"i/ (Calacoa)
106
Suffixes:
Verb derivationals:
‘across’ /-kata- ~ -k"ata-/ (La Paz)
/-k'ata-/ (Jopoqueri)
‘sustained action' /-ch'ak"a-/ (Sitajara)
/-ch'uki/ (elsewhere )
Verbal. inflectionals:
133, 1-2, and 32
Remonstrator /k"/ (Morocomarca )
/k/ (La Paz, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa)
(See Figure 6-6.)
3-4.21.42 /k/ ~ /sk'/
The only example occurred in a nonminimal pair;
see the fourth example given under 3-4.21.6.
3-4.21.5 Postvelars
3-4.21.51 /q/ ~ /q"/
Noun:
‘spindle’ /gapu/ (La Paz, Juli,
Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
/q"apu/ (Calacoa)
/gapu ~ g"apu/ (Salinas)
Verb:
‘to dance' /t"ug"u.fia/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Sitajara, Calacoa,
San Andrés de Machaca)
/t"ug"u.fia ~t"uqu.fia/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco,
Salinas)
3-4.21.52 /q"/ ~ /q'/
Noun:
‘worm! /Vaq"u/ (Calacoa)
/lag'u/ (Sitajara, Salinas
Jopoqueri )
3-4.21.53 /q/ ~ /q"/ ~ /q'/
Noun:
‘sweet ' /musga/ (Huancané)
/musg'a/ (Jopoqueri )
/musq"a ~ musq'a/ (Salinas, San Andrés
de Machaca)
3-4.21.6 Combinations of plain, aspirated, and glottal-
ized stops and affricates
Nouns:
‘brooch’ /p'ich'i/ (San Andrés de Machaca,
Jopoqueri )
/p'ichi/ (Calacoa)
/p"ich'i ~ p'ich"i/ (Salinas)
108
‘thorn' /ch"api ~ ch'ipa/ (Calacoa)
/ch'api/ (Morocomarca )
/ch'ap"i/ (Jopoqueri )
/ch'api ~ ch'ap"i/ (Salinas)
‘ant! /sipilank"a/ (Sitijara)
/sip'ilanka/ (Calacoa)
‘rooster ' /chanka/ (Calacoa)
/ktank‘a/ (Jopoqueri )
3-4.22 Correspondences of stops or affricates with
fricatives or glide /y/
The velar and postvelar stops and the palatal
affricates enter into correspondences with the fricatives.
There are also correspondences of velar stops and frica-
tives plus /i/ (/ki/ or /ji/) with the front glide /y/.
Correspondences of /k/ and /j/ and of /ch/ and /s/ are
paralleled by certain morphophonemic rules that change
the stop or affricate to the fricative under certain con-
ditions in certain dialects (see 4-3.22.23 and 4-3.22.25).
3-4.22.1 Stops and fricatives
3-4.22.11 /k/ ~ /k"/ ~ /j/
Correspondences of velar stop and fricative occur
in a number of morphemes including some that have a high
109
functional load like the verbal derivational suffix
~ka- ~ -k"a- ~ -ja-.
Nouns:
"big'
"same, identical'
Verbs:
"to die’
Particle:
‘fast!
Suffix:
/kach'a/
/jach'‘a/
/kikpa/
/kijpa/
/kiwa.fia/
/jiwa.na/
/maki/
/ma:ki/
/mak"i/
/ma:ji/
Verbal derivational:
incompletive, '‘ahead'
/-ka-/
/-ja-/
(Juli)
(elsewhere)
(La Paz)
(Jopoqueri )
(Juli)
(elsewhere)
(Calacala)
(La Paz)
(Calacoa)
(Salinas, Jopoqueri,
Morocomarca)
(La Paz, Juli,
Morocomarca )
(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
/-ka- ~ -k"a-/ (Salinas)®
110
3-4.22.12 /k/ ~ /k"/ ~ /j/ ~ /s/
These correspond in the /iri/ forms of the Desidera-
tive and Remonstrator tense inflectional suffixes (Figures
6-5 and 6-6) as summarized below. Clusters of stop-
fricative, fricative-stop, or fricative-fricative alternate
with single phonemes.
Desiderative Remonstrator
/s/ /sk/ (La Paz)
/k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Juli)
/k/ ~ /3/ /k/ (Socca)
/s/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /ks/ (Huancané )
/k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Calacoa)
/j/ ~ /is/ /3j/ ~ /is/ (Sitajara)
/j/ 15/ (Jopoquer? )
/j/ ~ /s/ /j/ ~ /s/ (Salinas)
/k"/ ~ /s/ /k/ ~ /k"/ (Morocomarca )
3-4.22.13 /q/ ~ /x/
Noun:
"dog' /anugara/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
~ Huancané, Vitocota)
/anuxara/ (Sitajara)
Verbal derivational suffix:
‘completive' /-ga-/ (Calacala)
/-xa-/ (elsewhere)
3-4.22.2 Velar stop and/or velar fricative plus /i/, and
/y/ (or vowel length or zero)
3-4.22.21 /ki/ ~ /y/
Noun suffix:
‘for' /-tay/ (Sitajara)
/-taki/ (elsewhere)
3-4.22.22 /ki/ ~ /ji/ ~ /y/
Independent nonfinal suffix:
‘just, only' /-ki/ (La Paz, Juli,
Jopoqueri )
/-ki ~ -ji/ (Morocomarca, Salinas)
/-ki ~ -y/ (Sitajara)
3-4.22.23 /ki/ ~/k"i/ ~ /ji/ ~ sy/ ~ /:/ ~ /0/
Independent nonfinal suffix:
‘aggregate, cautionary’ /-raki/ (Juli, Sogca, Calacoa,
Huancané’, La Paz,
Jopoqueri )
/-raki ~ -raji/ (Calacala, Morocomarca)
/-raki ~ -raji~ -rk ~ -ray/ (Sitajara)
/-raki ~ -rak"i ~ -raji ~ -ra: ~ -ra/
(Salinas )8
112
3-4.22.3 Affricates and fricatives
3-4.22.31 /ch/ ~ /s/
Nouns:
‘beard'
'wing'
*small'
‘happy’
'five'
/chunk"a/ (Salinas)
/sunk"a/ (Sitajara)
/chiq"a/ (La Paz/Compi)
/siq'a/ (Jopoqueri )
/isk'a/ (Juli, Calacoa)
Jichk'a/ [ick'a ~ isk'a] (Sitajara)
/kusi/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri,
Salinas)
/k'uchi/ (Juli, Sitajara)
/pichg"a/ (Calacala)
/pisg"a/ (Huancané)
3-4.22.32 /ch"/ ~ /s/ ~ /j/
Verb:
‘to lead animal
(e. g. cow)'
‘to lead one small animal'
/ch"ik"a.fia/ (Jopoquer7)
/jik"a.tia/ (La Paz/Compi)
/sik"a.wa.fia/ (Calacoa)
/jik"a.fia/ (Jopoqueri )
The verb ‘to ask'
affricates and fricatives
velar stop and fricatives
of the following examples
113
displays correspondences of
in initial position and of the
in medial position. In most
the verbal derivational suffixes
-t'a- momentaneous and -si- reflexive/reciprocal occur
in the stems.
/chik.t'a.si.na/
/ch'ij.t'a.si.fias
/chis.t'a.si.fa/
/jisk.t'a.si.fia/
/jisk"i.fa/
/jisk.t'a.fia/
/sisk.t'a.na/
(Salinas)
(Jopoqueri)
(Jopoqueri; a different speaker
from the above)
(La Paz, Sitajara)
(Sitajara)
(Juli)
(Juli)
/sist'a.si.fia ~ sik.t'a.si.fia/ (Morocomarca)
3-4.22.3 Affricate /ch/ and fricative-stop /st/
Verb:
"to come out'
/michu. fia/ (Calacoa)
/mistu.iia/ (elsewhere)
114
3-4.23 Correspondences of fricatives, nasals, glides,
laterals, and flap
3-4.23.1 Fricatives /j/ and /s/
Noun:
‘door’ /jist'afia/ (La Paz, Morocomarca)
/sit'afia/ (Salinas)
/jist'afia ~ sit'afia/ (Jopoqueri)
/sist'afia/ (Calacoa)
See also the correspondences shown under 3-4.22.32
and the discussion of the verb sa.fia (6-4).
3-4.23.2 Fricative /j/ and nasals
3-4.23.21 /j/ ~ /m/
Verb:
‘to select (grapes
from a bunch, chufio
from a pile, etc.)' /jamu.rpaya.fia ~ mamu.rpaya.fia/
(La Paz, Tiahuanaco)
3-4.23.22 /j/ ~ /n/
Noun:
‘a while ago' /jink"ara/ (Jopoqueri )
/nink"ara/ (La Paz, Salinas)
3-4.23.23 /j/ ~ /n/
Noun:
‘ugly, disgusting'
3-4.23.24 /j/ ~ /nh/
Noun:
‘face’
/jaxt'aria/
/naxt' aria/
/anhanu/
/ajanu/
3-4.23.3 Fricative /j/ and glides
3-4.23.31 /j/ ~ /w/
Noun:
Verbs:
'straw'
‘to fly’
‘to run'
/jich"u/
/wich"u/
/jala.tia/
/wala.fia/
/jala.na/
(Sitajara)
(Salinas)
(Sitajara)
(elsewhere)
(Sitajara, La Paz/Compi)
(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca, Calacoa)
(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
(Calacoa)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to count' /jaku.fia/
/jak"u.iia/
/wak"u.fia/
3-4.23.32 /j/ ~ /y/
Noun:
‘other’ /jaq"apa/
/yaq"apa/
/yaq" ipa/
3-4.23.4 Laterals
Nouns:
‘all, completely' /Viju ~ lliju/
/Viju/
"stone deaf' /Iuxt'u/
/\luta/
‘brother' /jila/
/jilla/
3-4.23.5 Laterals and nasals
3-4.23.51 /1/ ~ J/n/
Nouns:
'flower'
/kalawila ~ kalawina/
(Calacoa)
(La Paz, Socca,
Sitajara)
(Jopoqueri, Salinas)
(Sitajara)
(Vitocota)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
(Salinas)
(La Paz, Calacoa)
(Morocomarca, Huancané)
(Sitajara)
(all dialects)
(Jopoqueri; one source)
(Calacoa)
‘eye, before’
Verbs:
'to cause to burn'
‘to revive'
3-4.23.52 /1/ ~ /ii/
Noun:
‘hair'
3-4.23.53 /11/ ~ /n/
Noun:
‘ant’
/layra/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
/nayra/ (elsewhere)
/lak"a.ya.fia/ (Salinas, Jopoqueri)
/nak"a.ya.fia/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
/tulura.tia/ (Socca)
/tunura.fia/ (Sitajara)
/lak'uta ~ fiak'uta/ (Jopoqueri)
/Vak'uta/ (Morocomarca )
/iiak'uta/ (Salinas)
/niik'uta/ (La Paz/Compi, Sitajara,
Calacoa)
/1link'i/ (La Paz/Compi )
/iink'i/ (Jopoqueri )
118
3-4.23.6 Lateral /11/ and glides
3-4.23.61 /11/ ~ /y/
Nouns:
‘boy' /liugaila ~ yugalla/ (several dialects)
'rain' /jallu/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Calacoa)
/jayu/ (La Paz)
Final suffix:
politive /-lla/ (Salinas, Jopoqueri,
Juli, Socca, Calacala)
/-ya/ (La Paz, Morocomarca)
/-lla ~ -ya/ (Sitajara, Huancané,
Calacoa)
3-4.23.62 /11/ ~ /w/
Noun:
‘wind instrument ensemble' /llichiwayu/ (Corque/Jopoqueri)
/wichiwayu/ (La Paz/Compi)
3-4.23.7 Laterals and flap /r/
3-4.23.71 /1/ ~ /r/
Nouns:
‘north' /alaxa/ (La Paz/Compi)
/araxa/ (Jopoqueri )
3-4.23.72
3-4.23.8
3-4.23.81
‘youngest child’
"naked'
‘day before yesterday'
Noun suffix:
‘on account of'
/1i/ ~ /r/
‘Noun:
‘flower'
Nasals
/m/ ~ /n/
Nouns:
‘three’
/ch'uli/
/ch'uri/
/q'alanchu/
/q'aranchu/
/waluru/
/walu:ru/
/waruru/
/maruru/
/-rayku/
/-layku/
/p"anq"alli/
/pangara/
/p"aq"ara/
/kinsa/
/kimsa/
(Socca)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco,
La Paz/Compi )
(La Paz/Compi )
(Calacoa)
(Sitajara, Calacoa)
(La Paz, Juli)
(Jopoqueri )
(Morocomarca)
(Morocomarca )
(elsewhere)
(Jopoqueri)
(La Paz)
(Morocomarca)
(Morocomarca, Calacala,
Salinas)
(elsewhere)
‘curve'
Noun suffix:
‘with', agentive
120
/irama/
/irana/
/-mpi/
/-nti/ [ndi]
/-mpi ~ -nti/
Verbal derivational suffix:
‘away, off'
3-4.23.82 /n/ ~ /fi/
Noun:
‘back'
/-mucha-/
/-muchu-/
/-muku-/
/-nuchu-/
/-nuku-/
/jik"ina/
/jik"ana/
/jik"ani/
/jik"atia/
/Jik? ifa/
(La Paz/Compi)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
(La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa,
Sitajara)
(Salinas)
(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Calacala)
(Salinas)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
(La Paz; also Bertonio
1603b)
(La Paz)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco,
La Paz/Compi)
(La Paz/Compi)
(Sitajara)
(Calacoa)
(Salinas)
(Morocomarca )
‘behind, west' /k"ina/ (Jopoqueri )
‘already’ /niya ~ fia/ (all dialects)
‘hoe' /lijwana/ (Juli, La Paz)
/Viwk' afia/ (Salinas)
3-4.23.9 Nasals and glides
3-4.23.91 /m/ ~ /w/
Nouns:
‘woman, wife’
"last night’
‘yesterday'
‘day before yesterday'
/marmi/ (Sitajara; also
Bertonio 1603b)
/warmi / (elsewhere)
/masayp'u/ (Juli)
/masayp'u ~ wasayp'u/ (La Paz)
/masu:ru/ (Juli, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca)
/masuru/ (Calacoa, Sitajara)
/masawru/ (Huancané)
/masu:ru ~ wasu:ru/ (La Paz)
/maruru/ (Morocomarca)
/waruru/ (Jopoqueri )
3-4.23.92 /f/ ~ /y/
Noun:
‘evil, bad one'
3-4.23.10 Glides /w/ ~ /y/
Nouns:
‘how much/many'
‘freeze-dried oca'
‘uncle'
‘mother's brother'
Verb:
‘to weave'
122
/nang"a/
/yang"a/
/q"awq"a/
/qtayg"a/
/apill k"aya/
/apill k"awi/
/k"awi/
/kaya/
/tiwula/
/tiyula/
/tiwula/
/sayu.fia/
/sawu .fia/
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
(La Paz; heard by La Paz/
Tiahuanaco source)
(Huancané, Jopoqueri)
(Salinas)
(Jopoqueri )
(Salinas)
(Morocomarca)
(La Paz/Compi)
(La Paz, Juli, Huancané,
Jopoqueri )
(Morocomarca)
(Socca, Morocomarca)
(Vitocota)
(La Paz, Tiahuanaco)
123
3-4.23.11 Glide /y/ and flap /r/
Verb:
‘to speak' /parla.fia/ (most dialects)
/payla.fia/ (Calacoa)
3-4.23.12 Lateral /1/, nasal /f/, and flap /r/
Verb:
‘to do, make' /fiura.fia/ (Corque)
/cura.iia/ (Morocomarca; a Quechua
loan)
/lura.fia/ (elsewhere)
3-4.24 Correspondence of clusters: fricative-affricate
/jch/ and fricative-nasal /xii/
Noun:
‘hail’ /ch"ijch"i/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
/ch"ixni/ (Vitocota)
3-4.25 Correspondences of fricative, nasal, or glide
and zero
3-4.25.1 Initial /j/ and /Q/
This correspondence is paralleled by an optional,
generally occurring morphophonemic rule (4-3.12.1) that
deletes initial /j/.
Nouns:
'this'
'river'
"small!
‘ugly'
Verbs:
‘to run'
‘to be born'
‘to spend the night'
124
/aka ~ jaka/
/aka/
/awira/
/jawira/
(Morocomarca)
(elsewhere)
(Juli)
(elsewhere)
/isk'a ~ jisk'a/ (Juli, Calacoa)
/ichk'a/
/jisk'a/
/axt' atia/
/jaxt'afia/
/axt'aria/
/jala.iia/
/jal.t'a.iia/
/al.ta.na/
(Sitajara)
(La Paz, Huancané,
Morocomarca, Jopoqueri )
(Salinas)
(Sitajara)
(Juli)
(La Paz)
(Juli, Calacoa)
(Sitajara)
/(j)iki.nuqu.fia/ (dopoqueri)
/ik.nuqa.fa/
/ik.nuga.fia/
(Juli)
(La Paz/Compi)
125
Bertonio (1603b) gave a number of examples of
nouns and verbs beginning with /j/ or a vowel (or either)
which in present-day La Paz Aymara have the opposite form
or only one of them.
(Bertonio 1603b) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
'evening' * vaypu/ /jayp'u/
‘bird! * yamachi/ /jamach' i/
‘meat' */Jaycha/ /aycha/
"to drink’ * juma-/ /uma.fia/
‘to take people' */jirpa-/ /irpa.fia/
‘to come’ "/juta ~ uta/ /juta.fia/
Similar correspondences are found between examples of
Puno Aymara given by M. Franco Inojosa (1965) and corre-
sponding terms in La Paz Aymara. Within one dialect,
however, especially in verbs, there is little free varia-
tion in initial /j/ and @ since two different verbs may
differ solely in the presence or absence of initial /j/.
The following minimal pairs are from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:
ay.ta.fa ‘to pick up a ayt.su.fia 'to rinse a pot'
cylindrical
object'
jay.ta.fia ‘to leave' jayt.su.fia ‘to abandon'
‘stone deaf'
3-4.25.2 /x/ ~ //
Noun:
3-4.25.3 /m/ ~ //
Noun:
‘girl’
126
/\uxt'u/
/\luta/
/mimilla/
/imilla/
Verbal inflectional suffix:
j>2 Future
3-4.25.4 /n/ ~ /D/
Nouns:
‘a while ago'
/-mama/
/-ma:ma/
/-:ma/
/-mama ~ -:ma/
/nink"a:ra/
/nink"ara/
/nik"ira/
/nik"iri/
(Huancané, Morocomarca)
(Sitajara)
(Sitajara; also Bertonio
1603b:200)
(elsewhere)
(Calacoa)
(Sitajara)
(La Paz, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca)
(Juli, Socca, Huancané)
(La Paz, Compi)
(Salinas)
(Sitajara)
(Socca)
'flower' /pangara/
/p*ang"alli/
/p"ag"ara/
Noun/verb:
'food/to eat' /manq'a/
/maq'a/
3-4.25.5 /n/ ~ /D/
(See 3-4.25.1, 'ugly'.)
3-4.25.6 /y/ ~ /®/
Noun:
‘much’ /ayncha/
/ancha/
3-4.25.7 /w/ ~ /D/
Noun:
‘smoke’ = /jiwq'i/
/Jiq'i/
(La Paz)
(Jopoqueri)
(Morocomarca )
(La Paz, Huancané, Sitajara,
Jopoqueri, Calacoa)
(Salinas, Morocomarca)
(Corque)
(La Paz)
(La Paz/Compi)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
3-4.3 Correspondences of vowels and/or vowel length and
nonstop consonants
3-4.31 Correspondence of plain and/or lengthened vowel
and vowel-glide-vowel
This type of correspondence is paralleled by a
morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.14) that reduces sequences of
128
vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain vowel in certain mor-
phemes under certain conditions.
Nouns:
Tp pronoun
‘over there’
'way over there'
‘black’
Verbs:
'to carry a long,
rigid object’
‘to come'
/naya/ (La Paz)
/na ~ na:/ (Huancané, Sitajara)
/na ~ na: ~ naya/ (elsewhere)
/k"a:/ (Calacoa)
/k"aya/ (elsewhere)
/k"u ~ k"u:/ (Salinas)
/k"u:/ (Huancané)
/k"uyu/ (Morocomarca)
/ch'ara/ (Sitajara)
/ch' iyara/ (elsewhere)
/a.xaru.wa.ftia/ (catacoa)?
/aya.fia/ (elsewhere)
/juta.fia/ (most dialects)
/jawuta.fia/ (San JesGs de Machaca)
"to cook'
‘to be born'
(human )
/p"a:.na/ (Sitajara)
/p"aya.fia/ (La Paz, Salinas,
Calacoa)
/p"aya.fia ~ p"iya.na/ (Jopoqueri)
/p"uya.na/ (Calacala, Morocomarca,
Huancané)
/yuri .fia/ (Juli, parts of La Paz;
also Bertonio 1603b)
/yawri .fia/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Verbal derivational suffixes:
‘multiple action'
‘causative’
'distancer'
/-rpa:-/ (Sitajara, Salinas,
Jopoqueri, Corque;
also Bertonio 1603b)
/-rpaya~/ (elsewhere)
/-:-/ (Calacala, Morocomarca)
/-:- ~ -ya-/ (Huancané)
/-ya-/ (elsewhere)
/-wa-/ (Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Calacala)
/-wa- ~ -wa:- ~ -waya-/ (Sitajara)
/-waya- ~ -wa:/ (La Paz)
Similar correspondences occur in the Ip possessive
suffix and in the 1>3 Future suffix (see 3-4.32) and in
the 3>3 RIK suffix (see Figure 6-10).
130
3-4.32 Correspondences of nonstop consonants and vowel
length
Correspondences of nonstop consonants and vowel
length occur in initial position in three suffixes, all of
very frequent occurrence: the Ip possessive noun suffix
(5-3.24), the 1+3 Future verbal inflectional suffix
(Figure 6-3), and the attenuator/topic final suffix
(7-2.22.12). The 1p possessive and 1+3 F suffixes have
correspondences of velar and postvelar fricatives, palatal
and velar nasals, palatal glide, and vowel length. The
palatal lateral occurs initially in the 1p possessive
allomorph of one dialect (Vitocota). In all dialects
vowel length occurs as an allomorph of 1>3 F; vowel length
as an allomorph of Tp possessive occurs in only two dia-
lects (Socca, La Paz/Tiahuanaco). The allomorphs of the
Ip possessive and 1+3 F suffixes in one dialect are not
necessarily identical; the 1+3 F suffix has more allo-
morphs than does the Ip possessive.
Only the postvelar fricative and vowel length
correspond in the attenuator/topic suffix.
3-4.32.1 /j/ ~ /x/ ~ /11/ ~ /ii/ ~ /nh/ ~ sys ~ /2/
Noun suffix:
Ip possessive! ? /-ja/ (Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Compi, San Andrés
de Machaca, Vitocota)
/-xa/ (La Paz city, La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
/-l1a/ (Vitocota)
/-na/ (Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala)
/-nha/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
*/-ya/ (Ross 1963)
/-:/ (Socca, La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
3-4.32.2 /j/ ~ /x/ ~ /ti/ ~ /nh/ ~ sys ~ fet
Verbal inflectional suffix: 1-3 Future! !
/-:ja/ (La Paz)
/-ja:/ (Juli, Socca, Huancané,
Calacoa)
/-ja/ (Juli, Huancané, Calacoa)
/-:xa/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancané,
Calacoa)
/-fia ~ -fa:/
/-nh(a)/
Salinas)
Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
/-ya:/
/-:/
(
(
/-ya ~ -ya:/ _ (Morocomarca, Calacala)
(La Paz, Socca)
(
all dialects)
3-4.32.3 Final suffix: attenuator/topic
/-:/ (Morocomarca )
/-: -xa/ (Sitajara, Juli,
Calacoa, Salinas)
132
/-xa/ (elsewhere; as this ap-
pears to be the most
common allomorph, the
suffix is usually re-
ferred to as -xa final
suffix)
3-4.4 Metathesis
This is a common process in Aymara both within
and across dialects and even within idiolects. It most
often occurs in nouns. There are two main types: (1)
reversal of two phonemes in sequence, and (2) transposition
of features, of vowels, or of consonants.
3-4.4] Reversal of two phonemes in sequence
3-4.41.1 Stops
Noun:
‘same, identical' /kipka/ (Sitajara)
/kipka ~ kikpa/ (La Paz)
3-4.41.2 Lateral-glide
Nouns:
‘cage’ /jalwa ~ jawla/ (La Paz)
'gull' /qillwa ~ qiwlla/ (La Paz)
‘fish! /challwa ~ chawlla/ (La Paz)
3.4.41.3 Nasal-glide
Noun:
egg'
Verbal inflecti
33 RIK
3-4.41.4 Glide-filap
Nouns:
‘quinoa’
‘needle'
'TTama'
‘cold wind'
133
/k'anwa/ (Salinas)
/k'awna/ (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa)
onal suffix:
(La Paz,
/-tayna ~ tanya/ [tafa]
Calacoa)
/jiwra/ (Sitajara, Calacoa)
/jirwa ~ jiwra/ (Socca)
/yarwi/ (Salinas)
/yawri/ (Sitajara, La Paz)
/qarwa ~ qawra/ (Jopoqueri, La Paz)
/qarwa/ (Salinas)
/q"arwa/ (Morocomarca)
/g"awra/ (Sitajara)
/wayra ~ warya/ (La Paz)
/wayra/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
3-4.41.5
3-4.41.5
3-4.41.6
Vowel-fricative
Noun:
‘small!
Verbal
3+4 Simple
3+4 Future
Vowel-glide
Nouns:
‘dry grain'
"quinoa'
Vowel-nasal
Noun:
134
/isk'a/ (Juli, Calacoa)
/sik'a/ (Jopoqueri )
inflectional suffixes:
‘already'
/-istu/ (La Paz, Huancané,
Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
/-situ/ (Socca)
/-istani/ (La Paz, Huancané, Jopo-
queri, Salinas, Moroco-
marca)
/-sitani/ (Socca)
/juyra/ [jdira] (La Paz/Compi)
/juyra/ [jdira] (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
/jiwra/ [jtura] (Sitajara, Calacoa,
Socca)
/niya ~ inya/ (Jopoqueri)
3-4.42
3-4.42.1
Transposition of features, vowels, or consonants
Features
3-4.42.11 Aspiration and plainness
3.4.42.1
3-4.42.2
Noun:
Verb:
'five'
‘to dance’
/p"isqa/ (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Sitajara)
/pisg'a/ (Huancané, Morocomarca)
/tugq"u.fia/ (Juli)
/t"uqu.fia/ (La Paz, Salinas)
2 Aspiration and glottalization
Noun:
‘brooch’
Vowels
Nouns:
‘thorn'
‘morning’
"skunk!
/p"ich'i/ (Jopoqueri )
/piich'i ~ p"ich'i/ (Salinas)
/ch"api ~ ch'ipa/ (Calacoa)
/arumarji ~ arumirja/ (La Paz)
/aviut"aya/ (Juli, Salinas)
/afiat"uya/ (Huancané)
3-4.42.3
3-4.5
136
Consonants
Nouns:
‘ant! /sik'imira/ (Salinas, Morocomarca)
/k'isimira ~ sik'imira/ (La Paz/Compi)
‘cap! /ch'ullu ~ lluch'u/ (La Paz)
Correspondence of final (C)CV sequence with another
CV sequence or zero
In the following three-vowel nouns the final
(C)CV may be a frozen suffix that is no longer productive.
3-4.51
3-4.52
3-4.53
/nku/ ~ /ya/
‘skunk’ /afiat"unku ~ anat"uya/ (Socca)
/afiat"uya ~ anat'uya/ (Huancané)
/afiut"aya/ (Juli, Salinas)
/qa/ ~ /qu/ ~ /chu/
‘alpaca’ /allpaga/ (La Paz)
/alpagu/ (Jopoquer?)
/alpachu/ (Sitajara, Salinas)
/qa/ ~ /la/
‘partridge’ /pisaga/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
/pisala/ (Sitajara, Calacoa)
3-4.54 /chu/ ~ /chi/ ~ 9
‘guinea pig'
3-4.55 /ta/ ~ OD
"sandal'
3-4.56 /wa/ ~ —
"slingshot'
137
/wank'uchu/ (Calacoa)
/wank'uchi/ (Vitocota)
/wank'u/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Sitajara)
/wisk"uta/_ (Vitocota)
/wisk"u/ (elsewhere)
/q'ura/ (Sitajara)
/q'urawa/ (elsewhere)
3-4.6 Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and zero
Verbal inflectional suffixes:
3>3 Imperative
3+3 Desiderative
/-pa ~ -pan/ (La Paz)
/-pa/ (Huancané)
/-pan/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
— Salinas)
/-pana/ (Juli)
/-p"ana/ (Socca)
/-sapa:na/ (Calacoa)
/-(:)sp"a ~ -(:)sp"ana/ (Morocomarca)
/-spa/ (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa,
Jopoqueri, Salinas)
138
4+3 Desiderative
/-sfia/
/-sna/
2+1 Desiderative
/-itasma/
1>2 RDK /-:sma/
/-:sna/
/-sma:na/
/-sma:n/
32 RDK /-:tam/
/-:tama/
/-tama:na/
/-tina:na/
Independent nonfinal suffix:
‘really' /-pani/
/-pini/
/-puni/
/-pini ~ -puni/
/-pini ~ -pi/
/-sna ~ -snan/
(La Paz)
(Huancané)
(elsewhere)
/-itasma ~ -itasman/ (La Paz, Juli)
(elsewhere)
(La Paz, Socca)
(Huancané)
(Jopoqueri )
(Morocomarca )
(La Paz)
(Socca)
(Jopoqueri )
(Morocomarca)
(Jopoqueri )
(Juli, Sitajara, Salinas,
Morocomarca)
(Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa)
(La Paz)
(Calacala)
3-4.7 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and vowel length or
zero, and correspondence of final /ma/ and zero
Noun/independent suffix:
'like' /-jama ~ ja:ma ~ -ja/ (La Paz)
/-jama ~ -ja/ (Juli, Huancané,
Sitajara)
/-ja:ma ~ -ja~ -k"a~ -:ma/ (Jopoqueri)
/-ja ~ -:ma ~ -:mu/ (Salinas)
/-ja:ma ~ -:ma ~ - yma / (Morocomarca )
/-ja/ (Calacoa, Socca)
3-4.8 Combinations of correspondences in one word
Several of the examples already given display dif-
ferent kinds of correspondences. Two unusually variable
morpheme sets are the following nouns:
‘a while ago' /jink"ara/ (Jopoqueri )
/nik"ira/ (Sitajara)
/nik"iri/ (Socca)
/nink"ara/ (Salinas, La Paz)
/nink"a:ra/ {La Paz)
/nink"ra/ (Morocomarca)
'sweet' /misk'i/ (Calacala, Morocomarca)
/musq'a ~ musq"a/ (Salinas)
/misk'i ~ musqa ~ muxsa/ (Huancané)
(continued)
140
"sweet' (cont. ) /muxsa/ (Calacoa, Sitajara)
/musq"'a ~ muxsa/ (San Andres de Machaca)
/musq'a/ (Jopoqueri)
3-5 Conclusion
As shown by the evidence presented in this chapter,
the only dialect division that can be made for Aymara on
the basis of phoneme inventory alone is the division between
the two dialects having the velar nasal phoneme (Carangas
and Tarata) and all the rest. Apart from this distinction
all Aymara dialects share canonical form restrictions on
shapes of roots and suffixes, a basic word stress pattern,
and rules for the adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara.
Cross-dialectal phonemic correspondences and free
variation within dialects show that in Aymara as a whole
certain phonemes are more stable than others. Vowel in-
stability is evident in the considerable number of cross-
dialectal vowel correspondences that occur and in processes
of vowel deletion and devoicing (see Chapter 4). Of the
consonants the stops are the most stable although aspira-
tion and glottalization rather easily shift from one stop
or affricate to another in a word, or may be absent in
one allomorph and present in another. The velar stop
and to a lesser extent the postvelar stop are less stable
than the other stops, corresponding in some allomorphs to
141
the velar or postvelar fricatives, respectively. The
affricate is also unstable, corresponding often to frica-
tives, which is not surprising in view of its fricative
offset. The velar and postvelar fricatives and the voiced
nonstop consonants are the most unstable Aymara consonants.
Summarizing, the unstable phonemes of Aymara are
the sonorants (the vowels and voiced consonants), the
affricates, and the fricatives. They all have in common
the articulatory feature nonstop, permitting passage of
air throughout or at some stage of the articulation.
(The term continuant used by Pike to refer to nonstop
consonants is being avoided here since in contemporary
usage it excludes nasals.)
Phonological correspondences alone do not permit
grouping of dialects. Still, some dialectal patterning
of phoneme correspondences occurs. La Paz tends to have
/k/ in a number of morphemes where other dialects may have
/j/, and this dialect gives an overall impression of less
aspiration, partly because of the absence of aspiration
on certain high-frequency morphemes that have it in other
dialects. Dialects having initial nasals in the Ip
possessive suffix (the southern dialects Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala plus the intermediate dia-
lect Sitajara) may be distinguished from those having
initial velar or postvelar fricatives in that suffix
(the northern dialects La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané,
142
Calacoa). Additional dialect groupings on the basis
of patterning of phonological correspondences are given
in the conclusions to Chapters 5, 6, and 7 and in
Chapter 10.
Other phonological variation that occurs in
Aymara is attributable to dialect-specific morphophonemic
rules affecting the phonetic realizations of phonemes
(for example voicing of stops) or causing phoneme shifts
or deletions. These are discussed in Chapter 4.
Notes
‘Vowel length often corresponds to glide plus
vowel. See note 2 below.
2 Vowel Tength corresponds to glide plus vowel in
a number of cases (see 3-4.3). A lengthened vowel may
act phonetically like vowel plus glide making it impos-
sible to tell whether length or glide is occurring when
the homorganic glide follows /i/ or /u/. For example,
/-pi: / and /-pu:/ occur as variants of the final suffix
: + -pu ~ -pu: reiterator of known information
. /-pi:/ and /-pu:/ retain vowel height before
the postvelar fricative /x/, as would be the case with
/piy/ and /puw/ but not with /pi/ and /pu/. Examples of
/-pi:/ and /-pu:/ before /x/ (the sentence suffix -xa)
are the following (see also note 10):
Intinti.pi:.xa. ‘She understands!?' (Sitajara)
Sa.ta.pu:.xa. ‘It's called.' (repeating name
of place)
(Corque)
34 source from San Andrés de Machaca told me that
near Zepita and Desaguadero (both in the province of
Chucuito, department of Puno) there is another place
called Carangas where /nh/ also occurs. Whether it is
in fact the phoneme or merely an allophone of another
nasal needs to be determined.
+ contrary to L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al.
1975:3.76), /m/ may occur before stops other than the
/p/ series, e. g. amta.si.na ‘to remember’.
2some Spanish loans with /i/ ~ /u/ correspondences,
that occur in all dialects, entered Aymara at different
times before and after the Spanish sibilant shift. According
to Alonso (1967), that shift took place between 1550 and
1630 and involved a change of /8/ (spelled x) to /x/
(spelled j). ~
144
Spanish Aymara
ovexa [obesa] > iwisa (pre-1630)
oveja [obexa ] > iwija (early post-1630)
oveja " > uwija (contemporary )
The reason for the original borrowing's shift in initial
vowel from the back mid /o/ (whose reflex in Aymara would
be /u/) to the front /i/ is unknown; it may be that a vowel
harmony rule was then in effect in Aymara (see 4-3.22.11).
6salinas has a morphophonemic rule whereby the
/k/ of this suffix becomes /j/ in certain environments;
see 4-3.22.23.
7 Wuancané has a morphophonemic rule whereby
/-raki/ becomes /-raj/ before -chi NI (see 4-3.22.23).
8 see also 4-3.22.23 and 7-2.21.4.
2Although *a:.fna did not occur in the data, the
existence of a:.xaru.wa.fia implies its existence, if only
as an underlying form. The suffix -xaru- requires a pre-
ceding consonant, but here the length is retained by a
morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22.15) whereby vowel length
in verb roots is retained before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes. Bertonio (1603b) cited several verb roots with
long vowel, including ta:-, the semantic equivalent of
La Paz aya.fa.
10. neakers using /-ja/ lp possessive have no
homophony with the final suffix -xa in this instance
(see the examples under 3-2.3), but dialects having
/-xa/ 1p possessive do have homophony with final suffix
-xa. Thus, in the latter the following is either ‘my
cat' or 'the/a cat': p"isi.xa. Of course, the Ip suffix
/-xa/ may be followed by the final suffix -xa giving
p"isi.xa.xa ‘my cat’.
UI correspondences of /:/, /j/; /n/, and /nh/ occur
in 2+3 Future, and of /:/, /n/, and /nh/ in 2>1 Future
(see Figure 6-3).
CHAPTER 4
VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS
4-] Introduction
Morphophonemics may be defined as the rules which
determine the phonological shapes of morphemes under dif-
ferent phonological, morphological, and syntactic condi-
tions. Ali three kinds of conditioning occur in Aymara.
All morphophonemic rules in the language are morphologically
conditioned in that they apply within morphemes or across
morpheme boundaries, and/or to certain morphemes or mor-
pheme classes and not to others. Some are also phono-
logically conditioned, involving (1) instability of cer-
tain phonemes; (2) permitted and unpermitted phoneme
sequences and the effects of phonemes on each other when
they occur in sequence; and (3) hierarchical ordering of
phonemes (i. e. predominance of one over another). Some
are syntactically conditioned by the sentence position
or function of the word that is subject to the rule in
question.
Of overriding importance in Aymara are the re-
gressive and progressive vowel-deleting and -retaining
145
146
rules, most of which pertain to suffixes. The rules for
suffixes are all morphologically determined in that they
apply to individual morphemes, but some are also phono-
logically and syntactically conditioned.
Vowel-deletion and -retention in noun roots,
stems, and themes are subject to syntactic considerations
(position and function as head or modifier of a noun
phrase, or function as subject or object of a verb)
and also to phonotactics (e. g. the number of vowels in
a modifier in a noun phrase). The particle root jani
no, not' loses its final vowel in certain syntactically-
conditioned circumstances. Vowel-deletion and -retention
in certain verb stems are also subject to phonotactic
considerations.
4-2 Morphologically Determined Vowel-Deleting and
-Retaining Rules (Morphophonemics of Suffixes)
In addition to its classification by phonemic
shape and grammatical function, each suffix in Aymara
may be defined in terms of the effect it has (1) on the
immediately preceding environment with respect to presence
or absence of vowel or consonant, and (2) on the disposi-
tion of its own final vowel. Some of the conditioning
is phonological and some syntactic, but it is primarily
morphological and must be stated for each suffix, as is
147
done in Chapters 5, 6, and 7. The following generaliza-
tions about suffix classes may be made.
4-2.] Phonological and morphological conditioning
All suffixes starting with /:/ vowel length,
/y/, and /11/ require a preceding vowel. All suffixes
starting with /w/ require a preceding vowel except -wa
final suffix which may take either a preceding vowel
or consonant. All suffixes beginning with a vowel
(always /i/) require a preceding consonant, except that
the nominalizing suffix -iri when following vowel length
verbalization in Huancané (see 4-3.22.12) permits a pre-
ceding /a/, the /i/ then becoming the homorganic glide
/y/.
All but three noun suffixes beginning with a
voiced consonant and all but two verbal derivational
suffixes beginning with a voiced consonant always re-
quire a preceding vowel. The three noun suffixes that
do not always require a preceding vowel are -layku ~
-rayku ‘on account of' and -ma ~ -mma (a frozen suffix)
which basically require a preceding vowel but are subject
to the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22.16), and -na ‘on, in'
which is usually preceded by a vowel but has more complex
morphophonemics in certain dialects.
Verbal derivational suffixes that begin with the
nasal /n/ but may be preceded by either a consonant or a
vowel are -naqa- ‘around, aimlessly’ and -nuga- placer.
148
Verbal inflectional suffixes beginning with nasals
require a preceding vowel except that one suffix beginning
with /m/, 273 Imperative, is affected by the preceding
morphological environment (see 6-3.33). Verbal inflec-
tional suffixes ending in nasals may be assumed to have
an underlying final /a/ since it reappears before the
final suffix -lla ~ -ya, andin fact all nasal-final
verbal inflectional suffixes have allomorphs that end in
vowels in one or more dialects. Most verbal inflectional
suffixes ending in a vowel keep it before final suffixes
although they may lose it word-finally, but verbal inflec-
tional suffixes ending in /Vna/ or /:na/ and allomorphs
of 1+3 ending in /ta/ or /t"a/ (except in Calacoa) drop
the final /a/ before following suffixes except -lla ~ -ya.
The behavior of the final vowel of the 2+3 Imperative
suffix -ma and of a few other suffixes also involving the
2p varies dialectically.
4-2.2 Morphological conditioning
Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes
specify whether a consonant or vowel will precede, but
(except for certain of the noun complement/relational
suffixes; see 5-3.31) do not control the retention or
loss of their own final vowel. Verbal inflectional
suffixes both specify the preceding environment and con-
trol the retention and loss of their own final vowel
(within the phonological limitations indicated above).
149
4-2.3 Phonological and syntactic conditioning
Phonotactic (canonical form) considerations such
as (1) the number of preceding vowels on a stem, or (2)
avoidance of final consonant clusters caused by syntac-
tically-determined final vowel-deletion, condition regres-
sive vowel-deletion or -retention by certain noun and
verbal derivational suffixes. (See 4-3.22.16 on the
three-vowel rule; 5-3.24 on the personal possessive noun
suffixes; and 7-4.21.23 on the suffix combination
-fia.taki ‘in order to'.)
4-2.4 Morphological and syntactic conditioning
Nonfinal independent suffixes specify the pre-
ceding environment but allow the previous morpheme,
syntactic considerations, and/or the following suffix
to override their basic morphophonemics. Final suffixes
(except -lla ~ -ya politive which requires a preceding
vowel by phonological conditioning) allow previous mor-
phemes and syntactic considerations to decide their pre-
ceding environments. The retention or loss of their final
vowels is subject to stylistic conditioning.
4-3 Phonotactically Conditioned Rules (Canonical
Form Conditions)
The following rules are conditioned by position
of the phoneme or phoneme sequence in the word and involve
150
loss of phonemes or phoneme sequences, addition or restora-
tion of phonemes or phoneme sequences, cluster reduction,
allophonic variation, and phoneme shifts. They sometimes
pertain only to certain morphemes or morpheme classes,
sometimes or more than one class. They often result from
suffix morphophonemics. A few are tied to syntactic con-
siderations. Most are optional, | but a few are obliga-
tory.
4-3.] Word-initial position
4-3.11 Initial /j/ --> ®
Optional loss of initial /j/ in rapid speech is
not to be confused with existence of different allomorphs
of one morpheme (either within a dialect or across dia-
Tects), one beginning with a vowel and the other with
that vowel preceded by /j/ (see 3-4.25).
Initial /j/ often drops from the particle jalla
‘thus' as in the common expression
(j)all uka.t ‘so then, thus' (Socca)
Loss of initial /j/ also occurs across juncture
(word-boundary), as in
gam.ir.agi < gam.ir jagi ‘rich person' (Huancané)
jich".ayp'u’ < jich"a jayp'u (La Paz)
15]
4-3.12 Initial (C)V deletion
Optional deletion of initial fricative-vowel,
palatal lateral-vowel, or vowel alone occurs after
devoicing of the vowel in rapid speech. That is, the
sequence is (C)V --> (C)V --> Q.
1 2 3
4-3.12.1 /jV/ --> ®@
Optional loss of initial /jV/ occurs most often
in nouns, but it has also occurred in particles and in
a verb. Examples:
Nouns:
ch" .usru® < jich"a uru ‘today’ (Salinas)
jich"a ‘now uru ‘day'
ch'a.mma.1a†< jach'a mama.Ja ‘grandmother’
(Jopoqueri) jach'a 'big' mama.la 'mother'
< jisk'a anu ‘little dog' (La Paz/Compi)
jisk'a
"little' anu ‘dog'
ma: k'a.ta.x
ma: ‘a' juk'a ‘Tittle’
-ta_ ‘from, of'
pa.x < jupa.x 3p pronoun (Huancané)
152
Verb:
k.xat.ta.tayna ~ q'at.ta.tayna® < jik.xat.ta.tayna
'he met' (Salinas)
Particles:
ni.w < jani.w ‘'no' (Salinas, Calacoa, Huancane)
Ke
ani 'no' -wa final suffix
sa.lla < jisa.lla ‘yes' (Salinas)
jisa ‘yes' -lla final suffix
sa.ya < jisa.ya '‘yes' (La Paz, Calacaia)
-ya final suffix
4-3.12.2 /sa/ --> Q
The root sa- of the verb sa.fia 'to say' may drop
when followed by -sa subordinator suffix (7-4.23.1).
sa.w S.i
\
-wa final suffix -- cad
-i 3+3 Simple tense
4-3.12.3 /lla/ --> 9
The following were said by the same person in
Sitajara on two different occasions.
153
Wal k'ichu.si.ta.p.x.t. 'I am very unhappy. '
Wal Tlak"ichu.s.t. "IT am very unhappy. '
The variant without initial /lla/ was perceived by speakers
from Socca and Jopoqueri as ‘archaic’ (Spanish arcaico).
4-3.12.4 /u/ --> @
Loss of initial /u/ occurs on the demonstrative
uka 'that' when suffixed by -jama 'like' in the form
uk.jama (or uk"ama; see 4-3.22.22).
k"ama.w ch'a.x < uk"ama.w jich"a.x 'so now' (Huancane)
In other instances the first vowel of -jama becomes /u/
apparently through the progressive influence of the origi-
nal initial /u/ of uka.
k"um [k"wm] < uk"am (Huancané, Sitajara)
4-3.13 Initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.fia
Optional preposition of /si/ or /ji/ to the verb
sa.fia ‘to say' when inflected for the Simple tense occurs
frequently in La Paz, less often in Juli and Socca, and
to some extent in Huancané, to eliminate initial consonant
clusters that would otherwise occur as the result of the
morphophonemics of certain suffixes that require a
154
preceding consonant, when the suffixes occur on the mono-
syllabic sa.fia root.
In view of the existence in Aymara of morphopho-
nemic rules for deleting initial CV and the absence of
prefixing as a productive grammatical process in the
language, it might be better to analyze sa.fia as having
the underlying root wrisa- which obligatorily loses its
initial CV when suffixed with -jfia (perhaps to avoid
homophony with jis sa.fia 'to say yes') but may keep it
or lose it otherwise, depending on dialectal and stylis-
tic considerations. (For a full discussion of the morpho-
phonemics of this verb, see 6-4.) .
4-3.2 Medial position
The following rules occur either medially ina
word or across juncture in a noun phrase.
4-3.21 Allophonic variation
4-3.21.1 /q'/ --> [']
Reduction of a glottalized postvelar stop to
glottal stop alone occurs sporadically in the noun/verb
root mag'a ‘food/to eat' in Salinas, Calacala, and Moro-
comarca, as in the following examples:
mag'a.nta.:nt [ma(q)'anda:nt] ‘you will eat’ (Calacala)
155
mag'a.lJ1a [ma(q)'alla] 'food' (Salinas)
4-3.21.2 /fi/ --> [ij]
In Morocomarca a palatalized velar allophone of
/fi/, articulated with the blade of the tongue moving
forward from velum to palate, may optionally occur in the
lp possessive suffix allomorph /-fia/ when it directly
follows a postvelar, velar, or palatal consonant (except
the glide /y/, perhaps because of its fronted onset)
as the result of morphophonemic vowel dropping. (See
5-3.24 for a discussion of personal possessive suffix
morphophonemics.) The allophone [i] also occurs after
the alveolars /t/ and /r/. No examples after /s/ or /1/
were obtained. Examples:
kullak.fia [kutakfja] ‘my sister’
kullaka.nak.fia [kutakanakfja] ‘my sisters'
After bilabials, [fi] always occurs.
Warm.fia.wa. [warmriawa] ‘She's my wife.'
The articulation of a palatalized velar allophone of
/ti/ suggests a phonetic relic of the velar nasal phoneme
/nh/ which does not exist as such in the Aymara of
156
Morocomarca today although it occurs in the nearby dia-
lect of Jopoqueri.
4-3.21.3 Stop-voicing rules
Stop phonemes are usually voiceless in Aymara.
Voicing, if any, is subphonemic. It may be accompanied
by frication, the stop in question changing to a homor-
ganic voiced fricative.
4-3.21.31 Voicing and frication of intervocalic plain
stops
This occurs optionally in all Aymara dialects in
the demonstratives aka 'this' and uka ‘that' when they
occur suffixed. It occurs occasionally in certain other
morphemes, in some dialects. It occurs before but not
after a stressed vowel and most often in fast speech.
Examples:
aka [a4ka] ‘this' (never *[a4ga]) (all dialects)
uka [dka] ‘that' (never *[dga]) (all dialects)
Kuna.rak aka.sti? [agdsti] ‘What is this?' (Huancané)
uka.t [ugdt] 'then' uka.x [ugéx] '‘that' (all dialects)
uka.t.raji [ugatraji] ‘and then’ (Calacala)
An example from Calacala with uka.n ‘in there,
in that place' shows diphthong avoidance as well as
157
voicing and frication of /k/.
padre uka.n [padregén] ‘at the priest's house’
Other examples in other morphemes are the follow-
ing:
fb
ma: gala ~| at.xa.na.k.s ‘on top of a stone' (Calacoa)
LP gala ‘stone’ pata 'top'
na. naka. x [nanagéx] 1p pronoun '‘'we/us' (Calacala)
-naka plural
jaqu.x [jagéx] ‘he fell' (Calacala) jaqu.fia ‘to fall'
~ >
pur.ipun [purib¥n] ‘having arrived' (Calacala)
puri.fia ‘to arrive’
-ipuna subordinating suffix
Ma: gamaqi.ki.:n.wa. [qamaqegé:nwa] 'He was just a fox.'
(Salinas) -ki ‘just’
In Calacala /k/ of the final suffix -ka topic/attenuator
(which may sometimes be a reduced form of uka) may be
realized as [g] (see 7-2.22.11).
158
4-3.21.32 Voicing and frication of prevocalic /p/ in
-pa 3p suffix
This occurred only in Calacala. The vowel follow-
ing /p/ is stressed. In both examples /p/ is preceded by
a stop rather than a vowel as in the previous rule.
Vv
ut.pa.ru [ut : dru] 'to his house'
lak.pa.ru [lag ; éru] ‘to his mouth'
In the second example the voicing and frication are also
regressive, affecting the /k/ of laka ‘mouth'. It is
interesting to note that -pa is the only personal posses-
sive suffix that begins with a stop; the others all begin
with nonstops. Whether this fact has any bearing on the
frication of /p/ in this instance is not yet determined.
This may instead be a case of operation of the intervocalic
voicing rule (4-3.21.31) on the underlying forms *uta.pa.ru
and *laka.pa.ru, followed by operation of the rule deleting
the vowel preceding -pa (5-3.24).
4-3.21.33 Prevocalic voicing after homorganic nasal or
palatal lateral
This rule is obligatory in Salinas within morphemes
regardless of position of word stress. The rule may be
tentatively written as follows as if it applied after any
159
nonstop voiced consonant, even though the only examples
available have nasals or the palatal lateral.
aart aart
-vd +vd +vd
+cons ie td / +cons | (| =cons
+stop -stop
art = point of articulation vd = voiced
cons = consonantal
It will be noted that in this rule frication does not
occur; the stops remain stops.
In the following examples from Salinas, voicing
is required as the stop in question occurs within a mor-
pheme.
Nouns:
ampara, [ambdra ] ‘hand, arm'
kunka Ckagga] ‘neck’
punku Lpdgou ‘door'
tunka [tanga] ‘ten'
tunqu [t6n90] ‘corn'
qunquri Cqong6ri J ‘knee!
>
160
Noun suffix:
-nti [ndi] ‘with' ma.nti [mandi] ‘again’
Verbs:
manta. fia [mandafia] 'to enter'
galita.fia [qatdafia] 'to begin'
wangi.fia [waygeria] ‘to wait for’
Verbal derivational suffix:
-nta- [nda] ‘into' ira.nta.fia [irandafia]
Verbal inflectional suffixes:
-nta [nda] 2+3 Future
-itanta [itanda] 2>1 Future
An example of an alternation between [k] and [g] within
a morpheme is the following:
tink.t.wa [tigktwa] 'I fell'
tinku.fia [tinguia] 'to fall'
In the first instance the voicing rule is blocked by the
presence of the voiceless stop /t/ after /k/. The
rule is also blocked before juncture if the stop
161
occurs immediately before a final dropped vowel; if the
vowel is not dropped (even if it is devoiced) the rule
will operate:
Ma.nti [mandi] ala.ni.rap.ita.11. ‘Buy it again for me.'
ma.nti ‘again’ ala.ni.fia 'to buy'
In the next example, tungqu ‘corn' as zero complement
(4-3.31.2) loses its final vowel, blocking the voicing
rule even though the following word begins with a vowel.
Tung@ [tong] ap.j.t"a ampara.nti [ambarandi]
: =
'I am carrying corn in my hands.' tunqu '‘corn'
ampara 'hand'
Aspiration or glottalization also blocks voicing,
as in the following:
wint"u [wint"u] ‘corner’
wank'u [wank'u] ‘guinea pig’
Nor does voicing occur in Spanish loans that lack it.
sirwinta [sirwinta] < Spanish sirvienta
162
Nor does it occur if the nasal or lateral and the follow-
ing stops are not homorganic.
gillga.na [qetqafia] ‘to write’
The palatal affricate /ch/, which patterns with
the stops, does not voice after the nonhomorganic alveolar
/n/. (No examples of palatal /fi/ followed by /ch/ have
occurred in the data.)
jinchu [hinéu] 'ear'
Across morpheme boundaries within a word, voicing
may optionally occur if the voiced consonant and the
following stop are homorganic, unless the word stress
occurs before the voiced consonant, a restriction not
applying within single morphemes. Examples:
mam. pa [mampa] ‘his mother' mama '‘mother' -pa 3p possessive
jan sa.:tan.ti [sa:tanti] ‘we will not say to him'
-:tan 43 Future
-ti negative final suffix
The morpheme combination -n.ka-, composed of -na
noun suffix ‘in, on' plus -ka- verbalizer, acts
163
morphologically like a unit; -ka- verbalizer never occurs
except preceded by -na (usually reduced to the velar nasal
allophone of /n/, which is homorganic to /k/). In this
combination /k/ always voices in Salinas.
aka.n.k.i.wa [akangiwa] ‘it's here' -na ‘in, of’
-ka- verbalizer
In other cases where the sequence /nk/ occurs across mor-
pheme boundaries and the word stress occurs after the
nasal, voicing may or may not occur depending on whether
the nasal is realized as homorganic to the following velar,
or not. (Nonhomorganic realizations occur in more careful
speech. )
Nonhomorganic:
mun.ka.:na [munké:na] ‘he wanted' muna.fia 'to wait’
-ka- incompletive
yapu alira.n.k.i [alirdnki] ‘the field is sprouting’
-ni- approacher
-ka- incompletive
Homorganic:
tani.n.k.i:pan [taningt:pan] '‘running'
-ni- approacher
-ka- incompletive
164
In addition to its obligatory and optional occur-
rences in Salinas, voicing of prevocalic stops occurred
sporadically after homorganic nasals in several other
dialects. In Calacala it occurred sporadically in the
following:
Particle:
ampi [ampf ~ ambi] '‘right?'
Noun suffix:
-mpi ~ -nti [mpi ~ mbi ~ nti ~ ndi] ‘with'
In Sitajara voicing occurred more often in the
speech of one speaker (a woman under 30, bilingual in
Spanish) than in that of another (a monolingual woman
over 60) and always in suffixes, not roots.
In Corque voicing occurred in songs and in a
story told by a woman about 50, but it was generally less
noticeable than in Sitajara, Calacala, or Salinas.
In Huancané optional voicing of -n.ka- (-na
plus -ka- verbalizer) occurred as in the following:
k
kawki.n.ka.s.ka.raki? [kawkin askaraki] ‘Where is it?'
165
4-3.22 Phonemic variation
4-3.22.1 Vowels
4-3.22.11 Predominance of /u/ over /i/ in verbs
In verbs a final root vowel /u/ obligatorily
predominates over an initial /i/ of a following suffix.
tYuqu- ‘dance’ + -iri ‘actor/purposive' >
t'ugu.ri ‘dancer/in order to dance’ (La Paz)
In Salinas the rule extends to the second /i/ of -iri.
t'uqu.ru ‘'dancer/in order to dance' (Salinas)
On verbs having the final root vowel /a/ it drops before
-iri.
chura- '‘give' + -iri > chur.iri ‘giver'
The predominance of /u/ over /i/ in Aymara is limited
to inflection and therefore to verbs. In the following
example of a noun plus a derivational suffix beginning
with /i/, the final root vowel /u/ does not predominate
over the following /i/.
ajanu 'face' + -itu ‘little’ > ajan.itu) ‘little face'
(La Paz)
166
4-3.22.12 Geminate vowel sequences and vowel length
Geminate vowel sequences may occur at the word
boundary (juncture) between a modifier and a head in a
noun phrase or as a result of suffixation with a morpheme
of vowel length such as 133 F (see 6-3.32) or vowel
length verbalization (see 5-3.41.2).
Uka aru.wa. ‘It's that word.' (La Paz; Hardman et al.
~ 1975:3.110)
Sara.:. ‘I will go.' -:- 1+3 Future (all dialects)
kawki ‘where’ + cyin verbalizer + -,iri ‘actor’ >
kawk. i:ri® 'which' (La Paz)
k'uri ‘way over yonder' + - :~ verbalizer + = iri ‘actor’ >
k"ur. ini? ‘that one way over yonder’ (La Paz)
The length may optionally reduce to simple vowel.
kawkiri ‘which' (La Paz)
Nongeminate vowel sequences are not permitted in Aymara
surface structure, and trigger other rules; see 4-3.22.13.
167
4-3.22.13 Avoidance of nongeminate vowel sequences
As in the case of the interrogative kawki '‘where'
and the demonstrative k"uri ‘way over yonder’, the |
demonstratives aka ‘'this', uka 'that', and k"aya ‘over
yonder' (see 5-2.2) may also be suffixed with -:- ver-
balizer plus -iri ‘actor/purposive'. In these cases
a rule obligatory everywhere except Huancané converts
the vowel sequence */ai/ to /i:/, e. g. *akairi is
realized as ak.i:ri.
Across juncture in certain temporal roots a
similar process occurs, converting the vowel sequence
k/au/ to /u:/.
jich"a ‘now’ + uru ‘day’ > jich"u:ru 'today'
(La Paz, Juli, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
maya ‘one, other' + uru 'day' >
mayu:ru (Salinas)
mayuru (La Paz, Jopoqueri)
Other similar compound temporals consisting of a modifier
root (not always free) plus uru ‘day' are shown in Figure
5-1. Another example is kunu:ru ‘what day, when' from
kuna ‘what' plus uru ‘day’.
168
In the temporal examples above, the initial vowel
/u/ of the head noun uru dominates the final /a/ of the
modifier. A different rule occurs with the time inter-
rogative kuna.wrasa 'when, what time' consisting of kuna
‘what! plus urasa ‘hour’ (from Spanish horas ‘hours').
By this rule, which occurs in La Paz, Juli, Socca, Cala-
coa, and Sitajara, the vowel sequence */au/ is realized
as the vowel-glide sequence Jaw/? instead of reducing to
/u:/ or /u/.
In Huancané /a/ followed by /u/ is regularly
realized as /aw/ rather than /u:/ or /u/, as in the
following examples:
kuna ‘what' + uru ‘day' + -sa_ interrogative suffix >
kuna.wru.sa ‘when’
kuna ‘what' + urasa ‘hours’ + -sa_ interrogative >
kuna .wsa.sa (urasa > /usa/ > /wsa/) ‘what time'
jich"a ‘this' + uru ‘day’ >jich"a.wru 'today'
(also in Calacoa)
sapa '‘every' + uru '‘'day' > sapa.wru ‘every day'
Other examples of /aw/ for Huancané are given in Figure
5-1. In Huancané the diphthong */iu/ similarly changes
169
to /iw/, but */ai/ may change to /ay/ or /i:/.
uka ‘that’ + -:- verbalizer + -iri ‘actor' >
uka.yri ~ uk.i:ri ‘that one there'
Similar vowel sequence avoidance rules may be
frozen in the 3+1 and 3+4 Remote Indirect Knowledge tense
suffixes in certain dialects (see 6-3.35.2).
4-3.22.14 Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or
plain vowel!
Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain
vowel affects only a few morphemes, although they have a
high functional load: certain nouns (two numbers, two
demonstratives, and a personal pronoun) and a verbal deri-
vational suffix. In all cases but one the vowel-glide-
vowel sequence is /aya/; /uyu/ occurs in a demonstrative
in one dialect.
All dialects having /aya/ (or /uyu/) base forms
in nouns reduce the vowel-glide-vowel sequence to long
vowel when the nouns occur as modifiers. All dialects
also reduce vowel-glide-vowel sequences in certain nouns
before certain suffixes.
The two nouns that occur in all dialects in vowel-
glide-vowel form are the numbers /maya/ 'one' and /paya/
‘two'. In Jopoqueri the reduced allomorphs /ma:/ and /pa:/
170
occur not only as modifiers, as they do elsewhere, but
also in compound numbers, e. g. /tunka ma:.ni/ ‘eleven',
/tunka pa:.ni/ ‘twelve' (see 5-2.4).
The demonstratives that have vowel-glide-vowel
sequences are /k"aya/ ‘over there' (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Jopoqueri, Salinas), /k"ayu/ ‘over there' (Cala-
cala), and /k"uyu/ ‘way over there' (Morocomarca). All
occurred in vowel length form as modifiers except /k"ayu/,
for which no example as modifier is available. (For addi-
tional details on reduction of these demonstratives to
the vowel length form, see 5-2.2.)
The personal pronoun that has a vowel-glide-vowel
sequence is /naya/ 1p, which occurs in all dialects except
Huancané and Sitajara. These dialects have only the re-
duced forms /na:/ or /na/. All dialects with /naya/
reduce it to /na/ before the plural suffix -naka. (See
5-2.3, also.)
In La Paz the verbal derivational suffix -waya-
distancer has an optional allomorph /-wa-/ occurring
before suffixes that require a preceding vowel. (See
6-2.23, also.)
4-3.22.15 Retention of long vowel in certain verb roots
The verbs ama:.fna 'to like, want' and p"a:.fia
‘to cook', which occur in Sitajara, have in their roots
vowel Tength which corresponds to /ya/ in the related
171
verb root amuya.fia 'to think, consider’ and the cognate
verb root p"aya.fia 'to cook' occurring in most dialects.
That this vowel length is morphophonemically like a con-
sonant plus vowel is shown by the fact that the length
persists even before consonant-requiring suffixes.
:- + - t'a- '‘momentaneous' + -si- reflexive
pa ck a eous e
+ -fia nominalizer >
p'a:.t'a.si.na ‘to cook for oneself at once'
On a verb root ending in plain vowel, the suffix -t'a-
would cause the final root vowel to drop, e. g. chura-
‘give’ plus -t'a- is chur.t'a-. When a stem ending in
long vowel is followed by a suffix requiring a preceding
consonant, the vowel length drops leaving a plain vowel,
as in warmi.t.wa 'I am a woman', in which the 1+3 Simple
tense suffix ~-ta, reduces verbalizing vowel length to
simple vowel. If length were not there in the underlying
representation, the form would be *warm.t.wa.
Thus, when -t'a- occurs on the verb p"a:-,
*p"a.t'a- would be expected, the vowel length reducing
to plain vowel. However, in p"a:.t'a.si.fia length is
clearly present, showing that verb root vowel length can
block the operation of a consonant-requiring rule or to
put it another way, that verb root vowel length is in
fact a sequence of glide plus vowel (3-5.3).
172
Furthermore, for the two verbs here discussed the
verbal inflections for 1+3 Simple tense and for 1+3 Remote
Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense fall together, since root
vowel length is indistinguishable from the vowel length
mark of RDK, and geminate vowel length (vowel length
longer than two vowels) does not occur. That is, the
following forms do double duty for 1+3 in both the Simple
and RDK tenses.
ama:t"a ‘I wanted' p'a:t"a ‘I cooked'
Another kind of vowel length in a root is that
occurring with the verb sa.fia plus Simple tense in Jopo-
queri (see Figure 6-11). This length results from a rule
lengthening the root vowel to avoid an initial consonant
cluster. In Sitajara one allomorph of the 1+3 Simple
tense with sa.fia (the only irregular verb in Aymara) has
a long vowel, although initial consonant clusters in
Sa.fia are common in that dialect.
4-3.22.16 Three-vowel rule (Vowel deletion)
4-3.22.16.1 Nouns
By a syntactically conditioned rule, noun roots
having two vowels always keep the final vowel when serving
as modifiers in noun phrases. (Nouns ending in a sequence
of vowel-glide-vowel reduce it to long vowel; see 4-3.22.14.)
173
Noun roots or stems having three or more vowels lose the
Tast vowel when occurring as modifiers in noun phrases.
That is, the head noun causes the final vowel of the
modifier to drop if the modifier has three or more vowels.
Examples:
jang'u ch'ugi 'white potato’ (La Paz)
] 2
ch'iyar_ ch'uqi ‘black potato' (La Paz)
123
ch'iyara ‘black’
tag.pach_ kurpu ‘whole body' (La Paz)
1 2 3
tagi ‘all’ - pacha ‘same!
tata.la.fi_ yap.pa ‘my father's field' (Morocomarca)
(see 4-4.3) -fia Ip possessive
When the modifier ends in the possessive suffix
-na, the final /a/ may or may not be retained, according
to rules specific to that suffix which override the
three-vowel rule in certain dialects (see 5-3.31.2).
A noun phrase embedded in another may behave
syntactically like a single modifier, in which case the
three-vowel rule will apply.
174
aka _tuq_ laru.n ‘on this side' (Juli)
12 34
aka ‘this’ tugi ‘around’
laru 'side' < Spanish lado
But successive noun phrases having a different immediate
constituency from the above do not necessarily manifest
the three-vowel rule; see 7-4.2 and additional examples
cited by Hardman et al. (1975:3.373-374).
4-3.22.16.2 Noun suffixes
In all dialects the noun suffixes -layku ~ -rayku
‘on account of', -pura ‘between, among', and -kama ‘among,
all, each, up to, as far as, until' act like heads of
noun phrases, |9 requiring that modifiers having more than
three vowels drop the last one, except that in cases of
modifiers that are themselves noun phrases the rule is
variable as indicated above.
In Huancané the personal possessive suffixes and
the complement/relational suffix -taki 'for' usually fol-
low the three-vowel rule. Examples:
kufitu. ja ‘my story' kuntu ‘story' /-ja/ Ip possessive
1 2
< Spanish cuento
awich .ja ‘my grandmother’ awicha 'grandmother'
12 3
175
juma.taki ‘for you' juma 2p -taki 'for'
12
jiwas_.taki ‘for us' jiwasa 4p
123
In the following example (still for Huancané), the
possessive -ma 2p keeps a previous vowel although four
vowels precede it, but loses its own vowel before a follow-
ing -taki, indicating that when more than one suffix sub-
ject to the three-vowel rule occurs on a noun, the rule
applies only to the suffix occurring last on the stem.
yapu.naka.m_.taki "for my fields' yapu ‘field
b2 34 5 -naka plural
The frozen suffixes -ma ~ -mma and -ta ~ -tta
that occur on certain kinship terms in Jopoqueri (see
5-3.11.14 and 5-3.11.15) may be considered reduced forms
of the noun roots mama 'mother' and tata 'father' that
lost their first vowel because it was the third in
sequence in the new stem. Examples:
pichu.mma ‘father's youngest brother's wife'
] 3
lari.t_ ta ‘uncle’
12 3
176
When the two suffixes occur on noun stems that already
have three vowels, these stems lose the final vowel by
the three-vowel rule.
sullk.ir vma!! ‘father's younger brother's wife’
1 23
sullk.iri 'younger'
sulik.ir_.tta ‘father's younger brother'
1 23
The verbalizing suffix -kipta-, which also usually
takes a preceding vowel, causes the third vowel of a
three-vowel noun to drop.
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
usu.y .kipta.fia ‘to become sickly’
12 3
usu.ri ‘sick person'
Before other suffixes that require a preceding vowel
(such as -pta- verbalizer) three-vowel noun roots and
stems keep the final vowel.
Ch'iyara.pta.s.k.i.w. ‘It is turning black. (La Paz)
123
usu.ri.pta.fia ‘to become sickly' (La Paz)
12 3
177
4-3.22.16.3 Verb suffixes
Certain verbal derivational suffixes that normally
take a preceding vowel follow the three-vowel rule on
verb stems ending in the verbal derivational suffix -si-
frozen to the root (see 6-2.21). The suffixes are
-mucha- ~ -muchu- ~ -nuku- ‘away, off', -paya- helper/mocker,
and -tata- scatterer.
ali.s .muchu.fia ~ ali.s .nuku.fia 'to throw out'
12 3 12 3
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ali.si.fia ‘to sprout'
ali.s .paya.fia ‘to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas)
12 3
aru.s .tata.fia ‘to say' (Salinas; not used in La Paz)
12 3
-tata- scatterer aru. ‘word, speak'
The verbal derivational suffix -cha-, which can
verbalize nouns, follows the three-vowel rule when it
occurs on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor suffix.
Normally, -cha- requires a preceding vowel.
quilgi.n .cha.fia ‘to cause someone to win' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
1 23
quilgi.ni ‘money-haver'
178
When the verbal derivational -kipa- ‘past a point’
occurs on a two-vowel noun verbalized with -cha-, the
three-vowel rule also applies although -kipa- usually
requires a preceding vowel.
uta.ch_.kipa.si.ni.fia 'to fix the roof of a house'
12 3
(La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) uta ‘house’
The examples suggest that the three-vowel rule
may have applied more generally in the past than it does
today. That is, the fact that some suffixes trigger the
three-vowel rule on roots or stems having three vowels
may reflect a stage during which the rule operated for
all suffixed three-vowel stems regardless of whether
the suffix in question normally required a preceding
vowel or consonant.
4-3.22.2 Consonants
The following rules apply after suffixation
accompanied by vowel-dropping has created certain con-
sonant clusters.
4-3.22.21 Geminate consonant clusters
Examples of geminate consonant clusters were given
in 4-3.22.16.2. They usually reduce to one. Three succes-
sive geminate consonants usually reduce to two.
179
Jani.w at.t.ti [atti]. ‘I can't.' (Salinas)
ati.fia ‘to be able’
=ta, 173 Simple tense
-ti negative final suffix
4-3.22.22 Reduction of stop-fricative clusters to
aspirated stops (Neutralization)
When morphophonemic vowel-dropping results in a
/kj/, /kx/, or /qx/ cluster, the result is indistinguish-
able phonetically from /k"/ or /q"/. /kx/ tends to
assimilate to /q"/, the postvelar fricative exerting
regressive influence on the point of articulation of the
stop.
4-3.22.23 Frication of velar stop before consonant
/k/ --> /j/ / _[+cons]
By this rule the velar stop /k/ changes to the
homorganic velar fricative /j/. The rule occurs only in
Salinas and Huancané.
In Salinas the rule applies to two suffixes con-
taining /k/ after morphophonemic vowel dropping has
created a cluster of /k/ plus another consonant (not
another /k/). The suffixes are -ka- verbal derivational
incompletive and -raki nonfinal independent. The only
consonants that have occurred after /k/ in examples noted
180
to date are /t/ and /s/. Examples:
Ni-w chur.k.i.ti. ‘'He/she/they didn't give it (to X).'
no give
-i 3+3 Simple tense
Ni.w chur.j.t.ti. 'I didn't give it (to X).'
=, ta, 1?3 Simple tense
kuna.raki ‘and what?'
12
kuna. :ma.s.ka.raj.ta ‘and how are you?'
xcta, 293 Simple tense
In Huancané the rule operates on -raki before the
consonant-requiring verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI.
Wali.ka.raj.chi.ni.t. ‘It may not be good.'
— NI 3-3
F
(In this example vowel length verbalization on
wali is reduced to plain vowel before the consonant-
requiring -ka- incompletive suffix.)
4-3.22.24 Reduction of fricative clusters
/sj/, /jis/, /sjs/ --> [8]
This rule operates in Salinas on the output of
the rule in 4-3.22.23 when /j/ is preceded and/or fol-
lowed by /s/, reducing the cluster to the alveolar frica-
tive [S$].
lura.s.j.ta [luraSta] ‘you were making/doing!
-Si- reflexive/reciprocal
- ta, - 2>+3 Simple tense
kuynt.t'.ka.raj.sma [kuyntt'karasma] ‘I've told the
story to you'
=,sma_ 12 Simple tense
Ifi.j.ta.s.j.sma.wa. [injtaSmawa] 'I know you.!
-si- reflexive/reciprocal
4-3.22.25 Affricate reduction rules
4-3.22.25.1 /ch/ --> [$] / [-cons] [+stop]
The affricate /ch/ may reduce to the fricative
allophone [$] when /ch/ occurs before a stop in noun or
verb roots or in the verbal derivational causative and
verbalizing suffix -cha-. (As noted under 4-3.22.24,
182
[S$] also results from reduction of sequences of /s/ and
/j/ in Salinas. The neutralization of /ch/ and /sj/ is
evidence of the instability of the three phonemes as indi-
cated in Chapter 3.) In all roots and in the suffix
-cha- /ch/ is preceded by a vowel. Reduction to [s] is
obligatory in some morphemes, optional in others, and
varies dialectally. Examples:
Nouns:
pachpa [paspa] ‘same’ (most dialects)
pichg'a [picg'a] 'five' (Calacala)
ichk'a [ick'a ~ iSk'a] ‘little’ (Sitajara)
Verbs:
jich'i- ‘carry grains in the hand' + zp tia- momentaneous >
oe vw
jich.t'a [jict'a] (Morocomarca)
[jist'a] (Salinas)
(In this example /ch'/ loses glottalization before the
consonant-requiring suffix -t'a-, in rapid speech.)
183
Noun + ~-cha- verbalizer:
kama. cha- what happened' + =,ta, 2+3 S + -sa final suffix >
kama.ch.ta.sa [kamactasa] ‘what happened to you?'
(La Paz/Compi; does not reduce to ['s])
[kamastasa] (Socca; obligatory)
When the /ch/ of -chi NI verbal inflection fol-
lows the /ch/ of -cha- verbal derivational suffix, the
geminate /chch/ reduces to one which then obligatorily
reduces to [s] in La Paz.
ati- ‘know' + -cha- causative + - chi NI +
Yair —=—="-- -—-C——
- *yati
=-ta, 133 S > *yati.ch.ch.ta >
. wv
yati.ch.ta [yatista] ‘maybe I teach' (La Paz)
4-3.22.25.2 /ch/ --> /s/ / [+cons] [+cons ]
Reduction of /ch/ to the alveolar fricative
phoneme /s/ occurs in certain restricted circumstances
involving the verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI. In
all dialects investigated the /ch/ of -chi NI obliga-
torily reduces to /s/ when it occurs before a consonant.
In all available examples the consonant is /t/.
184
yati- ‘know' + =chi NI + 133 S$ >
- ta,
yat.s.ta [yatsta] ‘maybe I know' (La Paz, Socca)
‘ t * 2 .
muna- ‘want' + =,ka- incompletive + = chi NI +
~ta, 2-3 S + -xa final suffix >
mun. k.s.ta.x [munkstax] ‘maybe you want' (La Paz)
wijita ‘old lady’ + -~ xa- completive + -~ chi NI +
=,ta, 133 S + -xa final suffix + -ya final suffix >
wijita.x.s.t.xa.y [wijitaxstxay] 'I'm an old lady already.'
(Corque)
wijita < Spanish viejita
4-3.22.25.3 /ch/ --> /s/ / /x/ ___ [-cons]
In Jopoqueri /ch/ reduces to /s/ when it occurs
after the postvelar fricative /x/ and before a vowel.
mag'a- ‘eat' + -nta- '‘into' + =-Xa- completive +
-pchi NI + -itanta 2>1F + -1la politive >
maqg'a.nt.x.s.itanta.1la [maq'antxsitantata]
‘you may eat me'
185
The above rule does not apply in La Paz, the allophone [c]
occurring whenever /ch/ is followed by a vowel, regardless
of what precedes. The corresponding form in La Paz is as
follows.
mang'a- ‘eat' + -nta- ‘into’ + = Xa completive +
= chi NI + -ita:ta 21 F + -ya politive >
mang'a.nt.x.ch.ita:ta.y [manq' antxcita: tay]
‘you may eat me'
4-3.22.26 /ti/ --> /11/ / /1/ ___ [-cons]
The palatal nasal becomes a palatal lateral after
the alveolar lateral and before a vowel in the following
examples from Morocomarca:
mama.la ‘mother’ + =,fia lp possessive + -na possessive >
mama.1.fia.n [mamatan] ‘my mother's'
4-3.3 Final position in morphological word !3
4-3.31 Retention or loss of final vowel of morphological
word (syntactically conditioned)
4-3.31.1 Verb subjects
In the basic Aymara sentence (see 7-3) the subject
noun (or head of a noun phrase serving as subject) retains
186
its final vowel before final sentence suffix(es) if
any. |4
In La Paz and Sitajara (and possibly elsewhere--
data are incomplete) a pronoun subject of a verb inflected
for the Imperative usually loses its final vowel and takes
no independent or final suffixes. The vowel loss is tied
to co-occurrence with certain person/tense suffixes of
the Imperative, however, and the rules in La Paz differ
from those in Sitajara. In Morocomarca the subject of
an Imperative verb does not lose its final vowel. (For
a fuller discussion of these rules see 6-3.33.)
In sentences containing a main and a subordinated
verb (see 7-4.2), pronoun subjects may lose or retain their
final vowels. The following example is from La Paz/Compi,
with -chi NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the
subordinated verb and Imperative (or Future) tense on
the main verb.
Jum_ nay_
jan sara.A mun.k.s.ta.x sara.:.
2>3
Juma. x NI S naya.w
2p no go want Ip go 1+3
F/I
‘If you don't want to go, I'll go.'
All four of the possible combinations with and without
187
final vowel on the subjects were acceptable, although the
first example elicited had no vowel on either. The same
example occurred in Juli, and similar ones occurred in
Huancané, Sitajara, and Calacoa.
Without the negative, forms with final vowel are
preferred, as in the following example which has -chi
NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the subordinated
verb, and Imperative on the main verb.
Juma.x ch'u mun.s.ta.x , ma: kustal apa.n.ma.
yuma .X mun.S.ta.xX Mas Kustal apa.n.ma
2p potato want 2-3 a bag bring 2+3
NI S I
'If you want some potatoes, bring a bag.' (Juli)
In Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, on the
other hand, pronoun subjects never occur without their
final vowels, though in sentences of the types here
exemplified they usually occur unsuffixed.
muna. sma
2-3
Juma jani sara.f D-1 uka naya sara.:
i ~ go 143
2p mun.ta.ti 'p F
2>3
S
'If you don't want to go, I'1] go.‘ (Jopoqueri)
In all dialects investigated except Morocomarca,
a pronoun subject of a verb subordinated with -ipana
188
(and other members of the paradigm, if any) occurs without
a final vowel (see 7-4.22.2).
4-3.31.2 Verb zero complements
A noun root or stem or a nominalized theme serving
as the zero complement of a verb is marked by obligatory
loss of the final stem vowel before final (sentence) suf-
fixes, if any (except the final suffix -lla ~ -ya, which
requires a preceding vowel; see 4-3.32.2 and 5-3.33 for
examples).
4-3.31.3 Negative jani
The final vowel of the negative particle jani
drops when it modifies a noun root (except an interroga-
tive), stem, or theme, a subordinated verb, or a verb
with the Imperative tense, and when it occurs in negative
information questions and answers thereto. When modify-
ing an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. (See
7-4.53.3.)
4-3.32 Tolerance or avoidance of final consonant clusters
in the morphological word
4-3.32.1 Verbs
Three dialects permit stem-final consonant clusters
in verbs inflected with the Imperative tense: Juli, Socca,
and Huancané. Juli and Socca permit such clusters only
189
when the verb ends with the 2>3 Imperative inflection
-.m, while Huancané permits them in stems ending in the
322, 2+1, 341, and 34 Imperative inflections as well
(see 6-3.33). Examples, all of 2+3 I, are
Jut.m. 'Come!' (Socca)
Al.t'a.si.w.m uk. ‘Buy that one.’ (Huancané)
Apa.n.m. ‘Bring it.' (Huancané)
4-3.32.2 Nouns
Socca permits final consonant clusters on a noun
ending in the suffix -na possessive, when the noun occurs
as modifier in a noun phrase.
Krit.n wutilla.p.s jala.ga.ya.raq.ta?
whose _— bottle knock over 273
S
‘Whose bottle did you knock over on purpose?’
(See 5-3.31.2 for further discussion of the suffix -na.)
In Morocomarca, when a final consonant cluster
occurs on a noun stem ending in a personal possessive
suffix as the result of syntactically conditioned vowel
dropping, the vowel before the last consonant will be
obligatorily restored (see 5-3.24).
190
In all dialects morphological word-final clusters
are permitted in nouns when they occur within a morpheme
and as a result of final vowel-dropping.
Wawa.mp apa.sma. ‘You should take the baby, too.'
baby ~—it take
-mpi ‘with, and' (La Paz/Compi)
In this example, wawa.mp is a zero complement, losing its
final vowel.
4-3.33 Stem-final vowel restoration (stress on ante-
penultimate vowel of a verb)
As indicated in 3-3.1, stress in Aymara is non-
phonemic, always occurring on the penultimate vowel.
Vowel length after a penultimate stressed vowel, or
loss of a final vowel, may make the stress appear to
fall on the last vowel of a word. Restoration of a final
vowel /a/ to an inflected verb after stress placement
may make the stress appear to fall on the antepenultimate
vowel. This effect has so far been heard only in La Paz
and Sitajara on verbs inflected with suffixes ending in
nasals. These suffixes are the 2>3 Imperative =m,
3+2 Simple -,.tam, and 4+3 Simple - tan. The stress
pattern occurs most often on 2+3 Imperative, rarely on
the others. In La Paz the pattern occurs most frequently
in radio advertisements and announcements but has also
been heard in sermons (see 9-3 for examples).
191
Apart from the contexts of advertising, announcing,
or preaching, the pattern occurs rarely in La Paz. In
one instance it occurred with the final /a/ devoiced, in
conversation.
Ratu. ki apa.ni.ma. ‘Bring it right away.'
In Sitajara both the regular and antepenultimate
patterns occurred with 2>3 Imperative in a description
of making chicha (a corn drink) which included exhorta-
tions like the following:
Uma.nta.ma chicha, aka k'us um.t'a.ma.lla.
‘Drink chicha, please drink this chicha!'
Stress occurs on the antepenultimate vowel in the first
word above, with a final /a/ restored to the 2+3 Impera-
tive inflection. The last word in the sentence has regu-
lar penultimate stress on the /a/ of zym(a)s restored
before the suffix -lla politive. In the first word,
stress placement occurred before final vowel restoration,
while in the last, vowel restoration occurred, then suf-
fixation with -lla, then stress placement. The two rules
may be stated as follows:
1. Stress placement on penultimate syllable
2. Final vowel restoration
192
In the case of uma&.nta.ma, beginning with the base
form uma.nta.m the rules apply in the order 1, 2. In
the case of um.t'a.ma&.1la, beginning with the base form
um.t'a.m the rules apply in the order 2, 1 with the
intervening suffixation of -jla between 2 and 1.
Since um.t'a.ma.J]la is more polite, having the
politive suffix -lla, one is tempted to infer that the
restoration of the final vowel to umé.nta.ma may be an
attempt to soften the command by preparing the verb stem
to take the politive, but since stress has already been
placed, the word is closed to further suffixation.
4-3.4 Final position in syntactical word !9
4-3.41 Final vowel-dropping or -devoicing
In all dialects the final sentence suffixes (for
example, -wa, -xa, -lla ~ -ya, -sa, and -ti) commonly
lose their final vowels phrase-finally within a sentence;
-wa and -lla ~ -ya commonly lose them sentence-finally
as well. Such vowel-dropping may well depend on stylistic
considerations, as Hardman has suggested.
Instead of dropping, final vowels may devoice
sentence-finally, as in the example given in 4-3.33 above.
A final vowel which must be retained because of its gram-
matical function, for example the verb inflection 33
Simple -i, may devoice, especially if it occurs between
two voiceless consonants sentence-medially. (For an
193
example of sentence-medial final vowel devoicing, see
4-3.21.33.) L. Martin-Barber has provided a phonetic
transcription showing vowel devoicing in a story told
by a speaker from Compi (Hardman et al. 1975:3.92-93).
For the nonnative, it is often difficult to
distinguish word-final vowel dropping from word-final
vowel devoicing. A devoiced final vowel, though unde-
tectable to a foreigner, is still present morphophonemically
and discernible to a native speaker since syntactic dis-
tinctions are made by presence or absence of final vowels.
4-3.42 Final consonant clusters
In all dialects final consonant clusters are per-
mitted on nouns if they result from zero complement vowel
drop followed by a final suffix.
Wawa.p.X apa.sma. ‘Wouldn't it be nice if you took
baby take i her baby.' -pa 3p possessive
-xa_ final suffix
(La Paz/Compi)
4-4 General and Dialect-Specific Rules
The majority of morphophonemic rules in Aymara
are found in all dialects, but certain rules are dialect-
specific.
194
4-4,] Variation in morphophonemics of suffixes
Noun suffixes (5-3) that vary in their morpho-
phonemics from one dialect to another are the personal
possessives and the complement/relationals. While all
dialects have certain noun suffixes that observe the
three-vowel rule, in Huancané the rule also operates
for -taki complement/relational and the personal pos-
sessives, which do not follow the rule in other dialects.
In Jopoqueri the three-vowel rule extends to certain
frozen suffixes. In Morocomarca, Calacala, Jopoqueri,
and Salinas the personal possessive suffixes have vari-
able morphophonemics conditioned by final consonant
cluster avoidance rules.
Only two verbal derivational suffixes (6-2) have
variable preceding morphophonemics: -naga- 'aimiessly'
and -nuga- placer. These vary within as well as across
dialects. Verbal derivational suffixes subject to the
three-vowel rule in La Paz (and possibly elsewhere)
are -cha- verbalizer of nouns, -kipa- ‘past a point,’
-muchu- (and variants) ‘away', -paya- helper, and -tata-
scatterer.
Of the verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3), 2+3
Imperative is unique in requiring a preceding consonant
in Juli, Socca, Huancané, and Morocomarca, except when
the verbal derivational suffix -ka- incompletive precedes
195
the inflection. In La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, Jopoqueri,
and Salinas 2-3 I always requires a preceding vowel.
4-4.2 Variation in other morphophonemic rules
4-4.2] Rules occurring in all dialects
4-4.21.1 Obligatory rules
Obligatory rules occurring in all dialects are
predominance of /u/ over a preceding /i/ in verb stems;
vowel sequence avoidance rules (some differences occur
in the rules themselves); reduction of /aya/ to /a:/
(and of /uyu/ to /u:/) in modifiers in noun phrases; the
three-vowel rule (exerted by heads of noun phrases on
modifiers and by certain noun suffixes on preceding stems;
some dialects have additional suffixes subject to the
rule); interconsonantal affricate reduction to /s/; mor-
phological word-final vowel retention for subjects of
main verbs (except with the Imperative tense in certain
contexts and dialects); morphological word-final vowel
loss for zero complements; morphological word-final
vowel loss on jani negative in certain environments.
4A-4.21.2 Optional rules
Optional rules occurring in all dialects are
dropping of initial (C)V preceded by devoicing of the
vowel; intervocalic stop-voicing and frication under
196
certain conditions; geminate consonant reduction; neutrali-
zation of stop-fricative clusters and aspirated stops;
syntactical word-final vowel devoicing and deletion.
4-4.22 Dialect-specific rules
4-4.22.1 Obligatory rules
Obligatory dialect-specific rules are voicing of
prevocalic stops after homorganic nasals and the palatal
lateral within a morpheme, Salinas; frication of velar
stop before consonant in certain morphemes, Salinas;
‘reduction of clusters of alveolar fricative plus velar
fricative, Salinas; affricate reduction to /s/ after /x/,
Jopoqueri; loss of morphological word-final vowel on
verb subjects in certain environments in certain dialects;
avoidance of morphological word-final consonant clusters
on nouns with personal possessive suffixes, Morocomarca.
4-4.22.2 Optional rules
Optional dialect-specific rules are preposition
(or recovery) of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.fia before
Simple tense inflection, La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Socca;
reduction of /q'/ to ['], Salinas, Calacala, and Moroco-
marca; palatalized velar allophone of /fi/, Morocomarca;
voicing of stop after homorganic nasal and before vowel,
Calacala, Corque, Huancané, Sitajara; voicing and frica-
tion of prevocalic /p/ in -pa 3p suffix, Calacala;
197
lateralization and denasalization of /fi/, Morocomarca;
final vowel restoration and antepenultimate stress on
2+3 Imperative and certain other person/tense suffixes,
La Paz and Sitajara.
4-5 Conclusion
Taken as a whole and in spite of its complexities,
morphophonemics is a rather stable area of Aymara grammar,
contributing to mutual dialect intelligibility (although
speakers from La Paz have some difficulty with dialects
having extensive stop voicing and frication). Few suf-
fixes differ in morphophonemics from one dialect to
another, although some are affected by phonologically
and syntactically conditioned rules that are dialect
specific. Some dialect groups that may be identified
by morphophonemic rules are as follows.
4-5.1 Dialects preposing (or restoring) /si/ or /ji/
to sa.fia
La Paz (preferred); Juli, Socca, Huancané (less
frequent).
4-5.2 Dialects voicing stops after homorganic nasal
or palatal lateral before a vowel
Salinas (obligatory within a morpheme, permitted
across morpheme boundaries under certain conditions;
Calacala, Corque, Huancané, Sitajara (optional).
198
4-5.3 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have
variable morphophonemics (see 5-3.24)
Huancané, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala; possibly also Juli, Socca, and Calacoa
4-5.4 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have
invariant morphophonemics, always requiring a
preceding vowel
La Paz (Compi and Tiahuanaco)
199
Notes
Tan optional rule is one whose constraints are
not yet fully understood. Many are probably stylistically
conditioned.
2The geminate vowel cluster /aa/ resulting from
loss of /j/ reduces to /a/; see 4-3.22.12.
3The final vowel of jich"a drops by a vowel
sequence avoidance rule; see 4-3.22.13.
“The first vowel of mama drops by the three-vowel
rule; see 4-3.22.16.
This example shows that initial consonant clusters
are permitted in La Paz/Compi dialect in nouns. They are
usually avoided in verbs; see 4-3.13. Geminate /a/ here
results in /a:/.
6py a regular morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22.22)
/j/ or /x/ tends to reduce to aspiration following the
homorganic stop. In the nonhomorganic combination /kx/
the velar /k/ tends to assimilate to the following post-
velar /x/, resulting in /q"/.
According to Hardman (personal communication)
voicing and and frication of stops are common in Andean
languages, especially in Quechua. Place names often re-
flect this, e. g. Cochabamba.
Bin the derivations of kawk.i:ri and k"ur.i:ri
the following intervening forms may be postulated since
vowel length verbalization requires a preceding vowel
while -iri requires a preceding consonant or, as in these
cases, reduces a preceding long vowel to one vowel.
With morpheme divisions:
*kawkiiiri > (Ckawkiiri] /kawki:ri/ kawk.i:ri
*k"uriiiri > (Ck"uriiri] /k"uri:ri/ 9 k"ur.i:ri
200
The morphemic divisions are placed as if the vowel length
were occurring on the first /i/ or -iri, although actually
the vowel length results from two /i/'s in succession, one
on the root and one in -iri. More accurate morphemic ren-
derings would be kawki.iri and k"uri.iri, but since geminate
vowels are symbolized as vowel plus /:/ in Yapita orthog-
raphy, the above compromise is followed in these forms and
other similar ones that occur elsewhere in this study;
see 4-3.22.12, 5-2.1, and 5-2.2.
The existence of the glides /w/ and /y/ as
distinct from the vowels /u/ and /i/ is supported by the
minimal pair uywa ‘animal’ / wiwa ‘long live’ < Spanish
viva. (Native Aymara roots beginning with /wi/ include
wila 'blood' and a number of others). Examples of /i/
or /u/ preceded or followed by the homorganic glide are
chura.y.itu) ‘he/she caused to give to me' (all dialects)
iya.fia ‘to grind' (Jopoqueri)
sawu.fia ‘to weave' (all dialects)
Yapu.wa. 'It's a field.' (all dialects)
'Ocince in some dialects certain verbal deriva-
tional suffixes also follow the three-vowel rule, it
might be more accurate to say that in being subject to
the rule, heads of noun phrases act like certain suffixes.
The geminate /mm/ here reduces to /m/.
an Salinas the allomorph /-raji/ may optionally
occur before vowel-requiring suffixes and in word-final
position, so it is possible to consider it an alternate
base form of the morpheme as was done in 3-4.22.23.
13) morphological word is defined by Hardman as
a free form capable of taking the sentence (final) and/or
erie (nonfinal) suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.144).
201
Vaca 7-4.21.22 for examples of final-vowel
retention on nouns serving as topics (or goals) of verbs
nominalized with -fa obligatory.
15, syntactical word is defined by Hardman as a
free form consisting of a morphological word plus inde-
Brad). and/or sentence suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.144).
CHAPTER 5
VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM
5-1 Introduction
The noun system of Aymara consists of roots and
derived roots (stems), which are all free, derivational
suffixes, and zero complement vowel drop. | Nouns occur
alone and in noun phrases as heads and modifiers; some
occur modifying verbs. The open class of nouns takes in
loanwords freely. Closed classes of roots do not freely
admit loanwords, although they may have done so in the
past. They are interrogatives, demonstratives, personal
pronouns, numbers, positionals, and temporals. There
is also a small class of ambiguous noun/verb roots.
Other closed classes are shapes used in weaving, and
kinship and age terms, which were only sporadically in-
vestigated in this research although meriting detailed
study.
Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, stems,
and nominalized themes. The limitations on their occur-
rence help define noun classes. There are three order
classes of noun suffixes and a class of limited occur-
rence. (Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize
202
203
nouns are discussed in 6-2. Suffixes that nominalize
verbs are discussed in 7-4.21 and 7-4.22.)
5-2 Closed Classes of Noun Roots
5-2.1 Interrogatives
In all dialects, interrogatives usually occur
followed by the sentence suffix -sa information interroga-
tive with or without intervening suffixes. Interrogatives
may also serve as indefinite pronouns when properly suf-
fixed (see 7-4.24). The inter.ogative roots are
kama ~ kamisa ‘how'
kawki ‘where!
kuna "what '
k"iti ‘who!
gawg"a (and variants) ‘how much/how many'
Only the first and the last show any variation in the
root. The second, third, and last enter into a number
of derived formations which display some dialectal vari-
ation.
204
5-2.1]1 Variable roots
5-2.11.1 kama ~ kamisa
The only dialect encountered so far having the
allomorph /kama/ is Salinas. Elsewhere /kamisa/ occurs.
In dialects having /kamisa/, /kama-/ exists only as an
interrogative verb root in two verbs, the first used to
inquire about someone's situation when the answer is
expected to be negative and the second used to ask
what someone said.
kama.cha.na -cha verbal derivational/verbalizer
kam.sa.na sa.na ‘to say'
5-2.11.2 qawg"a ~ g'awqa ~ g"awg"a ~ g"ayg'a
/qawq"a/ (La Paz, Huancané, Sitajara)
/q"awga/ ‘(Morocomarca)
/q"awq"a/ (Huancané, Jopoqueri)
/q"ayq'"a/ (Salinas)
*/qayq"a/ (Reported to occur in parts of Ingavi [depart-
ment of La Paz] and in Chile)
* rgayq'ta/ (Bertonio 1603b)
It is possible that the /q"a/ ending certain
allomorphs above may consist of /q/ plus -ja ‘amount,
quantity’ (see 5-3.12.3).
5-2.12 Derived formations
5-2.12.1 Based on kawki '‘where'
The following gloss as 'which':
kawk. iri (La Paz)
kawk. i:ri (La Paz, Socca, Huancané, Jopoqueri )
kawk.n.iri (La Paz, Juli)
kawk.n.i:ri (La Paz, Juli)
kawk.ch"api (Sitajara)
kawk. p.iri (Socca, Morocomarca)
kawki.p.iri | (Morocomarca)
Most of the above are built with the nominalizing suffix
-iri, sometimes with vowel length (see 4-3.22.12). The
/n/ in two of the forms is probably an occurrence of the
suffix -na possessive/locational (see 5-3.31.2). The
suffix -ch"api is of limited distribution. The /p/ which
occurs in the last two examples above may be a reduced
form of the recurrent partial /-pa-/ related to the 3p
possessive suffix -pa which occurs with no discernible
3p meaning in several nouns (see 5-3.24).
The derived forms kawk"a and kayk"a ‘what place'
are believed composed of the root kawki or *kayki plus
206
the suffix -ja 'quantity'; *kayk"a was not found in this
research but is reported to be used in Awallamaya near
Sicasica, department of Oruro.
The common query Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? means
‘Where are you from?' in La Paz, but elsewhere it means
‘Where do you usually stay?' or 'Where are you usually?'
Hardman (personal communication) found that around Puno
and Chucuito it may also mean ‘Where have you traveled?'
Other similar queries meaning 'Where are you from?' are
Kawki.ta.ta.sa? (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Salinas, Juli)
Kawki.ta.sa? (Sitajara, Huancané,
Jopoqueri)
Kawki.ta.raki.ta? (Salinas, Calacala)
Kawki__tugqi.ta.sa? (Socca) tugi ‘around’
5-2.12.2 Based on kuna ‘what'
The root kuna occurs in several derived forms
glossing ‘why, for what reason', with the complement/
relational suffixes -ru, -ta ~ -t"a, and -taki (and
variants) and with the independent suffix -raki (and
variants), as in
kuna.ru.sa (La Paz, Sitajara)
207
kuna.ta (Juli, Salinas)
kuna.t.sa (La Paz)
kuna.t'a (Juli, Salinas, Morocomarca)
kuna. ta. raki (Huancané)
kuna.t.raji (Salinas)
kuna. taki.sa (La Paz)
kuna.tay.sa (Sitajara)
With the suffix -jama 'like' and its variants,
kuna glosses 'how'. In the dialects studied, these
forms are more common than kamisa or kama 'how'.
kun. jama.sa (La Paz)
kun. jama.raki (Huancané)
kuna.ma.t.sa (Calacala)
kuna. :ma (Salinas)
kuna.:ma.s ~ kun.ja:ma.s (Jopoqueri)
kun. ja.t.s (Socca)
kun. ja.sa (Sitajara)
Another derived form of kuna glossing ‘how' is
kuna.lla.n.taki.rak (Jopoqueri)
208
kKamisa and kun.jama.sa occur in the same context in the
following statements:
Kamisa.raki.x uka.x sis.t.pi.y. (Vitocota)
133
S
Kun. jama.:.pacha.s uka.x sis.t.wa. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
TT 173
S
‘Whatever will be, will be, I said.’
The following is reportedly said in Llica, Potosi
(south of Salinas), according to a Salinas source:
*kuna.ri.:na ‘how was it?'
Here /ri/ is probably analogous to the /-iri-/ that occurs
with Remote tenses in certain areas (see 6-3.37). A
similar form used in Compi in speaking to an elderly
lady, is
Kun. jam.iritam.s? "How did it affect you?’
32
RDK
La Paz Aymara today has the frozen form
kunaymanaé ‘what a lot of', as in
Kunayman ch'ama.mpi.w waw uywa.si.s.k.ta.
difficulty child raise 1+3
S
‘What a lot of trouble I had raising my child.’
209
Elsewhere, it translates as ‘of all kinds, whatever. '
A form based on kuna which immediately identifies
the user as belonging to a Protestant sect or as speaking
as its members do is kuna. layku.ti.xa used to mean 'be-
cause' (see 9-5).
kuna is the base for several time interrogatives
all glossing 'when'. They include the temporal roots
uru 'day', pacha ‘time, period', and the Spanish loans
urasa (from Spanish horas ‘hours') and -wsa (a reduced
form of urasa). Examples:
kun.u:ru (Salinas)
kuna.wru.sa (Huancané)
kuna pacha.sa (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca)
kuna.wrasa.Sa (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa,
Sitajara)
kuna.wsa. raki (Huancané)
kuna.ws.pacha.sa (Huancané)
5-2.12.3 Based on gawg"a (and variants) ‘how much/many'
This root combines with pacha in inquiries about
time.
qgawg"'a pacha ‘how many times' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
210
qawa pacha.ta ‘since when' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
*gayq''a pacha ‘how much time' (Bertonio 1603b:183)
+
qgayg"a pacha.ta ‘since when' (Bertonio 1603b)
It may also occur with personal possessive suffixes, as
in these examples from Huancané.
q'awg"a.pa.sa ‘how many of theirs’ -pa 3p
q'awq"a.ja.sa ‘how many of mine’ /-ja/ Ip
q"awg"a.ma.sa ‘how many of your people’ (sic)
-ma_ 2p
5-2.2 Demonstratives
Demonstratives are deictic pronouns expressing
four degrees of distance. They readily enter into de-
rived formations. In noun phrases they may modify human
nouns, but their use as pronouns to refer to human beings
is usually considered rude.
The root demonstratives, presented in order of
relative proximity to a fixed point (e.g. the
speaker or writer of a sentence), are
aka_~ jaka ‘this, here'
uka ‘that, there'
k"aya ~ k"a: ~ k"a ~ -k"ayu ‘that over there, over there’
211
k"uyu ~ k"u: ~ k"u_~ k"uri "that way over yonder, way over
yonder'
5-2.21 Variable roots
The variant /jaka/ occurs in Morocomarca, in
jak.sa tugi.t"a ‘around here', but has not been heard
elsewhere; /aka/ occurs everywhere. A possible variant
of uka, /ukaya/, occurs in Sitajara, in ukay.ti ‘is it
that?' (See 7-2.21.1 for another analysis of this
form. )
In Jopoqueri and Socca, uwa sometimes occurs
instead of uka in combination with -ta, sounding like
[wat]. Hardman has suggested (personal communication)
that uwa is probably a remnant of a proto-daqi demonstra-
tive *uwa, since the three-way distinction aka - uka - uwa
still exists in modern Kawki and the related form watga
occurs in Jaqaru.
The base morpheme k"aya reduces to /k"a:/ when
acting as modifier in a noun phrase (by a regular morpho-
phonemic rule; see 4-3.22.14) in the following dialects:
La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Jopoqueri, and Salinas.
In Huancané, Salinas, and Juli the reduced form with or
without vowel length may also occur with complement/
relational suffixes, e. g. in Juli k"aya.na ~ k"a.na
‘over there’; in La Paz only the full form occurs with
complement/relationals. In Calacoa and Sitajara the
212
only form which occurred for this root was /k"a:/.
/k"ayu/ occurs in Calacala only. /k"uyu/ occurs in
Morocomarca. Two La Paz speakers do not recognize
/k"uyu/ as a demonstrative, but rather as the 3>3 Simple
tense of the verb k"uyu.fia 'to whistle, to winnow grain’.
Huancané has both /k"u:/ and /k"uri/; Salinas has both
/k"u/ and /k"u:/. Sitajara does not use /k"uri/. Ber-
tonio (1603b) cited *rku/ (156) and *7kuri/ (225).
Ebbing (1965:64) had “/k"uyu/ and */k"uri/.
It is possible that /k"uri/ is a derived form
built of /k"u(yu)/ plus verbalization vowel length plus
-iri nominalizer, but if this is the case it has long
been a frozen stem, inasmuch as the base /k"uri/ readily
takes -:- plus -iri (see below).
The compound form k"a: k"uri ‘way way over
yonder' occurs in Juli, Huancané, and Calacoa. Huancané
has the compound form akawkana, from aka uka.na,
meaning ‘large community’.
5-2.22 Derived formations
Like the interrogative kawki, all demonstrative
roots may take -:- verbalization plus -iri nominalizer
with or without a preceding J-n-/.° The only complete
paradigms available are for La Paz, as follows:
ak.i:ri ‘this one here'
213
uk.i:ri ‘that one there'
k"ay.i:ri ‘that one over there'
k"ur.i:ri ‘that one way over yonder'
ak.n.i:ri ‘this one that's closer'
uk.n.i:ri ‘that one that's farther away'
k"ay.n.i:ri ‘that one over there that's farther away’
k"ur.n.i:ri ‘that one way over yonder that's farther
away' (Compi)
kuy.n.izri ‘that one way over yonder' (Tiahuanaco)
Both /uk.i:ri/ and /uka.yri/ occur in Huancané (see
4-3.22.13).
aka and uka apparently combine with the suffix
-ja ‘quantity’ in the forms ak"a ‘this much' and uk"a
"that much'. The demonstratives also combine with /-ja/
allomorph of -jama 'like', which is not always distin-
guishable from -ja ‘quantity'. Spelling with " or /j/
is arbitrary.
ak.ja.naka.ta ‘around here’ (La Paz)
Uta.pa.n uk'a.w. 'His house is there.' (La Paz)
uk. ja.11 ‘that one’ (Sitajara)
214
The following clearly appears to have -ja ‘quantity’:
uk.ja tagi ‘a great deal' (Sitajara)
Expressions of time based on demonstratives in-
clude the following:
aka.t g"ipa.ru (La Paz)
jich'a.t k!a:.ru.x ‘from now on' (Jopoquer i)
jich'a.t k"uy.sa.ru (La Paz)
“aka.t. jama.tak 'all of a sudden’ (La Paz)
(Wexler 1967:455)
Interestingly, k"uy.sa.ru was said by a source who re-
jected k"uyu as a demonstrative, showing that a dialect
may reject a root form but use a derived form.
An expression of space using demonstratives is
k"ur.sa.r ak.sa.r ‘back and forth' (La Paz). The ex-
pression k"a: alaxa ‘heaven' is used in Calacoa. Other
dialects have alax.pacha (or arax.pacha) or silu (from
Spanish cielo) for ‘heaven’.
By far the most common demonstrative in all dia-
lects is uka, which occurs alone and in derived forma-
tions as a syntactic linker and summarizer.
uka.t ‘then, afterwards’
215
uk.jama (uk"ama) 'thus, like that; moreover, also'
uka.mpi.sa "with that, also'
The last example has quite a different meaning in the
lexicon of members of Protestant sects, who use it dis-
junctively to mean 'but' (see 9-5).
In Huancané uka.na is used as a linker in stories,
meaning ‘at that', ‘then’. It has not been encountered
as a Tinker in other dialects.
5-2.3 Personal pronouns
All dialects have four personal pronouns not spe-
cific for gender or number. The only one that shows no
variation whatever is 2p juma 'you'; the others show
minor phonological variations.
lp 'I/me, we/us but not you' occurs as three
allomorphs, /na/, /na:/, and /naya/. The allomorph
/na/ occurs in all dialects before -naka plural (see
5-3.25). In other environments Huancané and Sitajara
have /na/ and /na:/. Calacoa has /naya/ as well but
uses it less than the other allomorphs. La Paz has
/naya/, /na:/, and /na/, as do the remaining dialects.
Juli seems to favor /na/ over the other two. In Jopo-
queri and Salinas /naya/ occurs before the complement/
relational suffix -ru, and /na/ before the complement/
relational suffix -na. Morocomarca prefers /naya/
216
before those suffixes but has /na:/ as well as /naya/
when unsuffixed.
To some speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in
Spanish and conscious of the Spanish singular/plural
distinction, /naya/, /na:/, and /na/ are always singular,
‘T/me', and na.naka must be used for the plural ‘we/us
but not you'. That monolinguals do not make this
distinction is clear in a number of examples, as in the
following from a free text recorded in Sitajara from a
monolingual woman over 60. In both cases the optional
verb-pluralizing suffix combination -p.xa- occurs on
the verb; number concord is not required in Aymara.
Alp"a sa.p.x.t na.x. 'We say alfalfa.'
Na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it ya:sta. ‘Dismiss us already. '
3p /jup"a/ occurs in Salinas and Morocomarca;
/jupa/ occurs elsewhere.
4p /jiwsa/ occurs in Calacoa, Sitajara, Surupa
(a community across from Socca), and is the form cited
by Bertonio (1603b); /jiwasa/ occurs elsewhere.
5-2.4 Numbers
Variation in number roots is phonological only.
Forms derived from numbers show some lexical variation.
217
5-2.41 maya ~ ma: ‘one’ and paya ~ pa: ‘two'
In all dialects maya and paya occur singly or
as heads of phrases. Like k"aya and naya, their /ya/
sequences reduce to vowel length form when they occur as
modifiers, e. g. /ma:/ in ma: uta ‘one house's; and as
already noted (4-3.22.14), in Jopoqueri the vowel length
allomorphs also occur in compound numbers.
5-2.41.1 maya ~ ma:
maya ~ ma: has several derived meanings and
forms. In its basic form as modifier /ma:/ means ‘one’.
When modifying a pluralized noun, it translates as 'some'
(unos in Spanish), e. g. ma: achachila.naka.x ‘some old
men'. It may modify another number, as in ma: pa: ch'akura
‘some two stakes' (Corque).
maya ~ ma: plus -mpi ~ -nti ‘with' has the
meaning ‘once more, again'. Allomorphs are regionally
predictable but will be given here to illustrate their
differing phonological shapes, which can cause inter-
dialectal confusion. For example, a La Paz speaker
did not recognize the Salinas voiced variant [ma:.ndi]
and resisted accepting it as the equivalent of his
/maya.mpi/.
/maya.mpi/ (La Paz, most other dialects)
/ma:.mpi/ (Calacoa)
218
/ma:.mpi/ (with optional realization [ma:.mbi]) (Calacala)
/ma:.mpi ~ ma:.nti/ (Jopoqueri)
/ma:.nti/ [ma:.ndi] (Salinas)
maya also has two derived meanings: ‘suddenly,
all at once' and ‘another, different'. maya 'suddenly'
occurs to modify a verb.
Uka.t may puraka.pa.x p!alla.tata.w.j.iritayn.
then ~~ stomach burst 3>3
RIK
'Then suddenly her stomach burst.' (Calacoa)
It also occurs in derived formations.
maya.ki ‘suddenly’ (La Paz) -ki ‘just’
may.ti 'suddenly' (Juli) -ti frozen suffix
ma:.ki ‘fast, quickly, at once' (Calacoa)
maya.ki_may.sa.r ‘all at once' (La Paz)
-sa_ 'side' -ru ‘to, at’
maya ‘another, different’ has always occurred
suffixed or reduplicated or in a compound with uru '‘day'
in this research. It does not have an allomorph /ma:/
in dialects investigated so far.
219
may.maya ‘first one, then the other' (La Paz/Compi)
maya.ki ‘different, other' (Calacoa)
may. ja 'different' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz)
/-ja/ 'like'
may.ja jaqi ‘another class of person' (euphemism for
dishonest person) (La Paz)
jaqi ‘person'
may. ja.ta ‘in a certain way' (La Paz) /-ta/ ‘of, from'
maya.:ma ‘different, other' (Morocomarca) /-:ma/ ‘like’
maya.:mu ‘different, other' (Salinas) /-:mu/ ‘like’
may. ni ‘the other one' (human) (La Paz, Salinas)
-ni 'possessor'
may.ni.nha ‘my spouse' (Jopoqueri) /-nha/ 1p possessive
may.n.ch"ap.iri ‘someone, another one’ (Jopoqueri)
/-ch"api/ ‘the one which' -iri nominalizer
taqi may.ni.s ‘everyone! (La Paz) taqi ‘all'
~sa sentence suffix
may.ti ‘different, suddenly’ (Juli)
may.kip uru ‘every other day' (Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio
1603b:173)
-kipa ‘every other’
220
may.u:ru ‘another day' (all dialects); also means
‘tomorrow’ (Sitajara)
uru ‘day’
(This last contrasts with ma: uru ‘one day', showing
that maya ‘different, other' is a different morpheme from
maya ~ -ma: ‘one', although it overlaps with maya ~ ma:
‘suddenly’. )
*maya. jamu ‘in one manner' (Bertonio 1603b:174)
*may.s.ja 'different' (Sebeok 1951a:55)
5-2.41.2 aya ~ pa:
paya ~ pa: occurs in derived formations also.
pa.ni ‘two people! (all dialects) -ni 'enumerator'
pa.ni.sa†‘we (4p) two' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b)
zsa_ 4p
pay.pacha 'the two [nonhuman]' (Huancané) -pacha ‘all, same'
pa.cha.si.fia ‘to doubt, be of two minds' (La Paz; also
Wexler 1967:455)
-cha causative verbalizer ~si reflexive
-na nominalizer
*pa.mp.pacha.ni ‘the two [human]' (LaBarre 1950:42)
* pay.uru ‘two days' (Tschopik 1948:109)
22)
5-2.42 Other numbers
/kinsa/ ‘three’ occurs in Morocomarca and Salinas,
/kimsa/ elsewhere. The variants occur consistently in
the compound numbers ‘eight', 'thirteen', etc.
/p"usi/ 'four' occurs in Calacoa, /pusi/ else-
where.
/pisqa/ 'five' occurs in Salinas (and is alleged
by Bertonio); /p"isqa/ occurs in La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Sitajara, and Jopoqueri; /pisg"a/ occurs in Huancané
and Morocomarca; /pichq"a/ occurs in Calacala.
All present-day dialects have suxta, 'six';
Bertonio cited “chuxta (1603b:167).
Orinoca, a town on Lake Poop6é in Oruro, reportedly
has */paqaluqu/ 'seven'â€; all dialects encountered in
this research have pagallqu.
The variants /kimsagqaliqu/ and /kinsaqallqu/
‘eight’ occur as indicated for /kimsa/ and /kinsa/,
above.
llatunka ‘nine', tunka 'ten', and waranga
‘thousand’ are invariable in present-day dialects, except
that in Salinas, where there is an obligatory rule voic-
ing stops after nasals and before vowels, there are
distinctive phonetic realizations: [llatunga], [tunga],
and [waranga]. Bertonio gave *iWallatunka for ‘nine!
and three different translations for ‘thousand':
222
*sachu and *junu (Bertonio 1603b:167) and later *waranga
(Bertonio 1612:2.150).
5-2.5 Positionals
Positionals are a class of nouns referring to
spatial orientation, real and metaphorical. They often
occur as heads in phrases with each other and other nouns,
but all may act as free roots occurring alone. They
take -ka- verbalizer (after the suffix -na) but usually
do not take vowel length or -pta- verbalizer. Nouns
which are semantically positionals but do not readily
combine with full members of the class may be considered
borderline members. There is more dialectal variety in
these borderline cases than in the six regular and one
defective positionals which constitute the class proper.
5-2.51 Regular positionals
The six regular positionals are
anga ‘outside’
chiga ‘'straight(ness), truth'
mang'a ~ mang"i ‘inside, below’
pata ‘top, altiplano'
q'ipa ‘after, behind' (also a temporal; see 5-2.6)
taypi ‘middle, midst'
223
These are found throughout the Aymara world. All have
a high functional load except anga. Bertonio cited
+ u . ts _ ' + tes 7 i) 1
mang"a meaning 'inside' and manq"i meaning ‘below
(Bertonio 1603:23). Some present-day dialects have one
variant and others the other. La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, and Morocomarca have mang"a; Huancané and Sita-
jara have mang"i; Calacoa has both mang"a and mang"i
for ‘inside’ and mang"a for ‘below’.
5-2.52 Defective positional
The defective positional is tugi~tugu ‘around,
in the area of'. It is defective in that it does not
occur as a modifier in phrases, but only as head, like
a clitic on the way to becoming a suffix; but it may also
occur alone as a root. /tuqi/ occurs everywhere. The
alternate form /tuqu/ occurs in Calacoa (the one instance
was in a riddle) and in Morocomarca and Calacala. In
Morocomarca only /tuqi/ was acceptable before the suffix
-na possessive/locational.
5-2.53 Borderline positionals
These roots will be listed in alphabetical order
with examples of their occurrences and an indication of
where they occurred, although their isoglosses are yet
to be finally determined.
224
alaya ‘above, next' (La Paz)
alay pata ‘up there' pata ‘'top'
alay sawaru ‘next Saturday' sawaru 'Saturday'
/alaxa/ ‘north' (La Paz)
alax.pacha ‘sky, heaven' pacha ‘space, time'
/araxa/ '‘north' (Jopoqueri)
arax.pacha 'sky, heaven'
amsta ‘upward' (La Paz, Huancané)
awk"wa meaning uncertain; occurred in
jich"a.t awk"wa.ru ‘from now on' (Salinas)
dich"a 'now' -ru 'to'
aynacha ‘descent, slope, below' (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Jopoqueri )
chaga_ ~ chag"a ‘around, in the area of' (Morocomarca)
chika 'next to, beside’ (Juli, Jopoqueri, Calacala,
San Andrés de Machaca)
na.mp chik ‘at my side’ (Juli)
na Ip -mpi_ ‘with'
chika.ta ‘next to, beside' (Tiahuanaco)
-ta ‘from, of'
chika ‘halfway, middle' (Compi, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa;
also a temporal)
chika.ta ‘half' (La Paz)
6
ch'ina’ ‘after, behind' (Tiahuanaco, in folk tale only;
also Bertonio 1603b:223)
uta ch'in.kat.xa.y ‘behind the house' (Tiahuanaco)
uta '‘house' -kata ‘across'
-xa_ sentence suffix -ya sentence suffix
jik"a 'behind' (Huancané)
k"ina ‘behind, west' (Jopoqueri)
laru 'beside' < Spanish lado ‘side' (Juli, Huancané, Jopo-
queri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
/layra/ ‘eye, before, in front of' (Salinas, Morocomarca;
also a temporal)
/nayra/ ‘eye, before, in front of' (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa,
Sitajara, Jopoqueri;
also a temporal)
pacha ‘space, time, epoch' (all dialects; also a temporal)
juk'a pacha.ki ‘little amount' (Morocomarca)
juk'a ‘little amount' -ki ‘just’
226
jisk'a pacha.ki '‘small' (Morocomarca)
jisk'a ‘little size’
5-2.6 Temporals’
This important class contains a number of roots
and a few root-like recurrent partials referring to seg-
ments of time. In all dialects the class has taken in
certain Spanish time words which pattern like the Aymara
roots.
5-2.61 Full temporal roots
Full temporal roots may be defined as potentially
occurring as heads in phrases or compounds with jich"a
"now' as modifier, or as modifiers in phrases or com-
pounds with uru 'day' as head. These two roots, which
occur in all dialects, themselves belong to the class of
full temporal roots as they occur in the combination
jich".u:ru as well as in other combinations. Full temporal
roots, including those that are Spanish loans, are the
following (for dialectal distribution of native Aymara
temporal roots, see Figures 5-1 and 5-2):
5-2.61.1 Heads with jich"a as modifier
alwa < Spanish alba ‘dawn’, ‘early, morning'
arama ~ aruma ‘night, morning, period from midnight to
dawn, before daylight’
227
arumanti ~ arumant"i ‘morning, tomorrow, period from midnight
to dawn'
arumarji ~ arumirja ‘morning’
+ i
jaypu ~ jayp"u ~ jayp'u ‘afternoon, evening’
mara 'year'
p"axsi ‘month'
g'alta ~ q"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow’ (Bertonio 1603b cited
*galta)
ratu < Spanish rato 'while'
simana < Spanish semana tweek'®
tarti < Spanish tarde ‘afternoon, evening, late’
timpu < Spanish tiempo ‘time’
urasa ~ -wrasa ~ -wsa < Spanish horas ‘hours’
uru_ ‘day'
By a morphophonemic rule affecting nouns with initial
/j3V/;,; jich"a may optionally lose its sequence /ji/ (see
4-3.12.1).
5-2.61.2 Modifiers with uru as head
chika ‘halfway, middle' (also borderline positional )
jich"a ~ juch"a?
‘now
228
jurpi_ ~ jurp"i ‘day after tomorrow'
maya ‘another' (homophonous with maya ‘one')
q'alta ~ g"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow' (Bertonio 1603b cited
tqalta)
g"ara ‘'tomorrow'
g"ipa '‘after' (also a positional)
wasa ‘another, other'
Forms with uru as head show the operations of
the different vowel sequence avoidance rules characteris-
tic of the dialects concerned (see 4-3.22.13).
gq'alta ~ g"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow’ is included
here since a possibly related /qalit.uru/ ‘first day (of
month)' occurred embedded in a noun phrase in La Paz/
Tiahuanaco (see the end of 5-2.64), even though the first
two allomorphs were not found to occur before uru. They
are also included here because /q"alt'i/ modifies /jurp"i/
‘day after tomorrow’ and pacha 'time, epoch' in Salinas.
5-2.62 Rootlike recurrent partials
The rootlike recurrent partials that are members
of this class occur only as modifiers, in all dialects.
They are
mar- ~ war- ~ wal- ‘two (days) ago’ (+ uru)
229
mas- ~ was- ‘one (day) ago' (+ jayp'u and uru)
They occur without final vowels, but may be assumed to
have final /a/ by analogy with the root wasa, which
occurs as a free root in La Paz; *masawa ‘long ago' was
alleged by Bertonio (1603b:50).
The Spanish days of the week have been borrowed
into all Aymara dialects. They occur both as heads with
jich"a as modifier, and as modifiers with uru as head.
They also frequently occur as heads modified by alaya
'next' and pas.ir ‘last’ and as modifiers of alwa,
jayp'u, and probably others. The days are
lunisa < lunes ‘Monday '
martisa < martes 'Tuesday'
mirkulisa
juywisa < jueves ‘Thursday '
wirnisa < viernes '‘Friday'
sawaru. < sdbado 'Saturday'
tuminku < domingo ‘'‘Sunday'
5-2.63 Restricted temporal roots
Temporal roots which are more restricted in their
occurrences than full temporal roots and root-like
230
recurrent partials but formally and semantically belong in
the class are
alaya 'next', modifier of days of the week and of
p"axsi; a borderline positional also (all dialects)
arumara ‘another day' (Juli)
arunta ‘night’ (La Paz, Calacala)
kuti ‘time, occurrence’, modified by the interrogative
gawg"a, demonstratives aka and uka, and numbers,
as in ma: kuti ‘one time' (La Paz)
layra_ ~ nayra ‘before', modifier with pacha, timpu,
and frozen suffix -qata; also a borderline
positional (all dialects)
pacha ‘time, epoch', modified by interrogatives kuna and
gawg"a, demonstratives, layra~nayra, and g"alt'i;
also a borderline positional (all dialects)
Also classifiable as restricted temporals are the hours
of the day which in all dialects have been borrowed from
Spanish, e. g. Ja una ‘one o'clock', las uchu < las ocho
‘eight o'clock.'
‘what time’.
231
They answer questions with kuna.wrasa.sa
The Spanish months of the year have also been
borrowed into Aymara everywhere.
modifying p"axsi 'month', e.
of April’.
p"iwriru <
marsu .
awril <
Mayu =
junu <
jullu <
awustue <
uktuwri <
nuwimri <
risimri <
The months are
enero
febrero
marzo
abril
mayo
junio
agosto
setiembre
octubre
noviembre
diciembre
They usually occur
g. awril p"axsi ‘the month
"January'
"February'
'March'
‘April’
'May'
‘June'
‘July’
"August'
"September'
'October'
"November'’
"December'
Bertonio (1603b:181-182) gave names for the Aymara months
232
which according to Vasquez are not months, but rather
descriptions of agricultural activities appropriate to
different seasons. These do not correspond to fixed
months, probably because the agricultural seasons in
the Aymara-speaking world vary widely according to alti-
tude, availability of water, and quality of the soil as
well as to annual fluctuations in rainy and dry cycles
within areas. Below are given Bertonio's ‘months' and
his glosses, followed by V&squez' interpretations.
t chinu p'axsi ‘January, month of the ant’
chinu p"axsi ‘tying month' chinu.fia ‘to tie' (La Paz)
(Vasquez suggests this may refer to tying the kipu,
the knotted string records kept in ancient times. )
*marka p"axsi or “q"ulli.wi p'axsi ‘February, month to be in town
in order to divide fields into those to lie fallow and those
to be plowed'
marka ‘town' g"ulli.fia ‘to plow' gq"ulli.wi ‘plowing time’
(La Paz)
"1 1upa. 1 lamayu ‘March'
llupa.fia ‘to cover' Llamayu.fia ‘to hoe'
liamay p"axsi ‘hoeing month' (La Paz)
*amka. 1 amayu ‘April' (unknown in La Paz)
233
*isk'a wati or tkasi.wi ‘May, little hunger'
jisk'a awati ‘assumption of duties by new team of shepherds
sent to herd and cut wool; in some places may occur in
January or March' (La Paz)
disk'a ‘little' awati.fia ‘to herd'
*kasi.wi (unknown)
jach'a jawti ‘June, big hunger'
jach'a awtji ‘big hunger' (La Paz)
jach'a awti ‘big drought’ (La Paz)
jach'a ‘big' awtji '‘hunger' awti ‘drought’
*kYasu lapaga 'September'
lapaga ‘drought caused by the sun' (sequedad del sol) (La Paz)
*k"asu (unknown)
*sata.wi lapaga ‘October’
sata.w lapaga ‘planting drought' (La Paz)
sata.fia ‘to plant’
*wafia chucha 'November' (unknown in La Paz)
* uma chucha 'December' (unknown in La Paz)
uma '‘water' (La Paz)
234
+ hucha pankata: 'kind of beetle that comes in November and December
when there is stil] drought'
chucha pankataya ‘beetle that comes during heavy rains in
December' (La Paz)
At least one misinterpretation is apparent in
Bertonio's data. In contemporary Aymara awati is '‘herding',
not ‘hunger’, which Bertonio gives as *jawti in
*jach'a jawti and which is awtji in present-day La Paz.
Expressing frustration at not being able to elicit
names clearly corresponding to the months as Europeans
knew them, Bertonio complained
The etymology of these that we have
declared is not understood by all the
same way; nor do the months begin with
the punctuality of ours, because of
their lack of sophistication (policia)
and knowledge. (Bertonio 1603b:182
The Aymaras' detailed knowledge of their agricultural cycle
was evidently lost on Bertonio.
A small set of native Aymara terms for times of
day is the following provided by Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco):
inti tuyta ‘eight a.m.’ inti ‘sun’
jalsu ‘six to seven a.m.' (i. e., sunrise)
willjta ‘five a.m., when the stars fall'
Bertonio (1603b:185) also gave the term Tanti sunagi.n.kipa.na
235
for 'noon'. Vasquez indicates this means 'on the top of
the head'.
The following restricted temporal roots do not
enter into noun phrases but instead modify verbs:
anch"ita ‘right away'
jink"ara (Jopoqueri) ~ nik"ira (Sitajara) ~ nik“iri
(Socca) ~ nink"ara (Salinas, La Paz) ~ nink"a:ra
(La Paz) ~ nink"ra (Morocomarca) ‘a while ago! 0
maya ~ may.ti ‘all at once' (see 5-2.4)
maya.mpi ~ ma.nti ‘again' (see 5-2.4)
niya ~ na '‘already'
wasita (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara) ~ wasta (Juli)
‘'again' (possibly related to wasa)
5-2.64 Temporals in combination with nouns of other
classes
In all dialects nouns from other classes combine
with temporais. Compound forms with the interrogatives
kuna and gawg"a are shown in 5-2.1. The demonstratives
and the numbers, especially maya ~ ma: 'one' and maya
‘'another' (which are simultaneously temporals), may also
modify temporals.
236
The normal positional g"ipa ‘after’ and the bor-
derline positionals chika ‘halfway, middle’ and layra ~
nayra 'before' are simultaneously members of the temporal
class and modify other temporals in all dialects.
Two verbs nominalized with -iri modify temporals.
They are jut.iri ‘coming, next' and pas.iri ‘last, past'
(from Spanish pasa- ‘pass'), as in the following. (The
examples are from La Paz but probably occur elsewhere
as well.)
jut.ir mara ‘next year'
jut.ir p"axsi "next month'
pas.ir junisa ‘last Monday'
pas.ir p'axsi ‘last month’
The suffix -kama should also be included in a
discussion of temporals (see 5-3.32.1).
5-2.65 Distribution of temporal roots and derived forms
Figures 5-1.1 and 5-1.2 give dialectal distribu-
tion and glosses of full root and derived temporals that
show variation, in alphabetical order. Where a slot in
the pattern is filled by a different form, it is shown
in parentheses. Blanks mean no form was elicited for the
gloss shown. Figure 5-2 shows the overlapping glosses of
Roots
arama~
aruma
arumanti~
arumant" {
arumarji~
arumirja
Jaypu~
Jayp"u~
jayp'u
jurpi~
jurp’1
Figure 5-1.1.
Bertonio
1603b
La Paz
aruma
(arumarj{~
arumirja
arumanti~
arumant"?)
aruma
jich"arma~
jich"aruma
jich"arma
arumant i~
arumant"i
jich"ar-
mant"i
arumarji~
arumirja
jich"ar-
mirja
jayp'u
jich"ayp'u
masayp'u~
wasayp'u
jurpu:ru
Temporals
Julf Huancané Calacoa
———————— aruma ———————_>
(alwa) (arumanti) (q'alta)
~<——- aruma ——>
jayp"“u aruma
(jich"a ~<— jich"aruma —>-
jayp'u
(masayp'u)
~<———_—— arumanti —--———>-.
arumanti
jich"ar- (jich"a
manti q'alta)
Jayp'u Jaypu jayp"u
jich'a ~«<— (jich"aruma) —>
jayp'u
masayp'u
jurp"u:ru jurpiwru jurp"i
Sitajara
(ch'ama)
‘dark’
aruma
(mayuru,
q'alta)
(jich"ur
aruma).
Jjaypu
jurpiwru
Jopoquert Salinas Morocomarca
arama arama~ aruma
aruma .
arama
arama aruma
aruma
(jich"a jich"a jich"a
arumanti) arama aruma
+— (jayp"u)-— masur
aruma
(q"aru:ru) (q“ara, (q"alt'i)
g'alt'i)
<—— (jich"ag"alt'i) ————>
jich"a
arumanti
——— jayp"u ————_—>
(jich"a (jich"a (jich"a
arumant{) arama) aruma)
~«——jayp"u —_> (masur
aruma)
jurpi q"alt'i (q"aru:ru)
jurp"i
jurpu:ru
Gloss
night
evening
morning
early morning
midnight/dawn
early night
tonight
Jast night
tomorrow
morning
this morning
tonight
morning
this morning
evening, night
tonight
last night
day after tomorrow
day after day
after tomorrow
L€e
Bertonio
1603b
Roots La Paz
mara maymara~
mayina:ra~
miymara,
k"uri mara
jutir
mara
(azrumarji
arumirja,
arunanti
arumant"i)
q'alta~
q"alt'i
q"ara q"aru:ru
(jurpurru)
uru chika uru
jich"u:ru~
juch"u:ru
jurpu:ru
+
waluru
walu:ru
+
masu:vu masuru
wasuiTu
mayuru,
q" ipusru
Figure 5-1.2. Temporals
Juli Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Gloss
miymara ——— maymara —————> Jast year
q" ipa next year
mara
(alwa) (arumanti) «—— qg'alta —+> ~——-——. q"alt'i ————_—_-- morning
q"aru:ru —q“arawru (arumanti) = (mayuru, q"aru:ru q"ara (q"alt'i) tomorrow
. q'alta)
———————-———— _ (jurpt series) ———_———__-—__—> q"aru:ru. day after tomorrow
midday
jich"u:ru) «—Jich"awru —> fiche today
jurp"u:ru jurpiwru (jurp"i) jurpiwru (jurpi) (qa (q"aru:ru) day after tomorrow
jurp"t
jurpu:ru day after day
after tomorrow
walu:ra walawru* <——— waluru ———> waruru (maswar- maruru day before
u:ru} yesterday
masu:ru masawru ~—— masuru ———> ——— — masu:ru ————_—>- yesterday
g"ipu:ru g"tpavru
yaq"a uru
*unattested,
but fits
pattern
mayuru mayu:ru another day
yag"a uru
BE?
arama
aruma
arumarji ~
arumirja
arumanti
arumara
arunta
[*qarta Bertonio 16035]
gialta Calacca
qvalt'i
*mayl lucy Bertonio 1603b
mayuru
mayu:ru
q"ara
g"aru:ru
q"arawru
ws .
q"ipusru
q"ipawru
(to}night (this) morning
Jopoqueri Jopoqueri
Salinas
La Paz Sitajara
Juli Morocomarca
Huancané
Calacoa
Morocomarca
La Paz
Jopoqueri La Paz
La Paz
Calacala
Jopoqueri
Salinas
Horccomarca
Figure 5-2. Temporals - Overlapping Glosses
midaight/dawn
Norocomarca
Jopocueri
tomorrow
La Paz
dulf
Huancané
Calacoa
Sitajara
Salinas
Morocomarca
Sitajara
' Salinas
La Paz
Juli
Jopoqueri
Huencané
day after tomorrow another day
Julf
nN
©)
io
La Paz
Jopoqueri
Salinzs
Morocomarca
La Paz, Juli
Huancané
240
certain root and derived temporals. Forms alleged for
Juli by Bertonio (1603b) are boxed to set them off from
contemporary forms. |!
5-2.66 Semantics
Phonologically identical or similar roots with
the same meanings across dialects are the Spanish loans
and the following:
jaypu ~ jayp"u ~ jayp'u ‘evening’
djich"a 'now'
jink"ara (and variants) ‘a little while ago'
jurpi_ ~ jurp"i ‘day after tomorrow’
pacha ‘time, epoch'
p"axsi ‘month'
uru ‘day'
Phonologically identical or similar derived forms
with the same meanings across dialects, in their La Paz
versions, are
may.mara ~ miy.mara 'last year'
jurp.u:ru ~ ‘day after tomorrow’ (except in Morocomarca)
241
mas.u:ru_~ was.u:ru- ‘yesterday'
wal.u:ru ‘day before yesterday' (except in Salinas)
As may be seen in Figure 5-2, the semantic field
of aruma_ ~ arama and arumanti still lacks a precise formu-
lation, but certain outlines are clear. The glosses at
first seemed bewilderingly in conflict: ‘morning' and
‘night’. To complicate matters further, aruma means
‘orange color' in Jopoqueri. Two sources, one from Moro-
comarca and the other from Jopoqueri, accepted ‘time
period from midnight to dawn' as a roughly accurate defi-
nition of aruma (Morocomarca) and arumanti (Jopoqueri).
According to a La Paz source, the period begins at bed-
time: arum chiga.ru is ‘at dusk' (Spanish al atardecer)
or ‘at night' (Spanish por la noche). A source in Calacoa
said the following:
Aruma.:.w.x.i.W, iki.nta.w.ja.:tan.
33 bed 4>3
S F
late
‘It's already fae
} >» let's go to bed.'
In La Paz, Calacoa, and Huancané, aruma also means ‘early
morning, before daylight' as in the following:
Aruma.t sara.nani.xa. ‘Let's go early (before it gets
go 433 light).' (Huancané)
F
242
The period thus seems to begin after dark, approximately
when people retire for the night, and end before dawn,
when they get up. Perhaps it refers to the period when
work is normally suspended; it is evidently tied to dark-
ness. Depending on one's point of reference in time
it may be translated variously.
The root arumanti overlaps the semantic field
of 'tomorrow'. La Paz, Juli and Huancané have both
arumanti and a g"ara form for ‘tomorrow'. A qg"ara form
was not elicited for Calacoa, which alone of the arumanti
‘tomorrow’ group also has g'alta for 'morning'. Salinas
and Jopoqueri have g"alt'i for ‘morning’ and g"ara forms
for 'tomorrow'; in Salinas g"alt'i also means ‘tomorrow’.
Salinas and Morocomarca have g"alt'i for both
‘morning’ and ‘'tomorrow' and Huancané has arumanti for
both meanings. La Paz has ch"armant"i ‘this morning’
built on arumanti, and arumanti ‘tomorrow’. La Paz and
Huancané also have forms based on q"ara for ‘tomorrow’
and La Paz also has arumarji ~ arumirja for ‘morning’.
Bertonio (1603b) indicated there were separate terms
for the two, *galta ‘morning’ and *maylluru ‘tomorrow’.
In contemporary dialects forms built of maya plus uru
mean ‘another day' rather than ‘tomorrow' except in
Sitajara, where the form has both meanings. (It may
also have had both meanings in 17th century Juli.)
243
In Morocomarca g"ar.u:ru means ‘day after tomorrow',
the slot filled by the jurpi series elsewhere, and jurp.uru
means ‘day after day after tomorrow’, a semantic slot not
elicited for other dialects.
In La Paz q'alta ~ g"alt'i were rejected, although
a possibly related gallt.uru occurred in the phrase mayu
p"axs galit.uru ‘the first day of May' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco).
In Salinas arumanti was recognized as used elsewhere but
not there. Not all terms were tested in all areas, so
some not shown for a given area may in fact be acceptable
there.
5-2.7 Ambiguous noun/verb roots
A few ambiguous noun/verb roots have been identi-
fied in this research. The following occur generally
unless otherwise noted:
aru ‘word, language; talk, speak’
awati ‘herding; herd'
ch'aga ‘lost; lose'
ch'uwa ‘transparent, crystalline; be transparent’ (said
of water, milk)
isi ‘clothes; put on clothes'
jacha ‘tear; cry'
244
k"ita ‘messenger; send a messenger'
mang'a ~ mag'a ‘food; eat, feed'
mink'a ‘help; help' (Morocomarca)
nink"ara ‘a while ago; be a while ago' (La Paz)
pug"a ‘full; pay a bill (fulfill)'
gillga ‘letter; write'
qinaya ‘cloud; cloud' (La Paz)
guna ‘square stone used to grind corn; grind corn' (La Paz)
q'ipi ‘bundle; carry a bundle on the back'
A special kind of noun/verb root is the syntactic
filler inchi, which occurs to fill space while the speaker
searches for a word. !¢ Examples:
Uka.ta.w (inchi) kuna.sa. . . ‘Then (uh) what. . .'
(Calacoa)
inchi.w.iri.x (Calacoa) -wa- verbal derivational 'distancer'
-iri nominalizer
inchi.ru.x (Sitajara) -ru ‘to, at’
inchi.ta (Calacala) -ta ‘of, from’
245
Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes may
act like derived nouns. Examples are given in 6-2.
5-3 Noun Suffixes
Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, noun stems,
and nominalized themes. Noun suffix classes are four:
a class of limited occurrence and three order classes.
Class 1 consists of locationals, diminutives, a posses-
sor/enumerator, personal possessives, and plural. Class
2 consists of complement/relational (case) suffixes and
final noun suffixes. Class 3 noun suffixes are the ver-
balizers.
Figure 5-3 shows the order classes of noun suf-
fixes. This figure, adapted from my earlier version
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.281), shows all noun suffixes
and their allomorphs encountered in the research for
this study.
For general comments on noun suffix morphopho-
nemics, see 4-2.
5-3.1 Class of limited occurrence
5-3.11 Frozen limited suffixes
Frozen suffixes occur most often as recurrent
partials frozen in stems that do not occur without them,
but some also occur on certain free roots. Their meaning
is not usually apparent.
Limited Class Class } Class 2
Comptement/
(Non-frozen) Locationals Possessives Plural Relaticnal Final Suffixes
me ee ee me we ee me
= kata li -wja ~ jita})
Possessor/
Diminutives Enumerator
-ycha oni
“ila > oytla
-ita
eitu
eysitu
‘
t
~ xa (and vars
jants) !
t
Or
3
oa
> Jama
1,2
= xa 7
co
o
{and var-
fants)
Nc te AS
un
w
= -t"
vty ~ ot'a
¢
~ taki, ~ -tak’d>
.v v
¢ 6 6© ly
y thy
Class 3
Verbal izers Key: .
Suffixes separated by a dotted line may change places.
Suffixes separated ty a solid line may not change places.
[rela ~ -ka-
Vay follow -mpi and -pacha.
May separate -mpi and -pacha.
May precede -ni and locationals -wja, ={ita.
Morphophonemics cf allemorphs are the same as on the first
allomorphs shown, unless otherwise noted.
Adapted from Griggs (dardman et al. 1975:3.281)
Figure 5-3. Aymara Noun Suffixes
972
247
5-3.11.1 Kinship markers
Kinship markers are -chi ~ -ch"i ~ -ch'i, -ku,
-la, -ta ~ -tta, and -ya. They occur on kinship terms
used in certain areas. Both -chi or -ta and -la occur
on certain stems, -la always last.
5-3.11.11 “e chi ~ -ch"i ~ -ch'i
V
Kinship terms with this partial are
achachi_ ‘grandfather' (Morocomarca, also Bertonio 1603b)
‘old man' (Calacoa)
'stupid/dirty old man, old (animal)'
(La Paz)
achachila ‘grandfather’ (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri)
achichi ‘stupid old man, old' (Sitajara)
alichi 'grandchild(ren)' (most dialects)
alichti 'grandchild(ren)' (Jopoqueri)
*apachi ‘grandmother' (Bertonio 1603b; not attested in
modern Aymara)
248
awkch'i 'father-in-law' (Huancané, Salinas, Morocomarca;
awki occurs there and elsewhere, meaning 'father'
or ‘old man')
jach'achila ‘grandfather’ (Morocomarca) jach'a_ 'big'
taykchi_ ‘mother-in-law’ (Huancané)
taykch'i ‘mother-in-law! (Salinas; tayka occurs there and
elsewhere, meaning 'mother' or ‘old woman')
This frozen suffix has a preceding vowel in some stems,
and a preceding consonant in others.
5-3.11.12 ~yku
This has occurred only in mamaku 'mother' and
tataku ‘father', terms reportedly used today in the
towns of Huatajata and Janco Amaya near Compi (La
Paz); they were used in Compi during the childhood of
persons who are now middle-aged. The forms mama
'mother/ma'am' and tata 'father/sir' are in general
use throughout the Aymara area.
5-3.11.13 -yla
This occurs as follows:
achachila ‘grandfather’ (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri)
ch'ammala ‘grandmother’ < jach'a mamala (Jopoqueri )
249
jach'achila ‘grandfather’ (Morocomarca)
jach'attala ‘grandfather' < jach'a tatala (Jopoqueri)
jach'a ‘large’
mamala ‘form of address used by mother speaking to daughter'
(Vitocota)
mamala ‘mother’ (Calacoa, Morocomarca)
jach'a mamala ‘great grandmother' (San Andrés de Machaca)
jilir mamala ‘mother's older sister' (Morocomarca)
tatala ‘form of address used by mother speaking to son'
(Vitocota)
tatala ‘father’ (Calacoa, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
tatala ‘offensive term' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Dios tatala ‘God the Father' (Torata, Moquegua)
tiwula < Spanish tfo ‘uncle' (previously used in Compi)
tiwula 'fox' (La Paz, Socca, Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
250
tiyala ‘sister or female cousin of father’ < Spanish tia
(Juli)
tiyula < Spanish tio ‘uncle’ (Morocomarca)
5-3.11.14 -yma_~ -mma
C
This is probably a reduced form of mama ‘mother/
ma'am'. It has occurred only in Jopoqueri, in the follow-
ing:
jil.ir.may ‘father's older brother's wife’
tayp.ir.ma ‘father's middle brother's wife'
sullk.ir.ma ‘father's younger brother's wife'
pichumma ‘father's youngest brother's wife'
This suffix basically requires a previous vowel,
but it follows the three-vowel rule (4-3.22.16).
5-3.11.15 -yta ~ -tta
Cc
This is probably a reduced form of tata 'father/
ipata ‘father's sister’ (Jopoqueri) ipa ‘aunt’
jach‘attala < jach'a tatala ‘grandfather' (Jopoqueri)
251
jilata ‘brother’ (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca)
jila ‘brother' (most dialects)
jil.ir.ttay ‘father's older brother' (Jopoqueri)
jil.iri ‘older' (most dialects)
larita ‘uncle! (Calacoa)
lari ‘fox' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
‘neighbor’ (Compi)
‘father's brother' (Bertonio 1603b:202)
laritta ‘uncle’ (Jopoqueri)
pichu.r.tta ‘father's youngest brother' (Jopoqueri)
pichu.ri ‘youngest' (Jopoqueri)
sullk.ir.tta ‘father's younger brother’ (Jopoqueri)
sullka '‘younger' (most dialects)
tayp.ir.tta ‘father's middle brother' (Jopoqueri)
taypi ‘middle' (all dialects)
252
The morphophonemics of this suffix are the same as those
of -ma ~ -mma.
5-3.11.16 -yya
This suffix occurs on jilaya 'brother', jil.ir.may
‘father's older brother's wife’, and jil.ir.ttay ‘father's
older brother', all used in Jopoqueri, and in sullka
tata.ya ‘father's younger brother', used in Socca. In
the last example it may be an allomorph of lp possessive
suffix (see 5-3.24.1).
5-3.12 Nonfrozen limited suffixes
The meanings of these suffixes are usually
apparent.
5-3.12.1 - chapi ~ -ch"api ‘the one which/that'
This suffix does not occur in La Paz. It occurs
in Huancané, Sitajara, and Jopoqueri, usually with the
aspirated allomorph, on the interrogative kawki, the
demonstratives aka and uka, and the derived number
may.ni. Examples:
kawk.ch"api.sa ‘which, who is that?' (Sitajara)
ak.chapi ‘this one' (Huancané)
uk.chapi ‘that one' (Huancané)
may.n.ch"ap.iri ‘someone' (Jopoqueri)
The following examples were cited by Bertonio (1603b)
and Tschopik (1948):
*kawki.chapi 'which' (Bertonio 1603b:237)
*kawk.ch'ap.iri.sa ‘which of us' (Tschopik 1948:110)
*jach'a.chapi 'the large one' (Bertonio 1603b:193)
*jiwa.ta.chapi ‘the one that is dead' (Tschopik 1948:110)
*wila.chapi 'the red one' (Bertonio 1603b:192)
(The glottalization shown on the second example is probably
in error.)
5-3.12.2 ~ chia ‘size, extent'
This suffix has occurred on the interrogative
gawg"a, the demonstrative uka, and the number maya.
It is general in all dialects. Examples:
qawg"a.ti gqawq.ch'a.ti ‘however much' (Huancané)
uk.ch'a.ki.y ‘just that size’ (La Paz)
Uk.ch'a.ki.w. ‘That's all.' (story ending, Juli, La Paz)
254
ma: uk.ch'a ‘a while’ (Jopoqueri)
yat may.ch'a.x ‘in some places' (La Paz)
tuk.ch'a.:.fi.kama.xa ‘meanwhile’ (Tschopik 1948:108)
5-3.12.3 - da ‘amount, quantity'
This suffix occurs on only a few roots and is
difficult to distinguish from a homophonous allomorph
of the Class 2 noun suffix -jama 'like', except when it
(-ja 'quantity') occurs before a complement/relational
suffix (see jayp'.ja.ru below). It must also be
distinguished from the allomorph /-ja/ of lp possessive
and from the verbal derivational suffix -ja- that may
verbalize noun roots. It may be this suffix that occurs
in the derived demonstratives ak"a and uk"a and in the
interrogatives kawk"a and qawg"a. It occurs on wali
in wal.ja ‘a lot', contrasting with wal.jama ‘pretty
good'. Two other examples, on temporals, are jayp'.ja.ru
‘in the afternoon' (San Andrés de Machaca) and ur.ja
‘by day' (Salinas).
5-3.12.4 - Kipa ‘every other'
In contemporary La Paz Aymara, this suffix occurs
only on numbers, as in may.kipa ‘every other one',
pay.kipa ‘every other two'. It may be identical with
the homophonous verbal derivational suffix meaning ‘action
255
around the edge, past a point, back and forth' which is
known to verbalize one noun root (see 6-2.15.1), although
the verbal suffix has different morphophonemics, requiring
a preceding vowel. Bertonio (1603b:172-173) cited -kipa
on numbers and on the following forms which are unaccept-
able in La Paz today:
*gaygta.kipa.n.ki.s ‘how far back in line'
(qawg"a.n.k.k.i.s means 'how far back in line’ in
La Paz today)
+ . ' . oo
nayra.kipa ‘second in line
*pani.kipa ‘third in Vine’
5-3.12.5 -:ka ‘general location'
This suffix occurs only on the demonstratives
aka, uka, and k"aya in La Paz. It also occurred once
in Socca on aka. It was not formally elicited nor did
it occur spontaneously elsewhere. Possibly a reduced
form of aka, it lessens the preciseness of a location.
The following examples are from La Paz/Compi.
aka.:ka.n sar.naga.s.ka.:na ‘he was going around here'
~~ 33
RDK
k"aya.:ka.n ‘around there’
uka.:ka.n ‘around there'
*k"uri.:ka.n (rejected )
The following pair, the second with -:ka, occurred in
Socca.
Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. ‘I'll be here in this place.'
133
F
Aka.:ka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. ‘I'll be around here.'
5-3.12.6 -:k"a '‘through'
Only one example of the suffix :k"a ‘through’
has occurred, in uta.:k"a ‘through the house' in Moro-
comarca, where neither the combination /-n.jama/ nor
/-na.ma/ ‘through' occurs (see 5-3.32.3). It may per-
haps consist of -:ka ‘general location’ plus /-ja/
allomorph of -jama ‘like’.
5-3.12.7 a ayku ~ -rayku ‘on account of'
Cc
/-rayku/ occurs in Morocomarca, /-layku/ else-
where. In most dialects use of this suffix in a question
implies perplexity and annoyance on the part of the ques-
tioner, e. g.,
Kuna. layku.s jut.ta? ‘Whatever possessed you to come?'
what ~~ — come 2>3
S
257
Statements with this suffix do not usually have the
strong emotional overtone of the question, as in
Manu. layku.w jut.ta. 'I came because of a debt.'
debt 133
S
Missionary Aymara uses the term kuna.layku.ti.xa 'because'
(see 9-5).
This suffix follows the three-vowel rule
(4-3.22.16).
§-3.12.8 - pura ‘between, among' (reciprocal)
c
This suffix occurs primarily on human nouns.
warmi.pura ‘among women' (La Paz)
mimill waw.pura.tan ‘we're just women' (Sitajara)
4-3
S
mimilla ‘girl’ wawa_ 'child'
Jupa.nak.pura.ki.w. ‘They're just by themselves. '
3p
Bertonio used this suffix with body parts, as
in *nayra.pura "both eyes', but in present-day La Paz
this is rejected in favor of using the frozen stem purapa
‘both' (see 5-3.24) as a modifier, e. g. purap kayu
‘both feet'.
258
This suffix follows the three-vowel rule
(4-3.22.16).
5-3.12.9 ~ygata
This suffix is known to occur on only two roots:
nayra 'before’ and sapa ‘only’. The stem nayra.gata
‘in front of' is used in La Paz, Jopoqueri, and probably
elsewhere. The stem sapa.gata 'each one’ occurs in La
Paz.
5-3.12.10 - ra "through'
Like -:k"a, -ra is a suffix occurring in only
one dialect, in this case Jopoqueri, with the meaning
‘through’.
uta.ra.n ‘through the house'
5-3.12.11 - fara intensifier
In La Paz this suffix occurs as in the following:
lag'a.rara ‘covered with earth' lag'a ‘earth’
lichi.rara ‘spotted with milk’ lichi ‘milk’
gala.rara ‘covered with stones’ gala ‘stone’
In Irpa Chico, province of Ingavi, La Paz, it
occurred in these examples cited by Martin (1969:34).
259
"Aig" i.rara ‘very muddy' nig"i ‘mud'
+ uchi.rara ‘very dirty' k"uchi ‘'pig'
5-3.12.12 - pwisa ~ - wisu ‘without'
V
This suffix is no longer productive in any dia-
lect investigated for this study, although in Bertonio's
time it apparently was (Bertonio 1603b:214,215). Its
use is now taken over by jani negative plus the possessor/
enumerator suffix -ni, as in jan nasa.ni ‘without a
nose'. Today the only forms attested with -wisa are
for Compi and Tiahuanaco: jinchu.wisa ‘hard of hearing’
and nayra.wisa ‘having bad eyesight' (which would not
be said within earshot of the person referred to, as
they would be considered rude) and jayu.wisa ‘lacking
salt'. -wisa occurs in Tiahuanaco, -wisu in Compi.
5~-3.2 Class 1 suffixes
5-3.21 Locationals
I have described locational suffixes elsewhere
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.287-290). No special effort was
made to elicit them in this study, and no variations
in their occurrences were noted. They are -.sa ‘side’,
- kata ~ -kati ‘across’, - ywia ‘place’, - dita ‘exactly
in a place’, - xa ‘over, on', and -:xa ‘beside’.
260
5-3.22 Diminutives
The following diminutives have occurred in this
research: -cha, -illa ~ -lla, -ita, -itu, and -situ.
The last three are clearly Spanish loans; -illa ~ -lla
may be. The first two and -itu are fully productive,
-~ita is less so, and -situ occurs only frozen in stems
but is included here because of its structural and
semantic closeness to the others. The diminutives do
not usually co-occur with the locationals.
5-3.22.1 ~ycha
This suffix, which may be related to the Jaqaru
-cha limitative (Hardman 1966:87), occurs in Calacoa and
Huancané on any noun that is limited or qualified as
small.
uka.cha.x '‘then' (Huancané)
marka.cha ‘little town’ (Calacoa)
nasa.cha ‘little nose' (Calacoa)
It is used on kinship terms and in forms of address as
a mark of affection and/or courtesy.
tiyu.cha.ja ‘my uncle' (Calacoa)
quli suma.cha mama ‘dear good lady' (Huancané)
jisk'a Jlugalla.cha ‘little boy' (Calacoa)
261
It may occur with other diminutives, as in the following,
which has -cha followed by -itu reduced to /ch.tu/ by
the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22.16).
papa.ch.tu.ja 'my daddy' (Huancané)
5-3.22.2 --illa ~ ~ tla
/-lla/ diminutive, which occurs in Huancané, Sita-
jara, Corque, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, is to be distin-
guished from /-1la/ Ip possessive which occurs in Vito-
cota and from /-1la/ allomorph of -ya ~ -1lla politive
final (sentence) suffix, which occurs in some of the dia-
Tects that have /-lla/ diminutive. Both the diminutive
/-lla/ and the final suffix /-1lla/ may occur on the same
stem, and they are clearly distinct in meaning.
/-illa/ has occurred in the speech of one source
from Salinas who also uses /-lla/, but the latter is
more common. It may reduplicate for emphasis. A speaker
from Jopoqueri used both pisaq.ita and pisagqa.lla ‘little
partridge’ in the same story. Other examples:
Uk.jama.lia.ki.w. ‘It's just like so.’ (Salinas)
may-illa ‘just one little one' (Salinas)
Sik'a.Jla.lla.wa. ‘It's tiny.' (Salinas) sik'a 'little'
Jisk'a.lla.ki.w. ‘It's very small.' (Huancané)
jisk'a ‘little’
262
jamach'i.lla ‘little bird' (Salinas)
jila.Jla.naka ‘brothers' (Corque)
tayka.1la ‘little old lady' (Salinas)
5-3.22.3 - ita
This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive
-ita. It occurs infrequently and usually only in frozen
forms such as mamita 'mother' (a term of endearment used
to one's own mother). It also occurs on a few roots
ending in /a/.
kullak.ita ‘little sister' (Calacoa) kullaka ‘'sister'
nas.ita ‘little nose' (Salinas) nasa _ 'nose'
pisag.ita ‘little partridge’ (Jopoqueri)
pisaga ‘partridge’
5-3.22.4 ~_itu
This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive
-ito. It is not used in Calacoa but is elsewhere more
productive than -ita, occurring on nouns without regard
to the gender of the referent, as in tawaq.itu ‘young
woman' (Juli), although in this case the choice of -itu
rather than -ita may be influenced by the fact that the
root tawagu ends in /u/.
263
5-3.22.5 -ySitu
This is a variant of -itu, from Spanish -cito.
It occurs rarely, like -ita, and appears frozen to the
roots on which it occurs, which are all kinship or age terms.
papa.situ ‘father, daddy' < Spanish papacito (La Paz)
allchi.situ ‘grandchild' (Huancané)
awki.situ) ‘little old man' (Juli)
5-3.23 ~yoi possessor/enumerator
This suffix is in general use in all areas.
The following is a summary and revision of my earlier
treatment (Hardman et al. 1975:3.291-294). The semantics
of -ni are further discussed in 8-2.24.
5-3.23.1 -ni possessor
The suffix -ni turns a noun into a possessor
of that noun, except as noted in 5-3.23.2. A noun stem
with -ni may be verbalized with the verbal derivational
suffix -cha causative as well as by -:- verbalizer.
quligi.ni ‘one who has money'
quligi.n.cha.fia ‘to make someone win' (La Paz)
264
The negative jani modifying a noun with -ni means '‘with-
out', as in jan chacha.ni ‘without a husband' (Jopoqueri,
La Paz).
5-3.23.2 -ni enumerator
-ni is used in forming certain numbers, for count-
ing, and when the following classes of nouns are used with
reference to human beings: numbers, quantity nouns (such
as tagi 'all', taq.pacha ‘all', wal.ja ‘a lot, much,
many', and juk'a ‘a few'), or the interrogative qawq"a
‘how much, how many‘.
5-3.24 Personal possessives
There are four personal possessive suffixes
corresponding to the four personal pronouns (5-2.3) and
occurring on the item possessed. All refer exclusively
to human possessors except the third person, which is
unmarked for human or nonhuman (i. e., it may refer to
human or nonhuman possessors, animate or inanimate).
There is no phonemic variation in the mor-
phemes of 2p, 3p, and 4p, which correspond to the last
syllable of the corresponding personal pronoun: 2p -ma,
3p -pa, and 4p -sa. However, as already indicated in
3-4.32, there is considerable variation in the allo-
morphs of Ip. The 3p suffix is unique in that it occurs
frozen in certain stems.
5-3.24.1 Allomorphs of Ip suffix
/-ja/
/-xa/
/-:/
/-lla/
/-nha/
/-fa/
*/-ya/
(La Paz/Compi, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa;
also alleged in Bertonio 1603b)
(La Paz)
(La Paz [rarely], Socca)
(Vitocota)
(Sitajara, Jopoqueri; reportedly general throughout
most of the provinces of Tarata [Tacna] and Carangas
[Oruro])
(Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)
(Ross 1964:Addendum, n. 4 to p. 25; locale not
indicated)
The allomorphs above correspond to some of the
allomorphs of 1+3 Future tense (6-3.32), but the corre-
spondence is not exact within all dialects.
5-3.24.11 Complete correspondence ('I'1l1l go to my house.')
Uta.nha.r sar.xa.nha. (Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
Uta.fia.r sara.fia. (Salinas)
Uta.ja.r sara. ja. (La Paz/Compi, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa)
*Uta.:.r sara.:. (Socca; not elicited)
uta '‘'house' sara- 'go'
266
5-3.24.12 Incomplete correspondence
Uta.ja.r ~ uta.xa.r sara.:ja ~ sara.: ~ sara.:xa. (La Paz)
Sara.:. ut.na.ru. (Morocomarca)
*Ut.fia.r sara.ya. (Morocomarca; not elicited, but likely)
*Uta.ja.r sara.ja: ~ sara.ya. (Socca; not elicited, but likely)
In general there are more different allomorphs of 123 F
than there are of Ip possessive,in a given dialect.
5-3.24.2 Convergence of Ip and 4p
In Sitajara 1p and 4p have fallen together in the
speech of some persons, but not completely, giving such
anomalous possibilities as jiwsa.n uta.nha, literally ‘our
(4p) house-my', where the person is /jiwsa/ 4p ‘our' in-
clusive, but the possessive suffix is /-nha/ Ip exclusive.
The intended meaning is ‘our (4p) house'. How widespread
this convergence may be is not known at this time.
5-3.24.3 Frozen 3p suffix -pa
The 3p suffix -pa is frozen in certain stems,
most of them containing base forms which may occur inde-
pendently as noun roots but may not take other personal
possessive suffixes. In two cases the base forms without
~pa occur as noun suffixes rather than as roots. Below,
the base forms are given first.
jag'a- ‘other' (see yag'a below)
jagq"apa ‘another person' (Sitajara; also Bertonio
1603b: 192)
kij- ‘'same'
kijpa ‘same, identical’ (Jopoqueri)
kiki 'same'
This occurs in La Paz with all four personal posses-
sive suffixes, e. g., 4p Jiwas kiki.sa.w. ‘It's we
ourselves.’ The frozen stem with -pa 7s
kikpa ‘same, identical' (La Paz)
kipka ‘same, identical' (La Paz, Sitajara; metathe-
~ sized form)
-pacha 'same', Class 2 noun suffix
pachpa ‘same, unchanged' (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri;
—_ also Bertonio 1603b:266)
pachpa ‘right there' (Sitajara)
-pura ‘between, among', limited noun suffix
purapa ‘both' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:267)
taqi ‘all'
taqip ~ tagpa ‘'all' (Morocomarca; this acts morphopho-
- — nemically like a root plus posses-
sive suffix, see 5-3.24.4)
268
yaq'a ‘other’
yaq"apa ‘another person, some people' (Vitocota; also
~~ Bertonio 1603b:195)
yag"ipa ‘another person, some people' (La Paz; also
~— Bertonio 1603b:195)
The /p/ that occurs in the following is probably
also a frozen form of the 3p suffix -pa:
kawki.p.iri.s '‘which?' (Calacala)
kawk.p.iri.s | ‘which?' (Morocomarca)
5-3.24.4 Morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes
In most dialects the morphophonemics of personal
possessive suffixes are variable (see 4-5.3 and below).
In Sitajara 4p -sa always takes a preceding con-
sonant in a manner analogous to the shape of the 4p pro-
noun in that dialect, jiwsa, and the other three personal
possessives require a preceding consonant when occurring
on certain forms nominalized with -ta (see 7-4.21.3).
In Morocomarca the four personal possessive
suffixes require a preceding consonant unless a stem-final
consonant cluster would thereby result, in which case the
suffixes require a preceding vowel. That is, allomorphs
requiring a preceding vowel occur in zero complements
(see 5-3.33) and in the case of 1p and 2p suffixes, in
269
modifiers of other nouns. In both cases the vowel re-
stored before the possessive suffix prevents the occur-
rence of a stem-final consonant cluster. Examples:
Subject:
Yap.fa jaya.n.k.i.wa. "My field is far away.'
Ip —
Zero complement:
Yapu.n@ sata.ni.:. ‘I'm going to plant my field.’
Tp plant i
Modifier in noun phrase:
Tatala.fi yap.pa.wa. ‘It's my father's field.'
Ip 3p
(‘my father his field')
Tatala.m yap.pa.wa. ‘It's your father's field.’
2p 3p
(‘your father his field’)
Modifiers with 3p or 4p as the final morpheme do not
occur in this context in Morocomarca.
*Tatala.p yap.pa.wa.
3p
*Tatala.s yap.pa.wa.
4p
270
If the possessive suffix -na (see 5-3.31.2) follows the
lp or 2p suffix in Morocomarca, the vowel before the personal
possessive drops by the regular morphophonemic rule for
personal possessives.
[atal.na.n yap.pa.wa. ‘It's my father's field.'
Ip
Tatal.ma.n yap.pa.wa. ‘It's your father's field.'
2p
Tatal.pa.n yap.pa.wa. "It's his/her father's field.'
3p
Tatal.sa.n yap.pa.wa. ‘It's our father's field.'
4p
The order of the rules and the conditioning may be stated
as follows.
Zero complement Conditioning
1. yapu + ~(Poss. --> yap.fa Morphological
ap.ma
yap.pa
ap.sa
2. yap.fia + zero complement --> *yap. np Syntactic
3. *yap.fi + vowel restoration --> yapu.fi Phonological
271
Noun modifier Conditioning
1. tatala + ~ poss. --> tatal.iia etc. Morphological
2. tatal.fia as modifier of another noun loses Syntactic &
final vowei by three-vowel rule: Phonological
tatal.fia --> *tatal.fi
3. tatal.fi + vowel restoration --> tatala.i Phonological
In Calacala, Jopoqueri, and Salinas personal
possessive suffixes may take a preceding consonant unless
a final consonant cluster would thereby result, but
they often take a preceding vowel even though no con-
sonant cluster would otherwise occur. In other words,
in those dialects there seems to be some free variation
in the morphophonemics of the suffixes, except when
avoidance of final consonant clusters is a factor.
In Huancané personal possessive suffixes require
a preceding vowel on two-vowel nouns but a consonant on
nouns or noun stems having more than two vowels. That is,
the three-vowel rule operates before personal possessives.
The examples are all of single noun subjects; what happens
when the nouns lose their final vowels as zero comple-
ments or modifiers is not known. Examples:
kufitu.ja ‘my story' < Spanish cuento
awich.ja ‘my grandmother' awicha ‘grandmother’
272
kuna.s isi.pa.s wali.k.i.t ni uf.nag.pa.s suma.k.i.t
nn 353
S
$a.Sa
‘none of his clothes were good, nor was his appearance
attractive, saying' isi "clothes'
~
ufi.naqa ‘appearance’
In stems frozen with 3p -pa (see above) the mor-
phophonemics of the personal possessive vary, some forms
having -pa with a preceding consonant, some with a pre-
ceding vowel. A relic of a rule of vowel loss before
possessives, with no final consonant-cluster avoidance,
is found in a term used in La Paz for the Virgin Mary.
Tayk.s Mariya.x ‘Our Mother Mary' tayka 'mother'
In Morocomarca, the /fi/ of Ip /-fla/ may be
realized as [i] (a palatalized velar nasal) in certain
environments, and in Calacala the /p/ of 3p -pa may be
realized as the voiced labial fricatives [v] or [b];
these alternations result from phonological ly-conditioned
morphophonemic rules (see 4-3.21.2 and 4-3.21.32).
5-3.25 - ynaka plural
This suffix occurs in all dialects. As indicated
in 5-2.3, number is not obligatorily marked in Aymara.
In the speech of monolinguals, plural may be marked on
273
some, all, or none of the following: a verb subject,
a verb complement, or the verb itself (with the suffix
-p- alone or in the combinations /-p.ka-/, /-p.ja-/, or
/-p.xa-/; see 6-2.26). Absence of a plural mark does not
mean singular in Aymara.
Writers of Aymara grammars frequently maintain
that plural is a category in the language, insisting
that regular and consistent use of -naka and the verb
pluralizer is the norm. It is true that bilinguals
translating from Spanish into Aymara tend to reflect
Spanish plurals in Aymara, but most plural concord in
the speech of bilinguals is merely evidence of syntactic
borrowing from the dominating language. As shown in the
following examples from the speech of a monolingual from
Sitajara, such regularity is not natively Aymara; rather,
-naka is used as an optional emphatic or intensifier.
In the first example -naka occurs on the subject,
but there is no plural mark on the verb.
Alp"irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. ‘There are alferados.'
alferado 333
S (? < Spanish alférez ‘official')
Uka.t uka piwuna.naka.x ya uka chicha.mpi.x
then those peon that with
tunu.r.i.w. ‘Then those peones (workers) feel strengthened
strength 3-3 with chicha. '
S
274
In the following, -naka is absent but there is plural
in translation:
piyuna.tay ‘for the workers'
Sometimes two parts of a sentence will be marked
for plural.
Na.naka.ru.x Sirwi.p.x.it. ‘Serve us.'
Ip —_ serve — 2>]
I
(See also the examples in 5-2.3, 6-2.26, and 8-2.4.)
The suffix -naka usually occurs before the per-
sonal possessive suffixes if both occur on a stem, but in
Calacoa the opposite order is more common, e. g.,
wawa.ja.naka.x ‘my children' (Calacoa)
wawa.naka.ja.x ‘my children’ (La Paz)
Both orders are acceptable everywhere, however.
5-3.3 Class 2 suffixes
Class 2 consists of five complement/relational
suffixes, three final noun suffixes, and zero complement vowel
loss. They are general in all Aymara dialects, with
minor phonological variations.
The suffixes -mpi ~ -nti (complement/relational)
and -pacha (final noun) have two positions of occurrence
275
each and different meanings associated with the positions,
but (as in the case of -ni possessor/enumerator, 5-3.23)
they are considered one suffix each, rather than two
homophonous suffixes, because only one -mpi ~ -nti or
-pacha may occur on one stem. The positions of occurrence
are discussed below under each suffix.
5-3.31 Complement/relationals
These suffixes are (in alphabetical order)
-mpi_~ -nti conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/ instrumental
-na_ possessive/locational
-ru. directional ‘to, at'
-ta ~ -t"a directional 'of, from'
-taki_ ~ -tak"i ~ -tay beneficiary/purposive
Except for -mpi ~ -nti, which as conjoiner or accompanier
may precede any of the others, the complement/relational
suffixes do not co-occur on one stem. (Some co-occurrence
is possible on a noun theme that has been verbalized and
then renominalized. )
These suffixes have case functions. Each may
occur to mark a complement of the verb inflection suffix
(see 6-3) or to mark the relations of other nouns to the
verb stem or to some other part of the sentence.
276
The special nature of these suffixes is reflected
in their morphophonemics. Unlike most other noun suffixes
of general occurrence, whose morphophonemics do not vary
13
from one dialect to another, two of the complement/
relationals, -na and -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay, vary in pre-
ceding morphophonemics, and all of the complement/relationals
control the loss or retention of their own final vowels
except before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes or
the sentence suffixes -lla ~ -ya or -:-. The reason for
this is that final vowel-retention and -dropping rules
that are syntactically conditioned, identifying subjects
and direct objects (zero complements) of verbs or modi-
fiers in noun phrases, do not apply to stems or themes
ending in the complement/relationals, the case relations
expressed by the latter being in complementary distribu-
tion with the case or order relations expressed by the
former. That is, a stem ending in a complement/relational
suffix cannot also be simultaneously a subject, modifier
of a head of a noun phrase, or a zero complement. The
one exception to this rule is -mpi ~ -nti which as con-
joiner or accompanier may occur on a subject or zero
complement.
5-3.31.] -y pi _~ -nti conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/
instrumental
This morpheme has two base allomorphs. /-mpi/
occurs in La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara,
277
Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala. /-nti/ occurs in
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala. Voiced
allomorphs occur by obligatory morphophonemic rule in
Salinas and optionally in Sitajara and Calacala. Dialects
that have both /-mpi/ and /-nti/ use them interchangeably;
through the influence of La Paz, /-mpi/ may be driving
out /-nti/ in dialects that have it.
Examples of this suffix on the number maya ~ ma:
‘one' were given in 5-2.4. Additional examples:
/-mpi/
kuna.mpi.sa ‘with what’
k"iti.mpi.sa ‘with whom’
Mama.ma.mp ala.ya.m. ‘Have your mother buy it.’
2p ~=—s buy†23
I
[-mbi ]
achachila -Embi ] -k ‘with the grandfather’ (Calacaia)
juma .| mbi] ‘with you' (Sitajara)
/-nti/
taqi chuyma.nt '‘wholeheartedly' (Jopoqueri)
all heart ~—_
K'iti.s uta.nti.ja.ni? ‘Who will stay with (caretake)
who house 353 the house?' (Jopoqueri)
278
/-nti/ (continued)
kuna.nti.sa ‘with what?' (Calacala)
[-ndi ]
kuna. [ndi] .sa ‘with what' (Calacala, Salinas)
k"iti.[ndi].sa ‘with whom' (Salinas)
juma.[ndi] ‘with you' (Salinas)
Use of both /-mpi/ and /-nti/ by the same speaker in one
sentence occurs in the following:
Jira.ya.fia.wa uywa.naka.nt . . . uka.t uywa.naka.mp
fertilize animal a then ~~
ana.nta.fa. ‘You have to fertilize with animals...
herd then herd animals (over the area)’ (Corque)
In Calacoa /-mpi/ loses its final vowel before
nonfinal independent -raki and final sentence suffix
-Sa. Elsewhere the suffix keeps its final vowel except
before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes. It usually
loses its final vowel word-finally. Calacoa examples:
Ma:.mp.raki ‘again’
Kuna.mp.s mang'.sna ch'unu? ‘With what can we eat chufio?'
what eat 453
D-1
279
Parinti.ja.naka.mp.s jiki.s.t'.irikt".
relative pl. meet 133
D-1
'T might meet with my relatives.'
An example with /-mpi/ occurring as conjoiner on two sub-
jects, the second preserving the final stem vowel, is the
following sentence from La Paz/Compi:
Juma.mp naya.mpi.x sara.fliani. ‘Let's you and me go.'
2p -—té‘d‘iD 43
F
Examples of /-mpi/ conjoiner followed by zero com-
plement are found in 4-3.32.2.
5-3.31.2 -na possessive/locational
The morphophonemics of this suffix vary dialec-
tically.
/-.na./ possessive (Socca)
/-,nay/ ~ /-na/ possessive (Juli)
/-na/ locational (Socca, Juli)
/-na./ possessive (Calacoa)
/-na,/ locational (Calacoa) (before final suffix -sa)
280
/-yna./ possessive and locational (elsewhere)
As may be seen above, the most common form of this suf-
fix is that requiring a preceding vowel and dropping
its own vowel in all environments. In Socca and Calacoa
the possessive and locational functions are distinguished
by morphophonemics; in Juli two allomorphs serve as
possessive, but only one of them serves as locational.
-na keeps its final vowel before the final sentence suf-
fix -sa in Calacoa and when preceded by consonant in
Juli; elsewhere it loses its final vowel in all environ-
ments. Examples:
papa.situ.j.na kullaka.pa 'my father's sister’ (Juli)
Tp ~~ 3p
papa.situ.ja.n tullga.pa 0 “We sister's husband'
7 Juli
KNit.n (Socca)
wutilla.p.s jala.ga.ya.raq.ta?
bottle 3p knock over 2>3
Kaiti en S (La Paz)
who
‘Whose bottle did you knock over on purpose?’
Kawki.n.k.i.sa? ‘Where is he/she?' (all dialects)
ma: mugu.na.s ‘on top of a hill' (Calacoa)
one hill ~—
281
Kuti.ni.fi.ma.n na ifi.ja.:ma.
return 2p ~—sé‘dUipâ€sosee~—s sd
F
‘I'll see you on your return.' (Morocomarca)
/- nai/ occurred once in La Paz/Tiahuanaco dialect in the
first words of the Lord's Prayer (which may be considered
a frozen relic). Juncture has shifted in accordance with
present rules.
Na.nak.n awki /nanak nawki/
Ip ~ father
A limited use of -na locational is that on certain" °
noun stems verbalized with the verbal derivational causa-
tive -cha- (6-2.11).
Finally, it may be -na that occurs on kawki and
the demonstratives, requiring a preceding consonant (see
5-2.1 and 5-2.2).
5-3.31.3 yeu directional ‘to, at'
Like -na and -mpi ~ -nti the suffix -ru has
variable morphophonemics. Everywhere it requires a pre-
ceding vowel, but the behavior of its own vowel varies.
It loses its final vowel before the final sentence suf-
fixes -sa and -xa in Calacoa and Torata (Moquegua). In
Socca and Sitajara it may either keep or lose its final
vowel before those two suffixes. Elsewhere it keeps its
282
own vowel except before consonant-requiring final noun
suffixes. It usually loses its vowel word-finally.
Examples:
Kuna.r.s pur.ta.x? 'Why did you come?' (Calacoa)
what — ar- 273
rive S
Kawki.r.s trawaji.tan.x? ‘Where are we going to work?!
where — work _ (Torata)
Na.x juma.r.x kumpaf.sma.w. 'I've accompanied you. '
Tp 2p 1>2 (Torata)
S
Kuna.r.s jut.ta.x? ‘Why did you come?' (Socca)
what ~ come 2>3
S
Kuna.ru.s chura.:ta.x? ‘Why are you going to give it to
what give 233 (the dog)?' (Socca)
F
Kuna.r.S sara.nhat? ‘Why are you going to go?' (Sitajara)
what ~~ go 2>3
F
Kuna.ru.s sar.k.ta? ‘Why are you going?! (Sitajara)
what ~ go 2>3
S
5-3.31.4 -yta ~ -t"a directional ‘from, of!
The allomorph /-t"a/ occurs in Juli, Huancané,
Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca,
283
and is the form reported by Bertonio (1603b) and Tschopik
(1948). Only /-t"a/ occurs in Sitajara, Salinas, and
Morocomarca. In other dialects there seems to be some
free variation of /-t"a/ and /-ta/, except in La Paz,
which has only the unaspirated allomorph.
Bertonio (1603b:69) indicated that this suffix
could mark the complements of certain verbs that usually
took -na complements, aithough -na was more common.
Examples in Bertonio also imply that an unexpressed
Frot"a/ complement could occur in a sentence, as in the
following:
* Juma kuna.layku aru.s.naq.itta?
2p what for speak 2-1
Ss
‘Why do you go around saying bad things about me?'
(Bertonio 1603b:327)
In present-day La Paz the sentence would be rendered as
Juma.x kuna. layku.s nay.xa.t parla.s.ista?
2p Ip speak 2a
with the complement nay.xa.t ‘about me' (with -xa
locational) necessarily expressed in the sentence by a
noun plus /-ta/, not merely by the verbal inflection as
in the Bertonio example. Today, if a /-ta/ complement
is not expressed by a noun in a sentence, the sentence
14
usually implies a -ru complement, as in
284
Juma.x kuna.layku.s parla.s.ista?
2p what for speak 2+]
S
'Why did you talk to me?' (naya.ru ‘to me' implied)
The combination /-xa.t/ ‘about' usually occurs in La Paz;
elsewhere /-ta/ or /-t"a/ alone may be used with that
meaning, e. g- (in Jopoqueri),
Juma.t" parla.si.p.xa.flani. ‘Let's talk about you.'
2p talk 4+3
F
This suffix often occurs on interrogatives and
numbers, sometimes in reduplicative phrases.
gawg"a.t.s gawg'a.t.s ‘how many by how many' (La Paz)
may.ni.t may.ni.ta ‘one by one' (La Paz)
kuna.t"a ‘why' (Juli, Morocomarca) kuna ‘what'
kuna.ta.raki ‘why’ (Huancané)
This suffix sometimes occurs where the English
translation would have 'in' or 'by', as in aymar aru.t"a
‘in Aymara’ and awtu.t ‘by car'. In Morocomarca it occurs
sometimes with the special meaning ‘instead of', which
elsewhere is expressed by the root noun lanti. The
following all gloss 'I came instead of him':
285
Juta.n.t"a jupa.t'a. (Morocomarca )
come 123 3p —
S
Lanti.pa.t.x pur.t"a. (Salinas)
3p ~ come I+3
S
Jupa lanti.t jut.t"a. (Jopoqueri )
3p ~ come 143
S
This suffix may also gloss ‘after’, as in
jaqu.rpa.t.pa.t ‘after his throwing it out' (Sitajara)
throw out >N 3p
Everywhere this suffix requires a preceding vowel.
It keeps its final vowel before the independent nonfinal
suffix -raki in Huancané. Elsewhere it loses its final
vowel before a following suffix unless the latter requires
a preceding vowel. It may keep or lose its vowel word-
finally.
5-3.31.3 ~ taki ~ -tak"i ~ stay beneficiary/purposive
C
/-tay/ occurs in Sitajara; /-taki/ occurs else-
where. Some Salinas speakers have /-taki"i/ in free
variation with /-taki/.
When the verbal derivational suffix -rapi-
occurs on a verb stem, the complement is a beneficiary
286
of the action, and if that complement is expressed by a
noun in the sentence, it is suffixed with -taki ~ -tak"i
-tay. If there is no -rapi in the verb stem, the verb
complement is not a beneficiary, but there may be a noun
marked by -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay expressing a goal or pur-
pose of the action.
Jupa.x naya.tak law ay.ta.s.i.
3p Ip ——s stick «pick up 353
S
'He picked up a stick for me (i. e. to hit me with).' (La Paz)
Here naya Ip is not the complement of the verb inflection,
which is 3+3 -i, but rather is the goal of the action.
The foregoing example was inspired by an example
in Bertonio (1603b:294) which was intended to have the
above meaning but has -rapi- verbal derivational suffix
on the verb. For contemporary speakers, this makes the
/-taki/ complement the beneficiary, changing the meaning
of the sentence to 'He picked up a stick on my behalf’.
That is, -rapi- always implies a beneficiary in Aymara
today. It seems unlikely that the meaning has shifted
since the 17th century; rather, Bertonio's translation
was probably in error.
Additional examples of /-taki/ and /-tay/ are the
following:
Na.tay.wa. ‘It's for me. ' (Sitajara)
287
yapu.nha.tay ‘for my field' (Sitajara)
kuna.tay.s ‘why, what for' (Sitajara)
Na.taki.wa. ‘It's for me.' (Huancané)
Jiwas.taki.wa. ‘It's for us (4p).' (Huancané)
kuna. taki.rak ~ kun.taki.rak ‘what for' (Compi)
Occurrences of -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -~tay on stems
ending in -fna nominalizer (the purposive subordinator)
are discussed in 7-4.21.23.
In Compi /-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel
or consonant after the interrogative kuna but requires
a preceding vowel in other environments. In Jopoqueri
/-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel or consonant
after the nominalizer suffix -fia but otherwise requires
a previous vowel. In Huancané /-taki/ follows the
three-vowel rule. Elsewhere /-taki/ requires a preceding
vowel. It keeps its final vowel before following suf-
fixes, except consonant-requiring final noun suffixes.
It may keep or lose its final vowel, word-finally.
/-tay/, which occurs only in Sitajara, requires
a preceding vowel. It is parallel in shape to /-ray/,
the Sitajara allomorph of -ra ‘yet' and/or -raki ‘aggregate/
complainer' independent nonfinal suffixes (see 7-2.21.3
and 7-2.21.4).
288
5-3.32 Final Class 2 suffixes
The last suffixes to occur on a noun stem or
theme before verbalization, if any, are -kama aggregate/
attainer, -pacha ‘all, same', -jama ‘like’, and zero comple-
ment vowel drop (which may not be followed by verbalization).
-kama may occur before the complement/relationals
but usually does not. -pacha may occur before all
complement/relationals except -mpi ~ -nti, and its
meaning is tied to its position of occurrence. -jama
may follow -kama on a stem, but not vice versa. -pacha
has not co-occurred with either -kama or -jama except
on the stems frozen with -jama: ak"ama and uk"ama.
5-3.32.1 ~ y kama aggregate/attainer
~
c
This suffix means ‘among, ali, each' on human
nouns, as in warmi.kama ‘among women'. On nonhuman,
inanimate nouns -kama refers to spatial and temporal
orientation. An example of spatial orientation is the
following from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:
Juli.mpi.r Ch'ugi.yap.kama.mpi.ru.w pur.i.
373
S
‘He arrived as far as Juli and Chuquiago. '
Usually, however, -kama occurs after the complement/relational
289
suffixes -mpi ~ -nti, -ru, etc., as in the following
example from La Paz/Compi:
Ch'ugi.yapu.r.kama.ki.w. ‘It's just as far as Chuquiayago. '
This suffix occurs with temporal orientation on
time words and nominalized verbs, most often as a form
of leave-taking with the prospect of another meeting.
arumant. kama ‘until tomorrow' (La Paz, Huancané)
may.ur. kam ‘until tomorrow! (Sitajara)
q'ar.u:r.kama ‘until tomorrow' (La Paz, Juli)
jiki.si.fi.kama ‘until (we) meet again’ (La Paz)
*Sich"a. kama. sa ‘until now' (Tschopik 1948:113)
In Salinas the variant /-ka:ma/ was heard, but this may
have been paralinguistic: ratu.ka:ma ‘so long'.
~kama is subject to the three-vowel rule.
5-3.32.2 ~ pacha ‘all, same'
This suffix was originally considered two sep-
arate homophonous suffixes because it has different mean-
ings in two positions of occurrence. When it occurs
before the complement/relationals it means "all's;
290
when it occurs after them, it means ‘the same, the very,
itself'. However, it never co-occurs with itself, and
when it occurs without a complement/relational, it may
have either meaning or may act as an intensifier of the
meaning of the root it occurs on.
This suffix must be distinguished from the verbal
inflection -pacha 3+3 Inferential and from the restricted
temporal root pacha ‘time, epoch' (5-2.6). The frozen
stem pachpa 'same' is evidence that -pacha suffix was
once a root. The suffix -pacha may occur on certain
temporal roots (but not on pacha).
mar.pacha ‘all year, the same year’ (La Paz)
ur.pacha ‘by daylight’ (La Paz)
An example of a temporal root plus pacha ‘time, epoch'
is g'alt'i pacha 'in the morning' (Salinas), in which
the vowel of the modifier is retained.
Other examples of -pacha suffix are
pug".pacha ‘full up' (Salinas)
laka.r.pach laka.r.pach ‘gasping for breath' (Corque)
mouth to a
In Juli, La Paz, and Calacoa -pacha occurs on
naya ~ na: 1p pronoun, meaning 'myself'; elsewhere it
291
is rejected in that context. -pacha occurs frozen on
the roots tagi ‘all' and liju ‘all’ in stems having the
same meaning: tag.pacha and lij.pacha, which then act
as roots, taking Class 1 noun suffixes.
5-3.32.3 - Jama (and variants) '‘like'
This suffix has a number of different allomorphs
in different dialects. It occurs on all classes of noun
roots, stems, and nominalized themes. It is unique among
the noun suffixes in occurring on the nominalizer subordi-
nating suffixes -iri, -sa, and -sina. -jama combines
with the complement/relational suffix -na possessive/
locational with unpredictable meanings.
The sequence /jama/ or a reduced variant /ja/
may occur in certain inflected verb stems, and -jama
on nouns may be preceded by the independent suffix -ki.
These facts suggest that the suffix -jama should be
classified as an independent nonfinal suffix. However,
while such an analysis works well for some examples, it
does not for others. These complexities are discussed
in more detail in 6-2.11 and 6-2.3.
Bertonio (1603b:241) cited the following example
. +.
showing jama as a separate root:
+). ; . .
Kamisa na Jura.t'a , jama.ki juma.naka Jlura.jata.
how Ip do 153 thus 2p pl. do 243
S F
‘As I did, thus you will do.'
292
In present-day La Paz/Tiahuanaco dialect this is ren-
dered as
Kamisa.ti.x maya.x Jur.k.t.xa , uk"ama.rak
how Ip do 133 thus also
S
lura.p.xa.m. "As I did, thus do you also.'
do pl. 23
I
Here -jama occurs in the frozen demonstrative uk"ama
‘thus'. In contemporary Aymara jama does occur as a
noun root, but only with the meaning ‘excrement', !°
The suffix -jama is distinguished from the homophonous
root by always requiring a preceding consonant, while the
root does not. Syntactic homophony is rare but possible.
Achak.jama.w. ‘It's like a mouse.'
Achak jama.w. ‘It's mouse dung.'
In the second example the final vowel of achaku 'mouse'
drops by the three-vowel rule.
The allomorphs of -jama are given below with
geographic areas of occurrence and examples.
/-jama/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara)
kun. jama.sa ~ kun. jam. sa ‘how, like what'
kuna ‘'what'
uk"ama 'thus' uka_ ‘that’
nay.jama ‘like me' naya Ip
wal.jama ‘pretty good' wali ‘well, good'
risa.s.jama ‘while praying’ (La Paz)
pray
-sa_ subordinator
*risa.sin. jama ‘while praying' (Bertonio 1603b:234)
-sina subordinator
/-ja:ma/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
kun.ja:ma.sa ‘how’ (La Paz, Jopoqueri).
yag'ama ‘different’ (Morocomarca )
/-ja/ (La Paz, Socca, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara,
Jopoqueri, Salinas)
kun. ja.sa ‘how! (Sitajara)
kun. ja.t.s ‘how' (Socca)
Uk.ja.w. ‘They are like those.’ (Huancané)
may.ja ‘different’ (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz)
may.ja.ta ‘in a certain way' (La Paz)
*inti.ja ‘like the sun' (Bertonio 1603b:263)
294
/-k"a/ (Jopoqueri)
Naya.x ak.k"a.n.k.j.iri.t.wa.
Ip here — 133
S
‘I'm from around here, more or less.'
/:ma/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
kuna. :ma.s "how, like what'
maya. :ma ‘different'
uta. :ma ‘like a house'
Awt.ja.ta.:ma.k.:.it.sa. ‘I'm sort of hungry.’
hunger of ——>Vs 3+
S
(literally, 'Of hunger like is to me.')
‘One example of /-:ma/ was heard for Juli, as follows:
juma.ki.ki.:ma.s ‘just like you'
2p —
/-\ma/ (Morocomarca)
uta.ma ‘like a house’
awayu.ma ‘like an awayu' (a kind of shaw1)
/-:mu/ (Salinas)
maya. :mu ‘different'
295
Bertonio (1603b:174) gave a similar variant with
. +, . .
final /u/, /-jamu/, occurring only on numbers.
+ . .
maya.jamu ‘in one manner'
+ . .
paya.jamu ‘in two manners' (etc.)
The suffix -na possessive/locational occurs with
-jama and variants in the following combinations having
various meanings.
/-n.jama/
layi.n.jama ‘through the irrigation ditch' (Calacoa)
plaxsi.n.jama ‘like on the moon' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
uru.n.jama ‘like in the day' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Bertonio (1603b:231) gave the following
examples:
+ .
mara.n.jama ‘every year'
+ . 7 \
marka.n.jama ‘in every town
+ : .
pagsi.n.jama ‘every month'
+ . \ \
uru.n.jama every day
296
/-na.ma/
uta.na.ma 'through the house'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
ilis jak’.na.m ‘near the church'
ilisa ‘'church' jak'a ‘'near'
Two other related variants have occurred. /-:ma/ 'through'
occurred in San Andrés de Machaca, giving the following
contrast:
ut.jama 'like a house' uta. :ma ‘through the house'
The contrast in Tiahuanaco is
ut.jama ‘like a house' uta.na.ma ‘through the house'
Also in Tiahuanaco, /-jama/ may occur after /-na.ma/ on
a stem.
ak.na.m.jam ‘by this (same path)' aka 'this'
The above evidence would seem to indicate that /-na.ma/
in Tiahuanaco and /-:ma/ in San Andrés de Machaca should
be considered suffixes in their own right, the unitary
morphemes -nama and -:ma.
In Morocomarca the combinations of -na with -jama
are rejected, and ‘through the house' is translated into
297
Aymara as uta.:k"a (5-3.12.5). In Jopoqueri it is trans-
Tated uta.ra.n (5-3.12.10).
Present-day allomorphs of -jama beginning with
/j/ or /k"/ require a preceding consonant; those beginning
with vowel length of course require a preceding vowel.
Bertonio's inconsistent spelling precludes certainty
about the morphophonemics of the allomorphs in his day.
The morphophonemics of -nama are variable, sometimes
requiring a preceding vowel, sometimes a preceding con-
sonant. The various allomorphs keep their final vowels
except before /-jama/ itself (which may occur after -nama
and may reduplicate on itself) and when zero complement
final vowel dropping occurs.
5-3.33 Zero complement vowel drop
In Aymara each verb root or stem has many poten-
tial zero complements. These are noun roots, stems, or
themes whose occurrence with a given verb root or stem
depends on semantic constraints inherent in the verb root
and in the verbal derivational suffixes which may occur
in the verb. As these suffixes change, the zero comple-
ments change also. They are called zero complements
because they are marked by obligatory loss of the final
stem vowel before final sentence suffixes, if any,
except -lla ~ -~ya. The loss of vowel may occur on an
independent suffix, if any occurs on the noun root, stem,
298
or theme. This vowel loss, the mark of zero complement,
is not actually a suffix at all, but rather the result
of a phonological deletion rule, morphologically and syn-
tactically conditioned, and belongs in a discussion of
Aymara morphophonemics and syntax. It is being included
among the noun suffixes because it occurs only on noun
roots, stems, and themes and is thus a part of the Aymara
noun system. It is inflectional, closing a stem to further class change.
Noun roots, stems, and themes, singly or in
phrases, may serve aS zero complements. They usually
occur directly before the verb to which they correspond.
KunQ.s tag".i? ‘What's he looking for?' (La Paz)
what Took 3+3
for S§S
. uk.ja.11 JVluchch'u.wa.chi.xa.y ‘that, he robbed'
that rob NI (Sitajara)
. jani kuntrula.n@ puyri.wa.k.t.ti.x.
no control able 133
S
'I am unable to control . . .' (Sitajara)
WawM pirti.si.y.itu. 'She made me lose (my) children.’
child lose 3+] (Socca)
S
Kullaka.fAg wank.j.t'a. ‘I'm waiting for my sister.’
sister Ip await 123 (Morocomarca )
299
A noun stem or theme with an independent suffix,
for example -ki ‘just, only', may be a zero complement.
Inklisa.k@.xa.y parla.p.x.s.t.xa.
English speak i
‘We speak only English.' (Hardman et al. 1975:3.406)
A zero complement may occur after its verb.
Na.x suy.t'a.s.k.t"a jich"a.x chacha.jQ.wa.
Ip wait Pe now husband Ip
'I am waiting now for my husband.‘ (Huancané)
Kuna.mpi.ra(ki) mag'a.si.: ch'ufi~.ka?
what eat 133
F
‘What am I going to eat chufio with?' (Morocomarca)
This type of word order is more common in Aymara transla-
tions of Spanish elicitation sentences (as was the case
with the two previous examples) than in nontranslated,
free texts. In translating from Spanish to Aymara some
speakers pronounce the final vowel of zero complements,
even when placing them before the verb, in a kind of
citation-form delivery.
Jin marka.sa sara.w.ja.tana. ‘Let's go to our town.’
town 4p go 4-+3 (Calacoa)
F
300
In normal speech contexts the vowel drops unless a pause
separates the zero compiement from the verb.
. uwija ... ana.k.t mna.x. ‘. .. sheep... I was
sheep herd 1-3 Ip herding.’ (Sitajara)
S
The following shows retention of the final stem vowel
before -ya final suffix:
Uma.ma.y wax.t'a.si.fani. ‘Let's invite someone to have
water 2p —s invite 4+3 some of your water.' (La Paz/
F Compi)
5-3.4 Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers)
There are four noun suffixes that verbalize noun
roots, stems, and themes: two defective verbalizers and
two full verbalizers. The full verbalizers create a
normal verb stem that may be inflected for all verb
person/tense suffixes (6.3). The defective verbalizers
take the four persons as subjects only, not as comple-
ments, and are also restricted in the verbal deriva-
tionals they may take.
5-3.41 Defective verbalizers
These are of very frequent occurrence.
301
5-3.41.1 ~ das ~_-ka-
In all dialects studied, the suffix -ja- ~ -ka-
occurs only after -na possessive/locational (which does
not occur before the other verbalizers, although it may
be verbalized with the verbal derivational suffix -cha-
(see 6-2.11). This suffix turns a possessive or a loca-
tion into a verb. In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ja-/ is
more common than /-ka-/, which occurs in all dialects. Examples:
Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? ‘And where are you?' (Huancané)
where 223
Naya.x Lima.n.k.t.wa. ‘I'm in Lima.' (Huancané)
Ip ~ 133
S
Kawki.n.k.i.sa? ‘Where is it?’ (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
~ 333 Calacoa, Sitajara)
S
Kawki.n.ka.rak.i2? 'Where is it?' (Salinas, Morocomarca)
~~ 333
S
uta.nha.n.ja.s.j.t"’a ‘I'm in my house’ (Jopoqueri)
house Ip a 133
S
J
K"iti.s uta.n.~a.ni? ‘Who will be in the house?' (Jopoqueri)
k 3+3
F
302
In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ka-/ usually occurs before
/-ja-/ allomorph of -ja- ~ -ka- verbal derivational in-
completive.
Misa.x jani naya.n.k.j.i.ti. ‘The table isn't mine.'
table no Ip ~ 333
S
In other dialects /-ka-/ verbalizer followed by /-ka-/
incompletive results in a geminate /kk/ cluster, as in
Jani.w naya.n.k.k.i.ti ‘It's not mine.'
(In speech, /kk/ reduces to /k/.)
Another allomorph occurring in Jopoqueri is
/-k"a-/. Compare the allomorph /-k"a/ of -jama
(5-3.32.3), which occurs first on the following stem:
Naya.x ak.k"a.n.k".iri.t.wa. ‘I'm from around here,
Ip here a 13 more or less.'
A variation of the above is
Naya.x ak.ja.n.j.iri.t.wa.
This implies a certain consonant harmony; further study
is needed to determine whether or not this is idiosyncratic
to one speaker.
303
5-3.41.2 -:-
As in the case of zero complement vowel-drop,
vowel length is more properly a morphophonemic process
than a suffix, but as it occurs to verbalize noun roots,
stems, and themes, it is here included with the other
verbalizers.
When vowel-length verbalization is followed by
a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, the length
may be somewhat reduced, or the vowel in question may
revert to simple length, or it may remain somewhat
lengthened; length appears to vary from one speaker to
another. A timed spectrographic analysis of texts con-
taining vowel length verbalization is needed to define
the length in different contexts. In this study some
examples containing the morpheme of vowel-length verbali-
zation show the notation /:/ before a consonant-requiring
suffix, if more than one vowel-length was perceived to
occur. If only one vowel-length was perceived, the
notation /:/ is usually omitted from the transcription,
the presence of a vowel before a consonant-requiring
suffix being sufficient to indicate the underlying pres-
ence of the vowel-length morpheme in that context.
This suffix is in complementary distribution
with -ka- ~ -ja- verbalizer, never occurring after -na
possessive/locational. Examples:
304
kawk.iz:ri ‘which' (La Paz, Socca, Huancané, Jopoqueri;
~ see 5-2.1)
kawk.n-i:ri ‘which' (La Paz, Juli; see 5-2.1)
Kuna.:.chi.x? ‘Why should it be? (Sitajara)
~ NI
Aruma.:.x.iritayna.w. ‘It was already night.' (Juli)
~ 333
RIK
A story told in Huancané yields several examples
of the use of verbalization vowel length on verb stems
nominalized with -ta resultant.
Yati.ta.:.x.chi. ‘They got to know each other.'
know !
Jani jig"a.ta.:.f muna.tayna.t. "He didn't want to meet
no meet ~ want 33 him. '
RIK
An example of verbalization of a noun phrase
is the following from La Paz:
Ma: jisk'a uta.ni.:.t.wa. 'I have a little house.'
one little house ~1>3
S
-ni possessor
('A little house owner am I.')
305
According to Herrero et al. (1971-2:1.126), an
allomorph of vowel length verbalization, *T-ya-/, occurs
in Omasuyos province of La Paz, but only in certain
contexts: on the nominalizer suffix -iri before 13
and 2+3 Future affirmative, but not negative. Glosses
for the following were not given, but the verb is
yati.cha.fia 'to teach’.
*yati.ch.iri.ya.:.wa
~~] 3
F
*yati.ch.iri.ya.:ta.wa
—~ 23
F
The negative forms are the following, with /-:-/ ver-
balizer:
+. . wo. :
jani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:.ti
~ 43
*Sani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:ta.ti
~ 2>3
F
Since /-ka-/ incompletive requires a preceding consonant,
the negative forms could contain +p e-ya-/ also, reduced
to /y/ homophonous with /i:/, that is
*jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:.ti
133
F
306
*jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:ta.ti
2>3
F
However, the other affirmative forms in the paradigm are
given with /-:-/ before vowel-requiring suffixes, e. g.
*yati.ch.iri.:.ni.wa
~~ 343
F
5-3.42 Full verbalizers
5-3.42.1 i ta-
This suffix is of less frequent occurrence than
-ka- and -:- verbalizers.
Hardman has pointed out (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.402) the relationship of -pta- and the verbal deriva-
tional suffix -ta- 'up, inceptive', whose cognate in
other Jaqi languages is -pta-. In present-day Aymara
-ta- does not usually verbalize, except in La Paz/
Tiahuanaco where it was found in free variation with
-pta- on one root.
Ch' iyar.ta.s.k.i.w.
~~ 333
Ss ‘It turned black.’
Ch‘ iyara.pta.s.k.i.w.
307
Bertonio (1603b:305) said
Some Indians say that pta and ta are
not distinguished on nouns but rather
mean the same thing.
This implies that the two were in free variation in 17th
century Juli, but Bertonio does not indicate whether they
both occurred on verbs. *_pta- as verbal derivational
has been cited in two published sources (see 6-2.16)
but has not occurred in the spoken data investigated for
this study. Since -ta- usually does not verbalize and
-pta- usually is not a verbal derivational, it has been
decided to treat ~pta- as the verbalizer and -ta- as the
verbal derivational, recognizing that they overlap but
seem to be diverging.
The combination -pta- verbalizer plus -jfia
nominalizer implies a human subject in the following
examples from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:
k'umara.pta.fia 'to become healthy’ k'umara_ ‘healthy'
quligi.ni.pta.fia ‘to progress, to become rich'
quligi.ni ‘one who has money'
Liamp'u.pta.fia ‘to humble oneself, repent, change character'
Llamp'u = 'clear'
If a verb stem does not permit a human subject (because
of Aymara semantic constraints), a noun plus the
308
combination -pta.nma will be rejected, e. g. *muxsa.pta.mia
"for a person to turn sweet'. However, with a nonhuman
(usually inanimate) subject, an inflected form of a verb
created with -pta- may be acceptable.
laranja.x muxsa.pt.i ‘the orange turned sweet (ripened)'
333
S
Until this situation was understood, a number of nouns
that actually take -pta- verbalizer were thought not to.
5-3.42.2 “y ipta- accelerated verbalizer
é
Contrasting examples with this suffix and with
-pta- are the following, all from La Paz. (The suffix
-kipta- was not found in other dialects and should be
looked for in future research.)
jang'u.kipta- ‘turn white suddenly'
jang'u.pta- ‘turn white’
achach. kipta.fia ‘to become old'
gam. ir. kipta.fia ‘to win a lottery' (get rich quickly)
gam. iri.pta. fia ‘to get rich'
As may be seen, usually -kipta- seems to accelerate the
verbalization. At first the /ki/ of the suffix was thought
309
to be the independent nonfinal suffix -ki but morpho-
phonemics eliminate that possibility, as the morphopho-
nemics of -kipta- follow the three-vowel rule, while -ki
independent suffix takes a preceding vowel. Morphopho-
nemics also distinguish -kipta- verbalizer from the
verbal derivationals -kipa- plus -ta- (see 6-2.15.1 and
6-2.16).
5-4 Summary and Conclusions
5-4.1 Types of variation in the noun system
In general, variation in the Aymara noun system
is not extensive. There are two main types: internal
and external. Internal variation includes differences
in the phonological shape of morphemes (roots and suf-
fixes) due to instability of certain phonemes and to
operation of different phonotactically conditioned rules.
Other kinds of internal variation are found in the morpho-
phonemics of suffixes and in the inventory and meaning
of certain roots and suffixes.
External variation in the noun system involves
the introduction of Spanish loans. These have entered
the open class of noun roots freely and continue to do
so. Some dialects may use a Spanish loan where others
may use a native Aymara term; some examples of this are
given in 8-3.1. The only closed classes of Aymara nouns
310
that have taken in Spanish loans are the kinship terms
and the temporals. The only Aymara suffixes that are
Spanish loans are the noun diminutives.
The following sections summarize internal variation
in the noun system.
5-4.11 Variation in noun roots
5-4.11.1 Closed classes
Variation in shape occurs in all the closed noun
classes, e. g. the interrogatives kamisa ~ kama and
gawq"a and variants, the demonstratives of third and
fourth degrees of distance, the personal pronouns except
the second person, and several numbers, positionals,
and temporals. Some temporals have different shapes
attributable to different morphophonemic rules, e. g.,
those affecting jich"a and uru (loss of initial /jV/
in the first case, and different vowel sequence avoidance
rules in the second case).
Variations in inventory and semantics are few.
The demonstrative uwa apparently occurs in a few dia-
lects. The temporais show the widest variety in inven-
tory, some terms occurring only in certain dialects and
not others, or with different meanings (see 5-4.2).
5-4.11.2 Open class
The majority of noun roots in the open class are
the same everywhere, with a few differences in shape nated
311
in examples in Chapter 3. Examples of shifts of meaning
across dialects are given in 8-3.12.
5-4.12 Variation in suffixes
Suffixes that show variations in phonemic shape
are the Ip possessive, the complement/relationals (except
-ru and -na), -jama 'like', and the verbalizer -ja- ~ -ka-.
Those that show variation in morphophonemics are the per-
sonal possessives, the complement/relationals, and three
suffixes that follow the three-vowel rule: -layku ‘on
account of', -pura ‘among', and -kama ‘until'. Suffixes
that occur only in certain dialects are -chapi ~ -chap"i
‘the one which/who' (which also shows phonological vari-
ation), -ra 'through', and -cha diminutive.
5-4.2 Dialectal patterning
Dialectal patterning in the noun system is
most evident in the temporals and in the shape of per-
sonal possessive suffixes. The following dialect groups
may be distinguished on the basis of the morphemes indi-
cated; there is, however, a good deal of isoglossic
overlapping.
5-4.21 Juli, Socca
jayp'u. ‘evening/night'
5-4.
5-4
5-4.
5-4.
5-4
5-4
22
.23
24
25
-26
27
312
Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa, La Paz
aruma ‘'night/early morning' arumanti ‘tomorrow'
Initial velar or postvelar fricative in lp pos-
sessive
Calacoa, Socca, and Sitajara
q'alta '‘morning' (also means 'tomorrow' in Calacoa
and Sitajara)
Calacoa and Sitajara
No forms based on q"ara - (all other dialects have
them)
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca
gtalt'i '‘morning/tomorrow'
jayp"u ‘evening/night' (also Calacoa)
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara
Initial nasals in Ip possessive suffix:
Jopoqueri and Sitajara: /nh/
Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala: /fi/
Huancané, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala
Variable morphophonemics for personal possessive
suffixes
5-4.28 La Paz/Compi and La Paz/Tiahuanaco
Invariable morphophonemics for personal possessive
suffixes
314
Notes
Teor a fuller description of the Aymara noun
system in Compi and Tiahuanaco, see my Chapter 8 in
Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical structure
(Hardman et al. 1975:3. 246-394).
2The sequence /mana/ exists today only in this
frozen form. Bertonio (1603b:247) alleged tkawki.mana
"wherever', but this was rejected by Vasquez.
3 a5 in the case of kawk.n.iri ~ kawk.n.i:ri,
the /n/ which may occur is probably an instance of -na
possessive/locational frozen to the root. It intensi-
fies the meaning of the demonstrative.
4 any personal possessive suffix may occur in
the stem.
S Javier Alb6 (personal communication).
8 In Tiahuanaco and elsewhere today ch'ina means
‘human posterior, ass' and by extension metaphorically
'base' (e. g. of a pot, a cup). In La Paz/Compi
ch'in.kata means ‘a place to sit inside the house’. As
-~kata- is a verbal derivational suffix, it may be that
ch'ina is an ambiguous noun/verb root (see 5-2.7).
some members of the temporal class were identi-
fied by Hardman et al. (1975:1.152-166). The present
analysis presents the first full description of the
class and is therefore longer than sections on other
noun classes, which have been described previously.
Bertonio cited only a few temporals (1603b:50).
Bin La Paz three compound forms of uru occur
together with the meaning 'week': jich".ur_ gq'ar.ur
jurp".ur (literally ‘today, tomorrow, day after tomorrow' ).
9 juch".urru ‘today' occurs in Achocalla (La
Paz).
315
107, La Paz nink"ara is a noun/verb root. An
example of its occurrence as a verb is Nink"ara.tayna.w.
‘It was a while ago.' nink"ara also occurs with the
verbal derivational suffixes -t'a- momentaneous and
-~Jja- divider, but without subsequent verbal inflection,
i. @., as nouns: Nink"ar.t'a.w ~ Nink"ar.ja.w. ‘It was
a while ago. (The latter may instead be a case of
/-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like' on the root acting as a
noun.) Other examples of verb roots plus verbal derivationals
forming stems that serve as nouns are given in 6-2.
"I temporals were not obtained for Socca until
very late in the researcn; they are not included in
Figures 5-1 and 5-2. Those obtained are the following:
alwa ‘morning’
aruma "night'
arumanti ‘tomorrow'
q'aita ‘morning'
q"ar-u:ru ‘tomorrow’
suji.suji ‘gray time before dawn'
suj.s.t"api ‘dusk'
l2the Spanish demonstrative este ‘'this', which
serves a similar filler function, has been borrowed into
Aymara as isti and occurs in variation with inchi, as in
the following:
(isti.x) naya.xa (inchi.w) sara.ki.tayna.x ...
Ip — go 343
RIK
'(uh) I (uh) he just left . . .' (Juli)
"34. we have seen, the personal possessive suf-
fixes also have differing morphophonemics across dia-
lects.
Vacertain verbs take -ta ~ -t"a rather than -ru
complements, e. g. mayi.fia 'to borrow’.
316
Sry is possible that some relics of *jama ‘like’
as a root still occur. In Calacala an old lady was heard
to say jama.ch.i.xay 'so it may be’ rather than
uk"ama.chi.xa.y, the normal expression in La Paz and
elsewhere. For other possible relics of a noun *jama
‘like', see 6-2.3.
CHAPTER 6
VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM
6-1] Introduction
The verb system of Aymara consists of verb roots
and verb suffixes, which together form verb stems. A
verbalized noun root or stem is a verb theme. Verb roots,
stems, and themes are usually cited with the nominalizing
suffix -fia, unless the resulting form implies a seman-
tically unacceptable human subject. (See 8-2.25 for
more on -fia semantics.) The verb sa.fia ‘to say' (see
6-4) is set off from all others by its phonological
structure (it is the only monosyllabic root in the lan-
guage) and by its function as a syntactic subordinator.
Most Aymara verbs have two-vowel roots; a few (mostly
Spanish loans) have three-vowel roots. Spanish verbs
enter Aymara freely, e. g. puyri.fia ‘to be able’ from
Spanish poder. There is also a class of ambiguous
noun/verb roots, as noted in 5-2.7.
Verb suffixes are of two types: derivational
and inflectional. Both types are closed classes that
do not admit loans. Verbal derivational suffixes modify
317
318
the action or the persons involved in the action. A
special kind of derivation is nominalization, which
changes a verb root or stem to a noun theme. The suf-
fixes that nominalize verbs are discussed in 7-4.2 as they
are used in morphosyntactic subordination. Verbal in-
flectional suffixes indicate person and tense, and these
suffixes close verb stems to further derivation. Verbal
inflectional suffixes may be separated from derivational
suffixes by the class of independent nonfinal suffixes
that occur on both nouns and verbs.
Verbs of carrying and placing belong to covert
classes according to manner of motion and attributes
of the item moved (Tate 1970). Some examples from La
Paz are included in the elicitation list, Appendix A.
6-2 Verbal Derivational Suffixes
The basic data and analysis on which this section
is based were provided by England (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.148-208) and have been supplemented by my analysis
of additional data obtained in my field work and from
Bertonio (1603b); see Figure 6-1. Class 1 suffixes
affect the action of the verb (e. g., its direction,
intensity, duration) and are tied to the selection of
its zero complements. Class 2 suffixes affect the in-
flection (the persons involved in the action and/or the
tense or aspect of the verb). Suffixes occurring on the
1 4 6 8
ef wycha f oyrar #4 a yPta- - ecth'ak"a- ~ “och'uki-
af o_t*apt é ota- i o_tia-
5
f = ykipa-
#- nuga- ~ enuque
t
oyaa-
a xata- ~ =xita-
7
# Suffixes which can ver-
f-jate- ~ ekata- ~ -k"ata-
balize certain noun roots.
-~ .
=n .
" ## Suffixes which can ver- yhaaa
Pp balize certain noun roots é
0 and stems. i ayntae
#4) «Suffix which can ver-
balize noun roots, stems,
and themes with {-fa}
3 = puchas ~ emuchu- ~ -mukue ~ -nuchu- ~ -nukue
f oytata
= _karu-
= _xaista
mexaya> = -Kate
a
=yPaya~
«"paya> ~ =rpas-
4 6 ?
=_Ja- ~ -ka-
aytae ~ ewayde = “Wale nckae ~ -ga-
Class 2
ewie ~ ewlya-
and (Hardman et a}. 1975:3.161
Adapted from Engi
Figure 6-1. Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes: Order Classes
6LE
320
border of Class 1 and Class 2 (-t'a- momentaneous, -Si-
reciprocal/reflexive, and -ya- ~ -:- causative) share
attributes of both classes. Members of both classes may
determine, in ways as yet little explored, the semantic
features of verb subjects and complements (see 8-2.25).
Class 3 consists of a group of semantically related suf-
fixes all containing the phoneme /ch/ and forms deriving
from the suffix -jama ‘like!
Certain verb roots never occur without deriva-
tional suffixes. Two are *ana- ‘herd' and *ma- ‘go’.
The nonoccurrence of the plain root *ana- was noted
by Bertonio (1603b:271). The root *ma- was apparently
productive in Bertonio's time, but in contemporary Aymara
it occurs only in a few frozen stems, such as manta.jfia
‘to enter’ (with the verbal derivational suffix -nta-
‘into') and mak"ata.fia 'to go across' (with the deriva-
tional suffix -k"ata- ‘across'), both used in La Paz.
Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes
may occur as derived nouns. Examples are
ana.nta ‘concentration of people or animals; herd'
(Jopoqueri) -nta- ‘into!
arum.t'a ‘greeting; greet' (La Paz) -t'a- momentaneous
irpa.ga ‘betrothal; take a person down' (general) -qa- 'down'
32]
g"uma.nta ‘hug; embrace' (Juli) -nta- ‘into'
ufi.naga ‘appearance; appear' (Huancané) -naga- ‘around’
See 4-2 for general morphophonemic rules that
affect verbal derivational suffixes beginning with voiced
consonants and specifically with nasals. Verbal deriva-
tional suffixes beginning with the fricatives /j/ or /x/
require a preceding consonant. The morphophonemics of
the remaining suffixes are unpredictable and must be
specified for each suffix. Suffixes subject to the
three-vowel rule are listed in 4-3.22.16.
6-2.1 Class 1 suffixes
The 22 suffixes¢ of this class are discussed
below in the order of their occurrence in stems. Thirteen
of these suffixes can verbalize noun roots. Four can
also verbalize certain noun stems, and one of the four
can verbalize noun themes ending in -fia nominalizer.
6-2.11 ~ycha- verbalizer, causative
In all dialects ~ycha- occurs most often as a
verbalizer of noun roots. Examples:
isi.cha.fa ‘to gradually acquire a lot of clothes
~— over a period of time' (La Paz/Compi)
jiwq'i.cha.jfia ‘to cause smoke' (Calacoa)
322
junt'u.cha.fia ‘to heat' (Calacoa)
kama. cha. fia ‘what to do' (all dialects) kama ‘how’
lik'i.ch. iri ‘fat-maker' (Salinas)
niya.cha.fia ‘to be nearly finished' (La Paz)
suma. cha. fia ‘to make amends, decorate' (La Paz)
In contemporary Aymara -cha- does not verbalize
animate nouns. Bertonio (1603b:273) gave the example
*gawra.cha-° ‘to create llamas' (said of God), but
Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) rejected it in favor of
gawr uywa.fia 'to llama-raise' or gawr uh.s.ta.ya.fia
‘to make llamas appear' (metaphorical).
-cha- may also occur as a verbalizer of noun
stems ending in certain suffixes: -na possessive/
locational and -ni possessor. It is not always possible
to tell which of the two is occurring, because on such
stems the three-vowel rule applies (see 4-3.22.16),
causing the vowel of the noun suffix to drop before
-cha-. The following examples cited by Bertonio (1603b:
273) have the same meanings in La Paz today:
uma.n.cha.fia ‘to mix something dry with water'
quiigi.n.cha.fia ‘to make someone win (money)'
323
Some other examples used today in La Paz/Tiahuanaco are
asukara.n.cha.fia ‘to add sugar'
jayu.n.cha. fia "to add salt'
jinchu.n.cha.fia ‘to put ears on'
The last example refers to a practice attributed to
Catholic priests, of having sexual intercourse with a
pregnant woman; the woman is allegedly told by the priest
beforehand that it is necessary ‘in order to make the
baby's ears'. A nickname for such a priest is
jinchu.n.ch.iri ‘ear-maker'.
-cha- as verbalizer may also occur on verbs
nominalized with -fia. Again, the vowel of ~fia drops
by the three-vowel rule. When it occurs on -fia, -cha-
is usually followed by the sequence /jama/ (or a re-
duced variant /ja/) that is best analyzed as the suffix
-jama occurring primarily on nouns (see 5-3.32.3). All
the following examples are from Compi:
Juta.fi.ch.itu.w. ‘It seems that it comes to me.'
come 3-1]
S
Juta.fi.ch. jama.k.itu.w. ‘It makes me want to come/
I would like to come.'
juta.fi.ch.ja.k.itu 'I think I'l] just come!
324
Lup'i.fi.ch.ja.ki.rak.itu.wa. ‘I'm thoughtful/It makes me
think ~~ want to think/I want to be
thoughtful. '
Literal translations would be 'to come, like, is to me'
or ‘to think, like, is to me', given the 3+] inflections.
Set 3 verbal derivational suffixes all contain
the phoneme /ch/, which may in some cases be a frozen
form of this suffix (see 6-2.3).
-cha- occurs as a verbal derivational causative
on only a few verb roots.
yati.cha.fia "to teach' yati.fia ‘to know'
waki.cha.fia ‘to prepare’ waki.fia ‘to provide' (Socca)
— ‘to provide mutually'
(La Paz/Compi)
6-2.12 ~ das verbalizer, divider
This suffix is to be distinguished from /-ja-/
allomorph of -ka- verbalizer (5-3.41.1), from -ja ‘amount'
(5-3.12.3), from /-ja-/ allomorph of the Class 2 verbal
derivational incompletive (6-2.25), and from /-ja/ allo-
morph of the suffix -jama (5-3.32.3).
In all dialects this suffix occurs frequently
as a verbalizer of noun roots.
325
lup.ja.si.fia ‘to heat with sunlight’ Jupi ‘sunlight’
tiay.ja.:.si.fia ‘to catch cold' (La Paz)
t'aya '‘cold' -i- causative
uma.t p'ar.j.itu ‘I'm thirsty' (La Paz)
uma ‘water' p"ara_ ‘'dry'
uma.t wafi.j.itu ‘I'm thirsty’ (Calacoa)
On verbs -ja- is also frequent everywhere.
ayw.ja.ra.fa ‘to spread out all over' (La Paz)
~~ ‘for many to go to different places’
(Bertonio 1603b:279)
aywi.fia ‘for many to go together' (Socca)
mang'.ja.fia ‘to chew' (La Paz)
‘to give to eat' (Bertonio 1603b:279)
mang'a.fia ‘to eat'
‘at.ja.na ‘to grab and pull in various places! (Compi)
p'ata.na ‘to grab and pull with teeth or beak'
6-2.13 - (Su- ‘out', completive
In these data, -su- has verbalized only as fol-
Jows:
q'aw.s.ta.fia "to shed its skin' (La Paz)
qg'awa_ ‘snake skin, tiger skin; dance costume’
326
*g" aw. su- "to take off shirt' (Bertonio 1603b:302)
*g!awa 'shirt' (Bertonio spelling: caua)
On verb roots the meaning of this suffix is either
literally ‘out of' or a completive, or metaphorical.
ar.su.fa 'to babble, be barely able to speak; to decide’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to describe something orally, reveal. bring out'
(Bertonio 1603b:302)
ar. Su. ya. fia ‘to cause to say’ (Salinas)
aru ‘word, language, speech, speak' (noun/verb
root)
-ya- causative
6-2.14 ~ra- and -t"api-
6-2.14.] ~yra- serializer, reverser
-~ra- occurs infrequently as a verbalizer. Example:
kaka.ra.si.fia ‘place todefecate' (Corque) <
Spanish caca_ 'feces'
As noted by Bertonio (1603b:292), and still the case
today, on verbs of carrying and placing the suffix
usually reverses the action; on other verbs it signifies
serial or repeated action.
327
apa.ra.fia ‘to take away' (Sitajara, Salinas) apa.fia 'to
carry'
iga.ra.fia ‘to take off clothing, pull at a cloth' (Juli,
— La Paz
iga.na ‘to carry cloth'
jist'a.ra.na ‘to open' (La Paz) jist'a.fia ‘to close’
uma.ra.fia ‘to have a party' uma.fia ‘to drink' (La Paz)
_ ‘to drink a little' (Bertonio 1603b:292)
willi.ra.fia ‘to throw things down or off' (e. g. contraband
~~ off a bus, by customs agent) (La Paz)
‘to spill a little water’ (Bertonio 1603b:292)
willi.na ‘to spill, pour' (La Paz)
usu.r.ta.si.fia ‘to get pregnant' (Calacoa)
usu.na 'to be sick’
6-2.14.2 =. api- gatherer
-tUapi- verbalizes infrequently. In available
examples, all from La Paz, it may verbalize roots, stems,
and themes. In the following example, it verbalizes a
nominalized verb, lunt"a.ta 'stolen':
lunt'a.t.t"api.fia ‘to steal from various places' (La Paz/
— Tiahuanaco)
‘to steal with other people' (Ebbing 1965:245)
lunt"a.fia ‘to steal!
This suffix occurs most often as a verbal derivational.
328
mang'.t"api.na ‘to eat everything--a banquet' (La Paz)
‘to eat together’ (Ebbing 1965:245)
ampar ay.t'api.fa 'to bend the arm, to have a paralyzed arm'
— (La Paz)
aya.na ‘to carry a cylindrical, rigid object’
*ampar a:.t'api.fia ‘to bend the arm' (Bertonio 1603b:304)
qun.t"api.fia
‘to sit down together' (two people); ‘to sit
up' (bringing two halves of body closer
together) (La Paz)
A use of a verb stem with -t"api- in a metaphorical sense
is the following from La Paz:
iki.n t"al.t"ap.i ‘youngest child', literally, ‘shakes the
bed'
t"ala.na 'to shake'
6-2.15 ~kipa-, -nuga- ~ -nuqu-, -ga-, and -xata- ~ -xita
6-2.15.1 =) ipa- ‘past a point', verbalizer
This suffix may verbalize, as in
uru.kipa.na 'to delay, be late'
uru_ 'day' (La Paz)
‘to delay a day or more’ (Bertonio 1603b:291)
But it is more common as a verbal derivational. Origi-
nally thought to be in the 6-2.17 order set, it has been
found occurring before -ta- ‘up' (6-2.16) in La Paz.
329
In combination with -ta- 'up' it is to be distinguished
from the verbalizer -kipta- (5-3.42.2).
parla.kipa.iia ‘to communicate information’ (La Paz)
parla.fia ‘to talk’
qillga.kipa.fia ‘to transfer information from one book to
another' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:290)
qillga.fia ‘to write'
4
uta.ch.kipa.si.ni.fia’ ‘to fix the roof of a house' (La Paz)
uta.cha.fia ‘to build a house’ (La Paz)
‘to again build houses around something,
like an inherited property' (Bertonio
1603b: 320)
The following show occurrences of -kipa- and of -kip.ta-
on the same roots, all from La Paz:
jaqu.kipa.na ‘to turn over clothes'
jaqu.kip.ta.fia ‘to pass near (a town); turn over in bed'
jaqu.fia ‘to throw'
muyu.kipa.na ‘to turn around'
muyu.kip.ta.fia ‘to turn; pass a hill’ muyu.fia ‘to turn'
pasa.kipa.fa ‘to pass to the other side'
pasa.kip.ta.na ‘to pass a person' pasa.fia ‘to pass'
< Spanish pasar
330
6-2.15.2 ~ynuqa- ~ - nuqu- placer,cessation of action
c
The consonant-requiring form of /-nuqa-/ is the
more common, but the vowel-requiring form is acceptable.
/-nuqu-/ occurred only in Jopoqueri, which also has
/-nuqa-/. /-nuga-/ verbalizes infrequently but occurs
often on verbs. Examples:
ali.nuga.fia ‘to sprout' ali.fia ‘to sprout' (Corque, Salinas)
iki.nuga.fia ‘to sleep' (Jopoqueri) iki.fia 'to sleep'
ik.nuga.na ‘to spend the first night of a trip; or the
first night in the grave' (said of a corpse)
(La Paz)
‘to be born, give origin to' (Juli)
‘to fling oneself down to sleep or to sleep
flung out' (Bertonio 1603b:286)
(j)iki.nuqu.fia ‘to be born' (Jopoqueri)
nuwa.nuga.fia ‘to hit, beat up; to give someone what's
coming to them'
nuwa.fia ‘to hit' (La Paz)
t'axlli.nuga.fia ‘to pummel' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:276)
6-2.15.3 ~ Gar ~ -Xxa- 'down', remover
This suffix, which does not verbalize, occurs
often with carrying verbs and other verbs of motion.
331
A variant /-xa-/ occurred in Salinas.
jaqu.x.ta.fia ‘to whip' jaqu.fia ‘to fall'
Elsewhere the allomorph is /-qa-/.
ala.ga.fa ‘to buy' ala.fia ‘to buy’ (Calacala, Morocomarca)
asa.ga.fia ‘to remove plate or hat, down from above' (La Paz)
asa.fa ‘to carry a plate-like object' (La Paz)
ima.ga.fia ‘to save food for someone’
ima.fa 'to keep' (La Paz)
"to hide something' (Bertonio 1603b:272)
6-2.15.4 -_xata- ~ ~ xita- ‘on top of, up to'
This suffix does not verbalize. /-xita-/ occurred
in Salinas. Examples:
ik.xata.fia ‘to sleep on top of something’ (La Paz, also
— Bertonio 1603b:283)
ig.xita.fia ‘to carry a saddle-bag' (Salinas)
iga.na ‘to carry a cloth'
pur.xata.fia ‘to arrive (rain, hail, etc.)' (La Paz)
puri.fia ‘to arrive, to come'
332
6-2.16 ~ ta- ‘up', inceptive
zta- rarely verbalizes in any dialect. Other
homophonous suffixes, distinguished by morphophonemics
from this one and each other, are given in 5-3.31.4.
Examples of -ta- verbal derivational in combination with
-kipa- are given in 6-2.15.1. Other examples with -ta-:
pur. ta.fia ‘to arrive' (Sitajara) puri.fia ‘to arrive'
sar.ta.ina "to get up' (La Paz); 'to leave, set out!
a (Salinas)
sara.fia 'to go'
jala.g.ta.fia ‘to fall down from above’ (La Paz)
jala.na ‘to run'
jaqu.q.ta.fia ‘to fall down from a height' (La Paz)
jagu.fa ‘to fall'
junt'u.ch.ta.wa.fia ‘to heat up (an oven)' (Calacoa)
junt'u ‘hot’
As indicated in 5-3.42.1, this suffix is related
to -pta~ verbalizer of noun roots and stems. The allo-
morph /-pta-/ has not occurred as a verbal derivational
in the spoken Aymara analyzed for this study, but it
does occur in two examples from published texts.
333
*jala.pta.s.i ‘jumped up' (Sebeok 1951a:69)
353
34
S jala.fia ‘to run'
*tuku.pt.x.i.wa ‘changed suddenly’ (Ebbing 1965:241)
“343
S tuku.fa ‘to finish'
The first is reportedly from the city of La Paz, the
second from La Paz department.
Bertonio (1603b:308) cited in addition to *-ta-
the variants + y-uta-/ ‘up' and *7-(u)talta-/ inceptive.
Forms with these are unacceptable to present-day speakers.
One speaker in Juli used /-tu-/ instead of /-ta-/, but
this may have been idiosyncratic. Examples:
~
un.tu.t ‘seen’ una.fia 'to see'
jal.tu.w.j.iri.tayn ‘he had flown' jala.fia ‘to fly'
33
RIK
6-2.17 -jata- ~ -kata- ~ -k"ata-, ~naqga-, -nta-,
~mucha- ~ -muchu- ~ -muku- ~ -nuku-, -tata-,
~Xaru-, -xXa:Si-, -xaya-
These suffixes precede -t'a- momentaneous and
do not co-occur with suffixes 6-2.13, 6-2.14, and 6-2.15.
6-2.17.1 ~ .Jdata- ~_-kata- ~ -k"ata- ‘across!
This suffix verbalizes infrequently. /-jata-/
was used by one speaker from Salinas and one from
334
Jopoqueri; /-k"ata-/ occurred in a song sung by speakers
from Jopoqueri and in variation with /-kata-/ in La Paz.
Examples:
it.kata.fia ‘to put (a rock) up against (a wall)' (La Paz/
" Compi)
itu.fia ‘to carry a heavy object' (general)
mak"ata.fia ‘to come/go up in front of someone, to go across'
(Compi/Jopoqueri) *ma- 'go'
o~
in.jat.ka.p.x.ista ‘you are looking across at us' (Salinas)
— 2>1|
S ifla.fia ‘to look' (Salinas)
6-2.17.2 ~ ynaga- ‘around, aimlessly'
c
The suffix -naga- does not verbalize. In contem-
porary La Paz Aymara this suffix is preceded by a vowel
On some roots and by a consonant on others; on some roots
either form is acceptable. Examples from Calacoa and Sita-
jara have a preceding vowel; examples from Calacoa, Huan-
cané, and Salinas have a preceding consonant. Examples:
sar.naga.fa ‘to go around, get along, live' (La Paz, Calacoa)
Sara.naga.fia ‘to go around, get along, live' (Calacoa, Sitajara,
— Bertonio 1603b:
284)
sara.fia ‘to go'
335
suma uf.naga.s.iri ‘having a good appearance’ (Huancané)
una.fa ‘to look' suma 'good'
pur.naga.fia ‘to turn over and over' (Salinas)
puri.fia ‘to arrive, to come'
In one instance, two stems with -naga-, one with
a preceding vowel and the other with a preceding consonant,
are distinguished in meaning.
ira.naqga.fia ft ie ira.na ‘to handle small objects’
La Paz
ir.naga.fia ‘to work the fields in the morning’ (La Paz)
‘to work (in general)' (Missionary Aymara;
see 9-6.2)
In the second example above, the root ir- is probably
not identical to the ira- of ira.fia, since the meanings
are quite distinct.
6-2.17.3 ~ yata- ‘into', slow inceptive
-nta- can verbalize, as in
link'u.nta.fia ‘to zigzag' (La Paz) link'u link'u ‘zigzag
~~ line’
k'ari.nta.fia ‘to spread lies' (La Paz) k'ari '‘lie'
In dialects having the morphophonemic rule voicing prevocalic
336
stops after nasals (Corque, Salinas, and northern
the suffix is phonetically [nda]. The meaning on
of motion is usually 'into', while on other verbs
usually an inceptive.
iki.nta.fia 'to go to bed' (everywhere) iki.fia
manta.fia ‘to enter' (everywhere) *ma- 'go'
PotosT),
verbs
it is
‘to sleep'
manta.nta.fia ‘to enter' (Socca) (manta- as frozen stem)
puri.nta.fia ‘to arrive' (Tarata, Jopoqueri)
puri.fia 'to arrive'
sara.nta. fia ‘to enter' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:287)
sara.fia 'to go'
[wina .nda. fia] ‘to put in' (Corque, Salinas)
*wina.fia ‘to put' (unattested)
yati.nta.fia ‘to learn by oneself' (Calacoa) yati.fia 'to know'
An interesting use of -nta- with the meaning ‘not on pur-
pose, by bad luck' is the following:
uta nak"a.nta.ya.s.iri ‘a person whose house burned down
— through bad Juck' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
nak"a.fia ‘to burn'
337
Without -nta- the above would imply the houseowner burned
the house down on purpose.
6-2.17.4 ~ ymucha- »_-muchu- ~ -muku- ~ -nuku- ‘away, off'
This suffix can verbalize, but it is more often
found as a derivational. The preferred form in certain
La Paz dialects, including JesGs de Machaca, is /-muku-/,
which is the only allomorph cited by Bertonio (1603b:283).
/-nuku-/ is preferred in Compi and Tiahuanaco; a speaker
from La Paz/Tiahuanaco also uses /-muchu-/. /-mucha-/
occurs in Salinas. A La Paz speaker reports having heard
/-nuchu-/ somewhere, but it is not included here since
its provenance is unknown at present. Examples:
ali.s.muchu. fia†~ alis.nuku.fa 'to throw out' (La Paz/
— —— Tiahuanaco)
ali.s.mucha.fia ‘to throw out' (Salinas)
ali.si.fia ‘to run after someone’ (La Paz/
Compi )
apa.nuku.fia ‘to abandon, cast off (a person); to throw away'
(San Andrés de Machaca) apa.fia_ ‘to carry’
iki.nuku.fia ‘to sleep away from home, without notifying
one's family’ (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:283)
iki.fia ‘to sleep'
jaqu.nuku.fia ‘to throw off' jaqu.fia ‘to throw' (La Paz)
338
jayta.muku.fia 'to abandon’ jayta.fia ‘to leave' (Jesfis de
Machaca)
6-2.17.5 ~ ptata- scatterer
This suffix may verbalize. In La Paz, if a stem
with -tata- cannot take a human subject, but only a non-
human one, it cannot be nominalized with -na. In this
respect stems with -tata- resemble stems with -pta- ver-
balizer. Some examples given by Bertonio (1603b) with
either human or nonhuman subjects may take only nonhuman
subjects in La Paz today, as follows:
Chullu.tat.i.w. 'The ice melted! chullu ‘ice’ (La Paz)
333
S
Jang'u.tata.s.k.i.w. 'A soiled thing is becoming clean. (La Paz)
jang'u = ‘white'
k'umar. tata. fia 'to be cured' (La Paz) k'umara ‘healthy’
Q'ana.tata.s.k.i.w. ‘It's clearing up (after rain)! (La Paz)
3+3
S "ana ‘clear’
Uma.tat.i.w. 'It melted. (La Paz) uma ‘water'
3+3 'He sweated/It began to melt! (Bertonio 1603b:305)
S
The following are examples of -tata- as derivational:
alli.tata.fia ‘to fall outward’ (e. g. walls of a building)
(La Paz) ‘to spread out grain, potatoes, etc.'
(La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:304)
alli.na ‘to dig’ (La Paz)
339
aru.s.tata.fia ‘to say' (Salinas; not used in La Paz)
aru ‘word, language'
jacha.tata.fia ‘to begin to cry suddenly’ (La Paz)
'to begin to cry' (Bertonio 1603b:305)
jacha.fma ‘to cry'
mang'a.tata- ‘bite suddenly' (said of a dog) (La Paz)
— "begin to eat' (Bertonio 1603b:305)
mang'a.na ‘to eat' (La Paz)
tuki.tata.fia ‘to faint' (San Andrés de Machaca)
tuki.fia ‘to stretch out'
6-2.17.6 - xaru- preparative of motion
This suffix occurs only on verbs. It has occurred
only on verbs of motion, especially carrying verbs. In
Sitajara it occurred on verb stems used to translate plain
carrying verbs, without any preparative connotation.
Examples:
an.xaru.fa 'to get ready to herd' (La Paz; also Bertonio
1603b: 282)
*ana- '‘herd'
way.xaru.fia ‘to carry by handle' (Sitajara)
wayu.fia ‘to carry by handle'
6-2.17.7 ~ (Xaisi- static, cessation of motion
This suffix does not verbalize, and is of rather
infrequent occurrence. It is not listed as a suffix by
340
Bertonio (1603b), although it occurs in a few examples.
* Judas aycha.xas.i ‘Judas hanged himself.' (1603b:300)
333
S
*sirp.xasi- ‘to take someone with one (as a master his
servant)' (1603b:313)
In La Paz the above are today rendered as follows:
Judasa.x jaych.xa:s.i. jaycha.fia ‘to quarrel'
irp.xa:si.fa ‘for an adult to be responsible for a minor;
" to have a child with one'
irpa.fia 'to take a person'
6-2.17.8 ~ -Xaya- accompanier
This suffix does not verbalize and does not occur
with verbs of carrying. Bertonio (1603b:280) gave it as
+ ypexar-/. Examples:
ar.xaya.na ‘to talk with someone' (JesGis de Machaca)
aru ‘word, language’
paril.xaya.na ‘to deceive, to declare love falsely' (Calacoa)
parla.na ‘to speak'
ik.xaya.na ‘to sit up with a sick person' (La Paz)
iki.na ‘to sleep'
341
Fike xar- ‘to sleep with a sick person' (Bertonio 1603b:280)
6-2.18 - ch ak"a- ~ -ch'uki-, - tta-
6-2.18.1 ~_Chtak'a- ~ -ch'uki- sustainer of action, teaser
The first allomorph occurred only in Sitajara.
un.ch'ak"a.n.ititu.x '(the dog) stared at me'
3+]
S una.na ‘to look'
/-ch'uki-/ occurred in La Paz, Calacoa, and Socca.
Examples:
ufi.ch'uki.fia ‘to look at steadily, or frequently’ (La Paz,
Calacoa)
is.ch'uk.t'a.fia ‘to listen' (Socca) is.t'a.fia ‘to listen'
jaq.ch'uki.na ‘to throw (stones) at someone teasingly'
—— (La Paz)
jagu.fia ‘to throw'
Jar.ch'uki.fia ‘to pull someone's leg' (La Paz)
laru.na ‘to laugh'
6-2.18.2 ~-tta- momentaneous
This suffix occurs as verbalizer of noun roots
and stems, on most verbs, and is of very frequent occur-
rence everywhere. The meaning is sometimes a politive.
Examples:
342
warm.t'a.si.fia 'to have a mistress' (La Paz) warmi ‘woman'
wayn.t'a.si.fia ‘to have a lover (male)' (La Paz)
wayna ‘young man'
An example on a noun stem ending in -ta nominalizer is
wayk' jiya.t.t'a.si.tayna ‘pepper has been ground' (Jopoqueri)
—_— 333
RIK iya.fa 'to grind’
An example on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor is
jan punchu.n.t'a.ta ‘without poncho' (Huancané)
The following are examples on verbs:
ampar jamp'at.t'a.fa ‘to kiss the hand' (La Paz)
jamp'ati.na ‘to kiss'
irp.t'a.fia ‘to give a child back to his own mother or father'
—— (La Paz)
irpa.na 'to take a person'
jirt.t'a.fia ‘to make mazamorra' (a corn-based soft drink)
— (Sitajara)
jirta.fia ‘to move'
The suffix occurs frequently as a softener with imperatives,
as in the following examples from Calacoa:
343
say.t'a.ki.m ‘stand up’ saya.fa ‘to stand’
— 233
I
almus.t'a.wa.tana ‘let's eat Junch' almusa.na ‘to lunch’
~~ 4>3
I
yanap.t'.ita ‘help me' yanapa.fa ‘to help’
2>|
I
pari.t'a.p.xa.m ‘you (plural) talk’ parla.fia ‘to talk’
~~ 2>3
I
6-2.19 -paya-, -rpaya- ~ -rpa:-
6-2.19.1 - paya- helper, mocker
This suffix is very infrequent and was not identi-
fied by England. Certain forms cited with it by Bertonio
(1603b:287) are not acceptable in La Paz today. Other
forms with the suffix do occur in La Paz, some of them
with -paya- frozen to the root. Examples:
k"uya.paya.fia ‘to have mercy, give help' (La Paz)
*k"uya.tia (does not occur)
yat.xa.paya.fia†‘to imitate in order to mock' (La Paz)
yati.fa ‘to know'
muyu.paya.fia ‘to take a look around, like a guard' (La Paz)
muyu.fa ‘to turn around'
344
ali.s.paya.fia 'to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas)
ali.si.fia ‘to run after someone’ (La Paz/Compi)
In the last two examples the meanings are closer to some
examples of -rpaya-.
6-2.19.2 -Ppaya- ~ -rpa:- multiplier of action, intensifier
This suffix does not verbalize. /-rpaya-/ occurs
in most dialects; /-rpa:-/ occurs in Sitajara, Corque,
Jopoqueri, and Salinas, and was cited by Bertonio (1603b:
297). Both variants occur in Compi. The suffix occurred
more frequently in Salinas and Jopoqueri than elsewhere.
One speaker in Corque voiced the /p/ after /r/, giving
the phonetic rendition [rba:] in rapid speech. In Corque
this is not a regular rule like that voicing prevocalic
stops after nasals in Salinas, but rather an optional
rule like the one that voices stops intervocalically
(see 4-3.21.31). Examples:
jamu.rpaya.fia ‘to select chufio from a pile, to be ground
into smaller pieces' (La Paz)
*jamu.fia (does not occur in La Paz/Compi)
* Jamu. rpa:- ‘to understand something well' (Bertonio
— 1603b: 108)
jaqu.rpa:.fia ‘to throw away' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara)
345
jaqu.rpaya.fia ‘to throw away' (La Paz, Salinas)
jaqu.na 'to throw'
jara.rpaya.fia ‘to untie' (La Paz)
[jara.rba:. fia] 'to untie' (Corque) jara.fia ‘to untie'
jat'i.rpa: fia ‘to pick up thorns and thistles' (Salinas)
jat'i.rpaya.fia ‘to scratch' (La Paz)
jat'i.fia 'to scratch'
k" ita. rpaya. fia ‘to send' (Salinas) k"ita.fia ‘to send'
p"ichu.rpa:.fia ‘to untie' (Salinas) p"ichu.fia ‘to tie up'
6-2.2 Class 2 suffixes
These suffixes occur in all dialects on almost
any verb root, stem, or theme and are more closely tied
to the inflection than to the preceding part of the verb.
Of the nine suffixes in the class, four affect case rela-
tions of the subject and complement person contained in
the inflection: -si- reciprocal/reflexive, -ya- ~ -:-
causative, -rapi- beneficiary, and -raqa- victimary.
-ni- approacher and -wa- distancer (and its variants)
indicate spatial relations (physical, temporal, or meta-
phorical) of the person(s) involved in the action. The
incompletive and completive suffixes are aspects of the
346
tense, which is also contained in the inflection. -p-
is a pluralizer of persons.
-si- and -ya- may reduplicate on a stem. If
~ja-_~ -ka- incompletive or -xa- ~ -qa- completive occurs
before -p- on a stem, it may reduplicate after -p-.
6-2.21 ~ySic reciprocal/reflexivee
This suffix is of very frequent occurrence,
especially in La Paz. It focuses upon the persons of
the inflection and may be translated as a reciprocal, a
reflexive, or an emphatic.â€
Reciprocal:
parl.t'a.si.fia ‘to talk to each other' (La Paz)
talk —_
jay.cha.si.fia ‘to quarrel' (La Paz)
quarrel ~~
nuwa.Si.fia ‘to fight each other' (La Paz)
fight —
Reflexive:
asa.qa.si.fia ‘to take off one's own hat' (La Paz)
asa.qa.fia ‘to take off a hat'
gama.si.fia ‘to stay' (Corque)
gama.fia ‘to do nothing, to rest’
suffix
347
ala.si.fia ‘to buy oneself something' (everywhere)
buy
ala.fia 'to buy'
Emphasis:
ar.naga.si.: ‘I will yell' (Calacala)
yell 13
F
jaws. kat.t'a.si.: ‘I will call someone' (La Paz/Compi)
call ~~
The following examples of verbalization with this
have occurred in La Paz:
p'inga.si.na ‘to be ashamed, embarrassed' p'inga 'shame'
warmi.si.fia ‘to take oneself a mistress' warmi ‘woman '
wayna.si.fia ‘to take oneself a (male) lover' wayna ‘young
man'
This suffix occurs frozen in a few verb stems that
act as roots, taking suffixes normally occurring before
-si-.
ali.si.fia ‘to sprout' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
— ‘to run after someone' (La Paz/Compi)
ali.s.muchu.fia ~ ali.s.nuku.fia 'to throw out’ (La Paz/ Tia-
= ~ huanaco)
348
ali.s.mucha.fia 'to throw out' (Salinas)
ali.s.paya.fia ‘to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas)
aru.Si.fia 'to complain, protest, speak against someone'
(La Paz); 'to speak' (Bertonio 1603b:327)
aru 'word/speak'
aru.s.tata.fia ‘to say' (Salinas)
ufia.si.fia ‘to look at each other' (La Paz)
ufia.s.t'a.na ‘to wait for someone’ (Calacoa, Sitajara)
-si- does not co-occur with -rapi- beneficiary or -raqga-
victimary. -Si- may occur before or after the suffixes
-~ya- ~ -:- Causative, -ni- approacher, and -wa- distancer
(or its variants). -si- often occurs in combination with
-ja- ~ -ka- incompletive, resulting in its at first being
considered a continuative. However, it may also occur
with -xa- completive.
When it precedes -ya- on a stem, -si- usually
glosses as a reciprocal. -si- following -ya- usually
glosses as a reflexive. When -si- occurs twice on a
stem, separated by -ya-, the first -si- is a reciprocal,
and the second, a reflexive. When two -si-'s occur in
succession, the second is usually followed by the incom-
pletive suffix -ja- ~ -ka-.
349
Examples of -si- with the other Class 2 suffixes
mentioned above are the following:
~~
jay.cha.si.ya.fia 'to cause others to argue with each other’
— (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:317)
jay.cha.si.fia ‘to argue disrespectfully
with someone to whom re-
spect is due' (La Paz)
jay.cha.ya.si.fia ‘to allow someone to argue (talk) disre-
— spectfully with one' (La Paz/Compi)
* jay.cha.:.si.fia ‘to get oneself beaten up' ee 1603b:
— 317
ne
jay.cha.si.ya.si.fia ‘to allow someone to go on arguing dis-
a respectfully with one' (La Paz)
nuwa.si.ya.Si.fia ‘to referee a fight' (La Paz)
fight’
Ma.nta.si.n.ka.ki.m. 'Come on in.' (La Paz)
enter 2+3
I
Ma.nta.ni.s.ka.ki.m. ‘Come on in.' (La Paz)
usu.r.ta.Ssi.w.x.i ‘she became pregnant' (Calacoa)
343
S usu.fia ‘to be sick'
350
jay.cha.wa:.s.ta ‘I scolded him' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
quarrel ~~ ——s1333
S
10
Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti? 'Is he here?' (most dialects)
SS
S
Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.ti? 'Is he here?' (Jopoqueri)
maq'a.nta.s.xa.tayna ‘he ate it up' (Salinas)
eat 333
RIK
Qullq apa.s.xa.m. ‘Take the money again.’ (La Paz; also
money take 23 at 1603b:
I 301
ala.s.xa.:ma ‘I'll buy you' (Corque)
buy 1+2
F
nuwa.si.s.t"a ‘I'm fighting' (Calacoa)
fight’ 193
S
Nuwa.si.s.k.t.wa. ‘I'm fighting.' (Juli, La Paz, Huancané)
~~ 133
S
arma.si.si.p.k. itasma ‘you might forget us' (Juli)
forget ~
5.
351
In Morocomarca -si- occurred where the nominalizer
-fia would occur in other dialects, in the following type
of sentence:
Kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.s.i ch'unu.ka?
what with eat ~ 3-3 chuno
S)
‘With what is chuno eaten?'
This use of -si- may be due to the influence of Spanish,
from which the sentence was translated: Con qué se come
chufo? The possible influence of Spanish se reciprocal/
reflexive on the incidence of -si- in Aymara needs fur-
ther investigation.
6-2.22 -ya- ~ -:- causative
This suffix has been found to verbalize few noun
roots, and only in La Paz.
1 ~
jayp u.ya. fa ‘to get late' (nonhuman subject); ‘to spend
evening the day waiting in one place’ (human subject)
(La Paz)
uru. ya. fia "to celebrate a wedding or a birthday by giving
day ~ someone a party’ (La Paz)
Bertonio (1603b) gave examples similar to the above, but
with phonologically conditioned allomorphs: *y-wa-/ after
352
/u/, *p-ya-/ after /i/, and either vowel length or
+p -ya-/ after /a/. In contemporary dialects these altera-
tions have not been found to occur. Most dialects use
/-ya-/; Compi uses both /-ya-/ and /-:-/; /-:-/ has
also been found in Huancané and in northern Potosi.
Examples:
apa.:.fia ‘to cause someone to carry' (Calacala)
carry —
apa.ya.fia ‘to cause someone to carry' (elsewhere)
~
ar.Su.ya.ria ‘to cause someone to say' (Salinas)
say ~—
chura.ya.fia 'to cause someone to give' (general)
give —_
The following has /-:-/ reduced to simple vowel before
a consonant-requiring suffix:
Amu.s.t'a.g.i.lla. ‘He made him be quiet.' (Calacala)
â„¢ 333
S /-.9a-/ completive (see 6-2.25)
The Compi equivalent of the above has /-ya~/ reduced to
/y/.
Amu.s.t'a.y.X.i.ya. ‘He made him be quiet.'
353
In the foregoing examples the verb stem takes a
human subject and a human agentive complement (the person
Some verbs that do
who is caused to do something).
not take a human subject may take one if -ya- is added
to the stem. If it is desired to have a human agentive
complement as well, -ya- must be reduplicated. Examples:
achu.fia ‘for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz)
achu.ya.fa ‘to cause a field to produce’ {human subject)
~ La Paz)
puqu.fia ‘for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (Jopoqueri)
~
puqu.ya.fia 'to cause a field to produce’ (human subject)
_ (Jopoqueri )
uma.pta- ‘for something to melt' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz)
uma.pta.ya.fla ‘to cause to melt' (human subject) (La Paz)
uma.pta.ya.ya. fia 'to make someone melt something’ (human
subject and complement)
uma ‘'water'
Some examples of -ya- on stems with -si- were given in
6-2.21. See also the examples in 8-2.25.
6-2.23 -yni-s ~ Was ~ -waya- ~ -wa:- ~ -wi- ~ -wi
These suffixes appear to be semantic opposites,
but they may co-occur on one stem with a meaning different
354
from either alone. When both occur, -ni- always precedes
-wa- or variants.
6-2.23.1 ~yni- approacher
This suffix has only one allomorph in all dialects.
It reduces spatial, temporal, or emotional distance be-
tween the persons of the inflection (who may be the
speaker, hearer, both, or neither) or between person(s)
and place (s). Examples:
jir.ta.ni.fia ‘to go to move something’ (Sitajara)
— 'to go to move something with a stick' (La Paz/
Compi )
jiru.fia, jir.ta.fia ‘to stir’
iki.ni.fia ‘to go somewhere to sleep' (La Paz; also Bertonio
—_ 1603b:285)
iki.nma ‘to sleep’
mang'a.ni.fia ‘to approach to eat' (La Paz)
— ‘to go to eat, to have just eaten’ (Bertonio
1603b: 285)
mang'a.fia ‘to eat’
qillga.n.ch. itasma ‘you could write to me' (La Paz)
qillga.fia ‘to write’
In Calacoa -ni- often occurs with sa.fia ‘to say',
with the Imperative, Future, and Desiderative tenses.
355
Waka. nufu Sa.ni.p.xa.sma. lla! ‘You should say cow's udder!’
cow udder 2>3
D-1
6-2.23.2 ~yWas ~ -Waya- ~ -wai- ~ -wi- ~ -wiya- distancer
This suffix increases spatial, temporal, or emo-
tional distance between the persons of the inflection, or
between person(s) and place(s). There may be a change of
location, or several locations, for the person(s). The
suffix may imply action before leaving for somewhere else
or while on the way somewhere else. The suffix may serve
as a softener or emphatic with such meanings as ‘quickly',
"at once', or ‘by the way'.
The most common shape of this suffix is /-wa-/,
which reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes. This variant occurs in Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Sitajara, and Calacala. The allomorph /-waya-/
occurs in La Paz, reducing to /way/ before consonant-
requiring suffixes. It may reduce to /wa/ before vowel-
requiring suffixes. Parts of La Paz also have an alter-
nate form /-wa:-/ (also attested in Bertonio 1603b),
which reduces to /wa/ before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes.
In Sitajara /-waya-/ (reduced to /way/) occurs
before -i 3+3 Simple tense; /-wa-/ (reduced to /w/)
occurs before other /i/-initial suffixes; and /-wa:-/
occurs elsewhere, reduced to /wa/ before consonant-
requiring suffixes.
356
/-wiya-/ occurs in Salinas and Corque. /-wi-/
occurs in Jopoqueri. In Morocomarca /-wi-/ or /-wiy-/
occurs before /i/ (resulting phonemically in /wi:/ or
/wiyi/), and /-wiya-/ occurs elsewhere, reducing to
/wiy/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. Examples:
Ap.xaru.way.ma. ‘Take it away.' (San Andrés de Machaca)
2>3
I apa.fa ‘to carry’
Chura.waya.m. ‘Give it to him quickly, at once, on the way.'
give 23 (La Paz)
I
Chura.way. ita. 'Give it to me (as you're leaving right away).â€
| (La Paz)
I
Iskula.y jala.q.ta.way.i.w. ‘He played hooky.’ (stayed out
school 333 of school) (Sitajara)
S
jala.ga.na ‘to fall'
Mang'a.waya.m. ‘Eat and go right afterwards.' (La Paz)
eat 243
I
Mang'a.way.i.wa. ‘They ate (somewhere else).' (Sitajara)
~~ 343
S
ch"aga.way.i ‘he got lost (somewhere out there)' (Sitajara)
333
S ch'aga.fia ‘to get lost’
waxcha.t'a.si.way.t.xa: 'I was left an orphan' (Achocalla)
orphan +3
S
Puri.wa.ta.ti? 'Did you arrive (today)?' (Sitajara)
a3
) = ta- 2+3 S (This example is an instance of
/-wa:-/ reduced to /wa/ before
the inflection. )
sara.wa.:xa ‘I'm going to go' (San Andrés de Machaca)
go -~— 133
F
sara.w.xa.: ‘I'm going' (Juli)
eee
F
jayta.wa.p.ka.taytu ‘(our grandparents) left us (our
Teave 341 language)' (Juli)
RIK
pa:.t'a.si.wa.fiani ‘let's cook' (Sitajara)
cook 4+3
F
Sa.w.ma.11la. ‘Tell him on the way.’ (Socca)
say 2>3
I
t"uqu.wa.:ta.x ‘you will dance (there)' (Socca)
dance —~ 233
F
jayta.wiya.:tan ‘we will leave (the sheep with him while
leave 4+3 we go to church)' (Salinas)
F
358
ar.t'a.wiy.i ‘he called (the birds to him, from the sky)'
call 393 (Salinas)
S
t'aq.ta.wiya.:ma.x 'I will look for you (there in La Paz)
look for 132 (Salinas)
F
yapi.nta.wiya.tay ‘she tied her up (before going off) (Corque)
tie up 323
RIK
Chura.wiy.t.wa. ‘I left it for him (and went away again). '
give 133 (Morocomarca)
S
way. xaru.wi.fa 'to carry water in a pail' (Jopoqueri)
way.xaru.fia ‘to carry by handle’
The combination of -ni- plus -wa- (or its vari-
ants) is common in all Aymara dialects. In many instances
it means action on the way back from another place.
ap.ta.ni.wa.: ‘on my way back I'll bring X' (Juli)
bring†— ‘I+3
F
sara.ni.waya.fia ‘to stop off somewhere on the way back
go from a farther point' (La Paz)
England found that this combination could also
359
- . express discrepancies between where
the speaker was at the time of an action
and where he is when he tells about it.
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.177)
An example of this from my research is the following said
by a young man from Socca who had left his town as a boy:
. mist.su.ni.wa.sn . . . ak"am jayt.ja.ni.w.t'a ...
Jeave ~— thus leave —*d133
S
. . leaving (my community) . . . thus, I left (everything)
The combination may also be used to express discrepancies
between the location of a person or persons involved in
an action, and the location of a hearer, as shown in the
following examples which occurred in a recorded message
from a man in Juli to his nephew in another city. The
message concerned the author's visit to Juli, during
which the nephew was not present.
Parl.t'a.ni.w.i.w. ‘She spoke.'
speak ~~ 333
S
graba.q.t'a.si.ni.w.k.i ‘she made tape recordings'
— =" 3+3 < Spanish grabar ‘to record’
S
Ap.s.t'a.ni.wa.rak. 'And she took photographs.’
take ~~
360
wali sum qued.t'a.ya.ni.wa.p.x.sma ‘we did well by you,
very good OO 132 we left a good im-
S pression'
< Spanish quedar ‘to leave'
In Calacoa the combination /-w.ja-/ occurs very
frequently, apparently as a softener since none of the
other meanings of the distancer seem to apply. The com-
bination seems to occur on any verb stem and with a variety
of tenses. Examples:
Chura.w.j.sma.w. 'I gave it to you.'
give 12
- S
Sa.w.j.iri.tayn ‘he said'
†3>3
RIK
sara.w.ja.tan "we will go'
go 4+3
F
Yati.w.ja.ma-lla. ‘You learn, then.'
know 2>3
I
The /-ja-/ in this combination is not identical with
/-ja-/ allomorph of the incompletive suffix (see 6-2.25.1).
In Calacoa the allomorph of the incompletive is /-ka-/
361
and /-w.ja-/ may precede it on a stem. */-w.ka-/ has not
occurred in Calacoa.
dan puyri.w.j.k.t.ti. 'I have not been able to.'
no able +3
S puyri- < Spanish puede ‘is able'
It is possible that /-wja-/ is a unitary suffix identical
in shape to the noun locational suffix -wja- (see 5-3.21).
When occurring before the completive -xa-, /-wj.xa/ re-
duces to /w.xa/.
Aruma.w.x.i.w , iki.nta.w.xa.tan. ‘It's already late,
night ~ =. 3343 bed 43 let's go to bed.'
S F
On verbs /-wja-/ is rejected in Socca as ‘sounding
like baby talk.’ /-w.xa-/ is, however, of frequent occur-
rence in Socca and Juli. A series of verbs with /-w.xa-/
occurred in an account of the death and burial of the
archbishop of Juli.
pasa.w.xa.tayn ‘he passed' (died) < Spanish pasar
3
RIK
jiw.t'a.w.xa.tayn 'he had died' jiwa.fia ‘to die’
yati.w.xa.sin ‘having learned'
know
362
amuk.t'a.w.xa.p.x.i ‘they were silent' amuki.fia 'to be
333 silent'
S
/-w.xa-/ also frequently occurs with /-iritayna/ (-iri
plus 3+3 RIK) and other compound forms with -chi NI, in
stories told in Juli and Socca (see 6-3.36.1 and 6-3.37.2).
/-w.xa-/ occurs with the Imperative in Socca,
meaning 'do it this minute!' on sara.fia 'to go' and
Sa.fia 'to say’ but conveying a gentle, friendly plea
on chura.fia 'to give', thus illustrating the different
connotations verbal derivational suffixes, even those
of Class 2, may have on different verbs.
In Morocomarca /-wiy.xa/ and /-xa.wiya-/ both
occur. In some instances one order is preferred. Examples
occurred with the Simple tense.
133 Chur. xa.wiy.t.wa. "I left it for him.'
2>3 Chur.xa.wiy.ta.wa. ‘You left it for him.'
343 Chura.wiy.x.i.wa. "de left it for him.'
4+3 (not elicited)
342 Chura.wiy.x.tma.wa ~ chur.xa.wiy.tma.wa.
"He left it for you.'
3-1 Chur.xa.wiy.itu.wa. ‘He left it for me.'
344 Chur.xa.wiy. istutu.wa. "He left it for us.'
363
The source rejected a 3+3 form with a preceding -xa-.
(For a discussion of ordering -xa- directly on verb
roots, see 6-2.25.2). Further research will be needed
to determine how best to describe the above.
6-2.24 - rapi-, -raga-
These suffixes are mutually exclusive.
6-2.24.1 -rapi- beneficiary
The presence of -rapi- in a verb stem indicates
that the verb complement expressed in the inflection is
a beneficiary of the action. |2
This suffix is of frequent
occurrence and no dialectal variation in its use has
been noted.
6-2.24.2 ~ ytaga- victimary
The presence of -raga- victimary in a verb stem
indicates that the verb complement expressed in the in-
flection is the victim of action by the subject against
a possession of the complement person. That is, the
complement person is adversely affected indirectly,
through his possession. |2
This use of the suffix -raqga-
is general, although it is of less frequent occurrence
than -rapi-, and no variation in its use has been noted.
364
6-2.25 - .da- ~ -ka- ~ -k"a- incompletive, ~ Xar ~ -ga-
completive
The incompletive and the completive may occur
before and/or after -p- plural. They usually do not
co-occur on a stem; when they do, the incompletive pre-
cedes the completive.
6-2.25.1 - das ~ -ka- ~ -k"a- incompletive
This suffix must be distinguished from the par-
tially homophonous -ja- ~ -ka- verbalizer (5-3.41.1)
and -ja- Class 1 verbal derivational suffix (6-2.12).
The form /-ka-/ occurs in most dialects, but not in
Corque and Jopoqueri, which instead have /-ja-/.
In Salinas, a morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.23) reduces
-ka- to /j/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. The
allomorph /-k"a-/ occurred sporadically instead of /-ka-/
in the speech on one Salinas source. Both /-ka-/ and
/-ja-/ occur in Calacala and Morocomarca, where it
appears that the two morphs may have separate morpho-
phonemic status, -ja- ‘ahead of‘ and -ka- incompletive.
This brings us to the semantics of this suffix.
In some contemporary Aymara dialects the suffix usually
translates ‘ahead of' when it occurs directly on a root.
ap. ka. fia ‘to carry ahead of someone' (La Paz)
apa.fa ‘to carry'
365
sar.ka.fia ‘to go on ahead' (La Paz) sara.ffa ‘to go'
sar.ja.fia 'to go on ahead' (Jopoqueri)
However, in some dialects this suffix translates as a
continuative.
Chur.k.t.wa. ‘I'm giving it to him.' (Morocomarca)
give 1-3
S
Chur.ka.:t.wa. ‘I was giving it to him.' (Morocomarca,
433 San Andrés de Machaca)
RDK
Chur.j.t.wa. ‘I'm giving it to him.' (Salinas, Jopoqueri,
13 Corque)
Chur.ja.ya:t.wa. ‘I was giving it to him.' (Salinas,
133 Jopoqueri, Corque)
RDK
In La Paz the continuative is usually expressed by -si-
plus -ka-.
She's
Mang'a.s.k.i.w. "He's eating. '
eat ~~ ~3+3 It's
S
She's
Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.w. "He's here. '
here ~~ 343 It's
S
366
Elsewhere the continuative may be so expressed also, with
/-ka-/ or /~-ja-/.
Jacha.s.k.i.way. ‘They are crying.’ (Calacoa)
~ 333
S
Uta.nha.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa. ‘He was in my house.' (Sitajara)
house Ip ~~ 343
RDK
Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.w. ‘He's here.' (Jopoqueri and Corque)
here ~~ “343
S
One speaker in Salinas, whose Aymara was probably in-
fluenced by that of La Paz, used both /-ja-/ and /-s.ka-/
continuative in the same sentence in a story.
Aka.n.x na.x sSawu.n.j.t".w, sawu.si.s.k.t na.x.
here Ip weave = 1+3 weave l+3 Ip
S Ss
"Here I'm weaving, it's weaving I am.'
A popular song in Calacoa has /-s.ka-/ in one stanza
and /-ka~/ alone in another.
Jacha.s.k.i.way. ‘They are crying.’
cry 333
S
367
¢ dach.k.i.w s.i.way. '"They are crying," they say.’
~ 343 343
S S
Although this suffix frequently occurs with nega-
tive expressions, some negatives occur without it, or
with the completive -xa- instead. Negative expressions
are discussed in 7-4.5.
With the Inferential -pacha, /-ka-/ incompletive
may occur with the meaning ‘instead of.' The following
example was inspired in a La Paz/Tiahuanaco speaker by
Ebbing (1965:100):
Uka chacha.x jach.k.pacha.:n.x laru.s.xa.k.i.w.
that man cry 353 Taugh 333
RDK S
‘That man instead of crying is just laughing. '
However, in an example from Jopoqueri /-ja-/ with -pacha
is simply a continuative.
Jun.j.pacha.w. ‘He must be pecking. '
junu.fia ‘to peck, pierce'
This suffix occurs often on subordinated verbs
to indicate action ahead of the action of the main verb
or incompleted action ‘see 7-4.24).
368
6-2.25.2 -xa- ~ -ga- completive
In view of the /k/ ~ /j/ alternation for the in-
completive, the possibility that a similar alternation of
/q/ ~ /x/ exists for the completive--or may have existed
in the past--must be kept in mind. Tschopik (1948:109)
gives one example of a /q/ which is probably a variant
of this suffix, but /-xa-/ also occurs in his transcrip-
tion, which in any case is not completely phonemic.
In Calacala there occurred a /q/ which may be a realiza-
tion of the completive. It could not be -qga- 'down',
as it occurred after the causative suffix -ya- ~ -:-
(here reduced to plain vowel).
Amu.s.t'a.q.i.lla. 'He made him be quiet. '
333
S
The Compi equivalent of the above has /-xa-/ (see 6-2.22).
Further investigation will be needed to see if /-qga-/
completive is a productive suffix in Calacala and else-
where.
Examples of the completive are given below with
different tenses.
Simple: Chur.x.t.wa. ‘I've already given it to him.'
give 143 (La Paz)
369
Sar.x.i.w. ‘He left.' (La Paz)
go ~ 3+3
Jani.w mun.x.i.ti. ‘It doesn't want to.' (La Paz)
no want 3-3
Future: sar.xa.: ‘I'm going home' (La Paz)
~—|+3
Imperative: chur.x.ma ‘give it to him' (Socca)
273
apa.n.x.ita ‘bring it to me’ (Huancané)
|
Desiderative: Jiw.xa.sma.wa. 'You may die.' (Salinas)
die -_-23
In Huancané /-xa-/ occurred on many verbs used in telling
a story. The tenses used were RIK, Simple, and -chi NI.
Examples of /-s.xa-/ and /-w.xa-/ are given in
6-2.21 and 6-2.23.2, where it was noted that /-xa-/ some-
times occurs before /-wiya-/ in Morocomarca. It appears
that /-xa-/, like -si-, may occur directly on a root,
forming a stem which may take other suffixes that usually
precede /-xa-/. England considered this /-xa-/ a dif-
ferent suffix of limited occurrence (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.152). Other examples are
370
Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. ‘It (the headache) overcame her.’
— 333 (Compi )
S
atipa.fa ‘to overcome'
yat.xa.paya.fia ‘to imitate in order to make fun of' (La Paz)
yati.na ‘to know'
* sar.xa.way.xa.tayna ‘he left' (LaBarre 1950:43)
go ~ 343
RIK
In the last example /-xa-/ reduplicates on the verb stem.
The combination /-ka-/ incompletive plus /-xa-/
occurs infrequently.
sar.k.xa.tayna.x ‘he had gone (for good)’ (Huancané)
go +=— 33
RIK
+ . . .
Jani.w sar.t.ir.jama.:.k.xa.:n.ti.
no get up 33
RDK
‘He could not get up (and never would again).' (Wexler
1967 : 456)
Other examples of incompletive and completive suffixes,
sometimes with reduplication, are given in the next
section.
371
6-2.26 ~ yo plural
No dialect has been found in this research with
the form of this suffix cited by Bertonio (1603b):
* _piska-. Examples from different regions bear out
the contention earlier expressed that the suffix -p- is
optional in Aymara. It may express plurality of the
subject, the complement, or both. There are some ex-
amples of its occurrence when no plural appears in
translation, or conversely, there may be plural in trans-
lation but no -p- in Aymara (this latter is the more
common possibility). When the noun plural suffix -naka
occurs on a subject or complement, -p- may or may not
occur on the verb, and vice versa (see 5-2.3, 5-3.25, and
8-2.4).
~p- occurs without a following incompletive or
completive in Calacoa, Sitajara, and Morocomarca. '4
/-p.ka-/ and/or the variant /-p.ja-/, where applicable,
and /-p.xa-/ occur everywhere, including those areas
that may have -p- alone. The following are examples of
-p- without a following incompletive or completive:
Puri.t.ma.taki p"uya.p.t.wa. ‘For your coming I've cooked
arrive 2p for cook ~ 13 (a lot).' (Morocomarca)
S
Juma.x na.naka.r ufi.kata.p.itta.
2p Ip Took at 25]
S
‘You are looking at us.' (Sitajara)
372
Juma.naka_ ufi.ch'uki.s.ka. p. sta. X.
2p Took at
=
'You (pl.) are looking at me.' (Calacoa)
The combination /-p.ka-/ frequently occurs pre-
ceded by -si-.
Chik.t'a.si.p.k.t.wa. ‘We are asking.’ (Salinas)
ask ~I33
S
ut.ja.si.p.k.t'a ‘we are living together' (Sitajara)
live ~ J+3
S
ala.si.p.k.t'a ‘we buy’ (Calacala)
buy ]+3
k'usa.si.p.k.i ‘they are making chicha' (Sitajara)
chicha ~ ~3+3
S
Sar xata.si.ni. p. ka. k.itasman ‘you should come up to us,
2>] that's all' (Juli)
D-1
In the following examples /-p.ja-/ is preceded
by /-ka-/ or /-ja-/:
ifia.si.n.ka.p.j.ista ‘you are looking at us' (Morocomarca)
~~ 2]
S
373
ifia.si.n.ja.p.j.ista ‘you are looking at us' (Jopoqueri)
By far the most common combination with -p-
is /-p.xa-/, often preceded by -si- or other suffixes.
sara.p.xa.ta.pa ‘their departure’ (La Paz)
go 3p
tuk.t'a.p.x.chi ‘they played music’ (Juli)
tuka.fa > Spanish tocar 'to play’
wisita.p.x.itu 'she visited us' (Salinas)
visit ~~ 3+]
S wisita.nma < Spanish visitar ‘to visit'
lura.si.p.x.ta 'I have done' (Socca)
do ~ 143
S
amt.t'a.si.p.xa.tayna.x ‘they agreed' (Huancané)
agree ~~ 333
RIK
nuwa.si.p.x.ta ‘you are fighting’ (Morocomarca)
fight ~~ 2+3
S
parla.si.p.xa.mani ‘let's talk' parla.na > Spanish parlar
talk ~~ 4+3
‘to talk’
374
sa.ta.:.si.p.x.t ‘we call it' (Sitajara)
say ~ 133
S
Apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. ‘Please have them sent to me.'
send ~~ D>]
F
In the following, /-p.xa-/ occurs preceded by
/-ja-/ or /-xa-/.
Kuna.ma.:.S.ja.p.x.ta.s? ‘How are you?' (Jopoqueri)
243
S
Sar.xa.p.x.i.wa. ‘They left.' (Morocomarca)
343
S sara.na 'to go'
6-2.3 Class 3 suffixes
This class consists of a group of related suffixes
all containing the phoneme /ch/ (or a reduced form /s/)
and the sequence /jama/ (or reduced forms thereof) re-
lated to the noun/independent suffix -jama 'like'. They
have so far been found only in La Paz (Tiahuanaco and
Compi) and are attested by Ebbing (1965). The following
allomorphs occurred in spoken texts:
/- chjama-/ La Paz/Compi (Hardman 1975:1.305)
/-ichja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco (also Ebbing 1965:209)
375
/-smach-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco
/-smachja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco
The following occurred in examples which Vdsquez (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco) reported having heard; their geographic origin
is unknown:
/-chja-/
/-sja-/
/-,,sjamach-/ (also Ebbing 1965:223)
The following was cited by Ebbing (1965:223):
*7- ysamach-/
The meaning of these is expressed by a number of glosses,
including 'I think', ‘it seems that', ‘it looks as if',
‘it looks like', ‘it is likely that'. They are here
classified as verbal derivationals because they occur
as units after Class 2 verbal derivationals and before
independent or verbal inflectional suffixes.
Bertonio (1603b) and Ebbing (1965) have pro-
vided evidence which permits speculation about the
probable derivation of some of these forms. (In the
following analyses, presumed underlying morphemic, or
376
partial boundaries are shown for clarity even though the
forms are synchronically unitary.)
As indicated in 5-3.32.3, a free root * jama
occurs after an inflected verb in a sentence cited by
Bertonio (1603b:204). In the following example (Bertonio
1603b:104) * Jama occurs followed by /cha/, perhaps the
verbal derivational suffix -cha- which may verbalize noun
roots.
*Chura.sina jama.cha.sma. ‘It seems to me that I gave it
42 to you.'
S
A more literal translation might be 'I having given to
you, like’ as -sina is a suffix which turns a verb root
or stem into a subordinated verb (a kind of nominalization;
see 7-4.22.1). In the above example, although the verbal
inflectional suffix -sma 1+2 Simple tense occurs on
*jama.cha-, the relation of subject and complement is
actually tied to the verb root chura-. This indicates
that the whole phrase functions as a syntactic and
morphological unit. With corrected morphophonemics it
would be *chura.sin.jama.cha.sma. In this analysis the
suffix -cha- reverbalizes the nominalized theme
*chura.sin.jama, permitting it then to take a verbal
inflection.
377
In modern Aymara -jama does occur on the subordi-
nators -sa and -sina, e. g. sa.s.jam ‘saying, like’
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.408). The following is an example
given by Ebbing (1965:223) that resembles the Bertonio
example cited above and is acceptable to Vasquez:
jallu.s jama.ch.i 'it looks like it's raining'
~ ~~ 333
S
Written as a unit, it would be jallu.s.jama.ch.i. Ebbing
said the form was archaic and that the following was to
be preferred:
*Jallu.s.ka.s.ama.ch.i.wa. ‘It looks like it's raining.'
343
Ss
Vasquez renders it as follows:
Jallu.s.ka.$.ma.ch.i.wa.
Ebbing heard a stress on the vowel before */sama/, e. g.
“Jallu.s.kd.s.ama.ch. i.wa/
This can be explained by assuming a double /s/ which would
tend to lengthen the preceding vowel.
378
*/jallu.s.ka.s.sama.ch. i.wa/
We may assume the following derivations:
*jallu.s.ka.s.jama.ch.i.wa -->
*jallu.s.ka.s.sama.ch.i.wa -->
*jallu.s.ka:.s.ama.ch.i.wa
The phonological rules, briefly, are /s + j/ --> /ss/ -->
/:s/.!°
Other examples, from La Paz/Tiahuanaco today, are
the following:
T'ag.s.ta.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. ‘I think (the donkey) broke loose. '
~~ 333
S t'aga.fia ‘to break’
t'aq.su.fa 'to break loose’
Ut. ja.s.ka.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. ‘It looks like there is some
OO there. '
The /-ja-/ after /-s.ma.ch-/ appears to be a reduplica-
tion of -jama in its reduced allomorph /-ja-/. If we
consider /-s.ma.ch-/ as three morphemes, then the final
/-ja-/ acts like an independent suffix, coming after the
verbalizer -cha- and before the verbal inflection -i.
379
However, other combinations of fAch/ and Ajama/
(or Aja/) cannot be analyzed as above. These other
combinations may be divided into two types: those in
which a verbal inflection occurs before /ch/ and those in
which it occurs after /Ach/.
Examples of /ch/ occurring after -i 3+3 Simple
inflection are the following:
Jut.i.ch.ja.w. ‘I think he has come.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
3
S
*Qut.i.ch.ja.ki.w. 'I think he has come.' (Ebbing 1965:209)
*Juta.p.x.i.ch.ja.ki.wa. 'I think they have come.'
~ (Ebbing 1965:209)
The three forms above may tentatively be analyzed as
containing, after the inflection -i 3+3 Simple tense,
the alternative question suffix -cha, a sentence suffix
after which no further suffixation may occur. The /-ja/
which follows must then be interpreted as the root
*ja, a reduced form of *jama 'like', followed optionally
by the independent suffix -ki and the sentence suffix
-wa. This is obviously not a satisfactory analysis in
synchronic terms, as *jama 'like' is not a root today,
and a reduced form *ja would furthermore be the only
380
16
monosyllabic free root in the language. We must there-
fore conclude that /-i.ch.ja-/ is a frozen form in con-
temporary Aymara.
Examples of fAch/ followed by Ajama/ plus verbal
inflection are the following, which occurred in Compi:
T'aq.su.ch.jama.raki.tayna.sa: ‘I think (the donkey) broke
— 343 loose.’ (Hardman et al.
RIK 1975:1.305)
T'aq.su.ch.jam.i.w. ‘I think he broke loose.’
~~ 343
S
Juta.ch.jama.k.itu.w. ‘It seems it comes to me.'
come ~_ 3+]
S
Al.ja.ra.ch.jama.k.ta.wa. ‘I think you have sold it.'
sell 2>3
S
Chura.ch.jama.k.tam.wa. 'I think he gave it to you.'
give 3+2
S
In most of the above cases fjama/ is followed by an inde-
pendent suffix, either -raki or -ki, but it is not required.
Determination of the derivation of fAch/ in the
above forms is tentative pending further investigation,
but certain possibilities may be eliminated. It is not
381
the verbal derivational suffix -cha-, as it occurs before
other Class 1 and 2 derivational suffixes, whereas in the
above examples /ch/ occurs after Class 1 suffixes. It
is not -chi NI, which takes a preceding consonant. It is
not -cha alternative question, which occurs after in-
flections, as noted above. Eliminating these three possi-
bilities, we are left with the hypothesis that /-ch.jama-/
is a frozen form, perhaps a metathesis of /-jama.cha-/,
possibly formed by analogy with the combination of -cha-
verbal derivational as verbalizer, plus -jama--/-ch.jama/--
which occurs on noun roots and stems. In the following
form from Compi (see also 6-2.11) the vowel before -cha-
drops by the three-vowel rule:
Juta.:.fi.ch.jama.k.itu.w. 'I just feel like coming.’
come 3+]
S
(A more literal translation would be ‘Something makes
me feel like coming', given the causative suffix /-:-/
and the 3+1 S inflection -itu.)
Finally, the following forms have been heard by
Vasquez but their provenance is unknown.
Jut.ch.ja.k.i.w. 'I think he has come.'
come 333
S
382
Jut.s.ja.k.i.w. ‘I think he has come.'
These might be thought to contain -chi NI or a reduced
variant /s/ occurring before /j/, except that the sentence
suffix -wa (here reduced to /w/) does not occur with the
NI suffix (Hardman et al. 1975:3.413). The /ch/ is not
-cha- verbal derivational, as it requires a preceding
vowel unless the three-vowel rule applies. The -ja/
in this suffix may be analyzed as /-ja/ allomorph of
-jama occurring before verbal inflection.
To summarize, in Class 3 suffixes beginning with
hy s7 the partial /-jama/ may be analyzed as the suffix
-jama which occurs primarily on nouns and occasionally
as an independent, if -cha- may verbalize a stem ending
in an independent suffix. If /jama/ is reduplicated in
suffixes beginning with hy S7 » the reduplicated occurrence
must be analyzed as an independent suffix. In /-ichja-/,
kja/ is a frozen root, synchronically submorphemic. In
suffixes beginning with Fych7 /-jama7 may be an indepen-
dent suffix, but until the partial [,ch/ is better
identified, /-,chjama-/ is unanalyzable. In suffixes
beginning with F.ch7, fkja/ may also be identified as an
allomorph of the independent -jama, but as kch7 cannot
as yet be identified, the suffixes are not analyzable.
In all these cases the partial Ajamay or /-ja/ derives
from a form which was apparently once a free root meaning
‘like' and which today occurs most often as a suffix on
nouns, sometimes on verbs (but only when accompanied
by a preceding or following fAch/ or fs/) and sometimes
frozen in forms which are synchronically unanalyzable.
f‘ch/7 in these suffixes derives from several
different underlying forms. In suffixes beginning with
Fys/ it may be the verbal derivational verbalizer -cha-.
In /-ichja-/ it may be the alternative question suffix
-cha, frozen and no longer a morpheme in this context.
In /-,chjama-/, -ch/ may be the verbal derivational/
verbalizer -cha- metathesized to a position before
fjama7. In /- chja-/ and /- sja-/; /-ch/ is not identi-
fiable. The possibility exists that in some or all of
these cases fch/ is related to the present-day noun
suffix -cha diminutive which occurs in only a few
dialects, not including those which are sources of the
Class 3 suffixes so far obtained. In the sister language
Jagqaru there is a noun suffix -cha 'limitative' seman-
tically equivalent to the Aymara independent suffix -ki
‘only, just' (Hardman 1966:87).
Although forms beginning with fs? may be analyzed
synchronically, the other suffixes having fAch/ and /Ajama/
(and their reduced variants) cannot be. It seems best
at this time, therefore, to present them all as Class
3 verbal derivationals pending further investigation.
384
6-3 Verbal Inflectional Suffixes!’
6-3.1 Introduction
The Aymara verb inflection system consists basic-
ally of eight paradigms of nine suffixes each. The eight
paradigms, usually referred to as tenses, are the Simple
(S), Future (F), Imperative (I), Desiderative (D-1),
Remonstrator (D-2), Remote Direct Knowledge (RDK), and
Remote Indirect Knowledge (RIK). There are also compound
tenses, consisting of certain of the plain tenses with
either the Non-involver -chi (NI) or the Inferential
-pacha (IF), and there are various combinations with the
nominalizer -iri.
Each of the nine suffixes in each tense is a
synchronically unitary morpheme representing semantically
that tense plus one of the four grammatical persons as
subject and another person as complement. The suffixes
are therefore called person/tense suffixes. (Tenses in
Aymara also convey direct or indirect acquisition of
information; see 8-2.3.) These suffixes are not syn-
chronically analyzable into morphemes but do contain
submorphemic recurrent partials (see below) identifiable
as representing individual persons or tenses. The
subject-complement relations expressed by the nine
suffixes are 173, 273, 323, 4+3, 142, 3+2, 2-1, 3-1,
18
and 3+4. (2+4 exists in the related Jaqi language
385
Jaqaru but not in Aymara today.) The order just given
will be adhered to throughout this section as it is
believed to be the best for displaying structural simi-
larities and differences, but it is, of course, arbitrary.
For each tense paradigm a figure showing the
person/tense suffix allomorphs in each of nine dialect
areas will be given. Included in most paradigms are a
few contemporary forms alleged in published sources,
identified by a preceding raised + Also included are
forms alleged for late 16th-century Juli by Bertonio
(1603b); these are listed between contemporary La Paz
and Juli forms and boxed to distinguish them clearly
from contemporary forms. Other variants cited in the
paradigms occurred either in free texts or in elicited
paradigms, or in both. A blank in a paradigm means
that no form for it was obtained, but does not neces-
sarily imply that it does not exist. Each tense is
analyzed for the morphophonemics, structure, and distribu-
tion of its person/tense suffixes.
The verb chura.fia 'to give’ was used to elicit
all paradigms, as it occurs freely with all person/tense
suffixes. It should be pointed out, however, that even
when given in paradigms (an essentially artificial frame-
work), Aymara verbs usually occur with verbal deriva-
tional suffixes, and often with independent and final
suffixes, as well as inflectional ones. For the sake
386
of clarity and simplicity all but the inflectional suf-
fixes have here been stripped away.
For general rules concerning the morphophonemics
of verbal inflectional suffixes, see 4-2.1 and 4-2.2.
Additional rules specific to each tense and/or to indi-
vidual person/tense suffixes will be given in the section
on the tense in question. In the figures accompanying
the tenses the morphophonemics of suffixes will be shown
only in the case of exceptions. If a final /a/ is in
parentheses, it means it usually drops when there is no
subsequent suffixation. If a final /n/ or /na/ is in
parentheses, it means its presence varies with its
absence.
6-3.2 Verbal inflectional distinctive features
Hardman (1975) has reconstructed the person
system of the Jaqi languages using as bases the per-
sonal pronouns, the personal possessive suffixes, and
two verb tenses, the Simple (Present in Jaqaru and Kawki)
and Future. Person is marked in these and other tenses
by submorphemic recurrent partials. Other partials are
associated with tense.
6-3.21 Person markers
Following are the partials associated with verb
subject person and verb complement person, incorporating
387
data from Hardman (1975) and data for other tenses dis-
covered in my research.
Subject 1> Complement >]
Future, D-1 /sa/!? forms: S, RIK: /-itu/, /-ita/
/-ja/ ~ /-xa/ ~ /-nha/ ~ Other tenses: /-ita/
/-na/ ~ /-ya/ ~ /-:/
Other tenses:
[-,ta/ ~ /- tha,
v
Subject 2> Complement +2
I, D-1, and D-2 /sa/ forms: All tenses:
/-m(a)/ /-m(a)/
Other tenses: All tenses, 3+2 only:
/-ta,/ /-tama/
Subject 3+ Complement +3
I, D-1 /sa/ forms, D-2: Unmarked
/-p(a)/
Other tenses:
/-i/
Subject 4> Complement +4
S, I, F, D-1 and D-2 /iri/ All tenses: /-s-/
forms, RDK, RIK:
/-tana/
S, I, F, D-1 and D-2 /sa/
forms, RDK:
/-(s)na/ ~ /-(s)iia/
The 4p forms above are complex, perhaps reflecting two
systems that have not completely merged. Since 4p is
semantically Ip plus 2p, the following analysis is plaus-
ible (/-na/ having now fallen out of the Ip alterna-
tions):
/-ta/ + */-na/ --> /-tana/
2p Ip Ap
Forms with /-na/ or /-fia/ alone are marked only for
Ip, while those forms preceded by /-s-/ (not to be
confused with the /-s-/ or /-sa-/ marking D-1 and D-2)
are marked for 4p and 1p.28
6-3.22 Tense markers
The following partials are associated with tense:
S - Unmarked
F - Homophonous with 1p possessive, with exception of
reduplicative bilabial nasal in 1+2 in some dialects
I - Unmarked. Forms homophonous with personal possessive
suffixes for subject, except 2>1 which is unmarked
for subject
D-1 and D-2 - /iri/ forms: /-s-/, /-k-/, /-ks-/, /-j-/,
/-js-/
/sa/ forms: /-s(a)-/
(D-2 is marked also for Remote: /iri/ forms: /-:-/
/sa/ forms: /-:na/)
RDK - /-ya-/, /-:-/, and /-n(a)/ (in different combinations)
RIK - /-ta:-/ ~ /-tay-/ ~ /-taw-/3; some 3+3 marked also
with /-:na/; forms reduplicative of inflection,
271, 31, 3+4 only
6-3.3 Tenses
6-3.31 Simple tense
°o
med
oO
2.
“"
Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Y 'I gave
to him/her.'
6-3.31.1 Morphophonemics
All consonant-initial suffixes except Calacoa
4+3 /-stia/ require a preceding consonant. A111 allomorphs
of 1+3 except Calacoa fAt"a/ lose the final vowel before
390
final suffixes except the vowel-requiring suffix
~-lla_~ -ya. Only in Calacoa may the distinction between
1-3 S and 2+3 S be made solely on the basis of the pres-
ence or absence of aspiration: 133 [-thay/, 2>3 /- ,ta,/.
Elsewhere the distinction is made primarily by morpho-
phonemics: 1-3 [-,ta/ a /~t"ai/s versus 2>3 /-,ta,/.
That is, 2+3 keeps its final vowel before all following
suffixes. Other suffixes in this tense do also.
6-3.31.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-2)
133 /-t"a/ is found everywhere but in La Paz and
Huancané, which have /-ta/. In Calacoa the
aspirated form appears to be more common in
the speech of women, and the unaspirated in
the speech of men.
2>3 /-ta/ everywhere.
3>3 /-i/ everywhere.
4+3 Morocomarca has /-sna/, identical to the 4+3 D-1
found in all dialects except Calacoa. For 43
S Calacoa has an alternate form /-\siia/ identi-
cal in shape, but not morphophonemics, to its
4+3 D-1. /-tana/ occurs in Sitajara and was
cited by Bertonio. Socca has /-tan/ alternating
with /-tna/. Elsewhere the allomorph is /-tan/,
except that in La Paz /-tana/, with antepenulti-
mate stress on the word, was heard in a Protestant
sermon (see 4-3.33).
J+3
243
3+3
43
142
2
2+)
‘d]
Figure 6-2.
La Paz
-ta (atl dialects)
-tan * tana
-VCtana
+
$m “ST
-tam * tama
eista
*eitta
~itu (all; dialects)
-istu Feisty
duli
«tan
“STS
-tam
eista
-chitu
=schitu
-chistu
“schistu
Simple Tense
Socca
-tan~
etna
@Sita
otam~
tha
etsta
-situ
Huancans
etan
osha
-{stu
Calscoa
“tard
-ista
Stu
Sitajara
=~taima
-{tta
estu
Jopoquerd
etan
-Sna
etam
eista
eistu
Salinas
«tan
oma
etana
eista
-fstu
Morocomarca
-sna
-sma
-ista
“istu
L6E
1+2
3>2
2>1]
341
344
6-3.31.3
392
Salinas has /-ma/, homophonous with 2+3 I in
Juli, Socca, Huancané, and Calacala. Huancané
has /-sna/, identical to Morocomarca 43 S and
to all 4+3 D-1 except Calacoa. Elsewhere the
allomorph is /-sma/; the variant /-sman/ also
occurs in Tiahuanaco.~!
Sitajara has /-ta:ma/; Morocomarca has /~-tma/;
Socca has /-tam/ alternating with /-tma/. Else-
where the allomorph is /-tam/, except that in
La Paz /-tama/, with antepenultimate stress
on the word, occurs at times in radio announce-
ments (see 4-3.33).
/-ista/ everywhere except Sitajara, which has
/-itta/, the form attested by Bertonio. (The
former has /-s-/ marker of 4p, and the latter
/-it(a)/ marker of Ip complement and /-ta/ marker
of 2p.)
/-itu/ everywhere.
/-stu/ in Calacoa and Sitajara; /-situ/ in Socca;
four variants frozen with /-(s)ch/, Juli. Else-
where /-istu/ (also attested by Bertonio).
Dialectal patterning
Several dialects have idiosyncratic allomorphs
of one person/tense suffix in this tense. In Huancané
1>2 /-sna/, in Calacoa 4+3 /-sfa/, in Salinas 1+2 /-ma/,
393
and in Morocomarca 4+3 /-sna/ are each identical to a
suffix found more commonly in another tense and/or person,
usually in a different dialect. In Sitajara, 2>1 /-itta/
corresponds to the form cited for the same person/tense
suffix by Bertonio but not found in any other contemporary
dialect investigated.
6-3.32 Future tense
Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Voy a darle ‘I'm
going to give him’.
6-3.32.1 Morphophonemics
Except for 3+4 forms starting with /s/ or /ch/,
suffixes beginning with a consonant require a preceding
vowel. Although collection and analysis of data regard-
ing behavior of suffix-final vowels for this tense is
not yet complete, it appears that in most cases vowels
are retained before most suffixes. An example of a suffix
needing further study is 1+3 /-nha/ which loses the /a/
before -ti (and probably before certain other final
suffixes) but keeps it before -wa, -xa, and -lla ~ -ya
aforesaid.
6-3.32.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-3)
The distinctive mark of this tense is a long
vowel, a glide, a nasal, or a velar or postvelar fricative.
La Paz Bertonio
1€03b
143 “3
“ja
“2nd
“ya:
2-3 -ita
*.jata
393 “ni (all dialects)
4*3 ohanl +
-tana
142 oima 5 +
nan -mama
3+2
“stam
* jatpa
27] -ita:ta +
~itajata
31 -itani (al) dialects)
344 “stant “stant stant
-istani -sitani -fstani -istani -istani -istant
. -chistant
Jult Socca
-ja
-ja: «Ja:
-:xa
“ya:
o3ta eita
nani “fant
-:ma orma
-mama omama
etms
ertma
eitam e:tan
-fta:ta -ita:ta
-schitani
-schistani
Figure 6-3. Aymara Future Tense
Huancané
-ja
-Ja:
3x8
sita
-nta
“nant
-.m
“Mand
enatpa
enatina
~itanta
Calacoa
«ja
oja:
-3ka
eita
-jata
eja:ta
~tana
ettan
mama
otra
-ita:ta
Sitajara
enha
enha:ta
“nant
“ma:
Mma smd
-nhata:ma
-itanhata
dopoqueri
onha
e:ta
-nta
efiant
-ntam
“itanta®
Salinas
ona
“na:
=ita
{-ndaJ
nani
-tan
~stan
“nna
[-itanda]
Morocomarca
-ya
“ya
“ita
“nant
-tna
“-rtna
esta
-ita:ta
v6E
Notes to Figure 6-3
loriginal written with stress (accent) rather than
length.
2calacala has /-:na/.
Scalacala has /-:ta/and [-nda].
4 Some Speakers have [-nda].
compl
come speakers have [-itanda].
“Calacala has /-ita:ta/ and [-nda:ta].
396
The tense is thus an excellent example of nonstop consonant
instability in Aymara.
133
2>3
33
4+3
1>2
372
/-:/ (vowel length) everywhere; voiceless frica-
tives<-
in La Paz, Calacoa, Juli, Socca, Huancané;
voiced nonstops elsewhere: velar nasal,
Sitajara and Jopoqueri; palatal nasal, Salinas;
palatal glide, La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca. <*>
/-:ta/ everywhere except Sitajara; preceded by
voiceless fricative, Calacoa (also cited by
Bertonio); preceded by velar nasal, Sitajara;
preceded by alveolar nasal, Corque and Salinas.
/-ni/ everywhere.
/-tana/ and /-:tan/, Calacoa (*/-tana/ also
cited by Bertonio); /-fiani/, /-tan/, and /-:tan/,
Salinas; /-fiani/, /-tna/, and /-:tna/, Moroco-
marca; /-nani/ elsewhere.
Peruvian dialects, /-mama/ and variants; Bolivian
dialects, /-:ma/. (Vitocota, near Ayata, pro-
vince of Mufecas, in the department of La Paz,
also has /-mama/.) The following also have
/-:ma/: Juli, Socca, and Huancané. Sitajara
has /-ma:/; La Paz has /-:man/ in addition to
/-:ma/.
/-:tam/, La Paz, Socca; /-:tam/ and /-(:)tma/,
Juli; /-(:)tma;, Calacoa and Morocomarca. Forms
2>1
3-1
34
6-3.32.3
397
with initial alveolar nasal are found in Huan-
cané, Jopoqueri, and Salinas; with initial velar
nasal, in Sitajara; Bertonio cited a form with
initial velar fricative.
/-ita:ta/ La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Moroco-
marca; alveolar nasal instead of vowel length,
Huancané, Jopoqueri, Salinas; velar nasal between
two vowels, Sitajara; velar fricative between
two vowels, cited by Bertonio.
/-itani/ everywhere.
/-stani/ La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara; /-istani/
La Paz, Huancané, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Moroco-
marca, and cited by Bertonio; /-sitani/ Socca.
Juli has forms frozen to preceding /-(s)ch-/.
Dialectal patterning
6-3.32.31 Phonological
1. Dialects with initial or medial alveolar,
velar, or palatal nasals in 143, 2+3, 3-2,
and 2+1: Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas.
Huancané lacks a nasal form of 13 but has
the others. Calacala may lack a nasal form
for 352 (no information is available) but
has the others.
2. Dialects with a voiced palatal glide in
1+3: La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca.
398
3. Dialects with voiceless fricatives in 133:
La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa.
6-3.32.32 Morphological
1. Dialect having /-tana/ and /-:tan/, but
not /-fiani/, for 4+3: Calacoa.
2. Dialects having /-(:)tan/ or /-(:)tna/
and /-fiani/ for 4+3: Salinas and Moroco-
marca.
3. Dialects using /-fiani/ for 4+3, but not
/-tana/ or variants thereof: La Paz, Juli,
Socca, Huancané, Sitajara, Jopoqueri.
6-3.32.33 Semantic
Dialects having only /-fiani/ for 4+3 F perceive
/-tana/ and variants as past, not future. An attempt
was made to discover whether dialects having both /-tana/
(or a variant thereof) and /-fniani/ distinguish them
semantically in some way, but the evidence so far is
inconclusive. Either form may gloss, depending on con-
text, as vamos a ‘we're going to' or as a plain future
‘we will'. In Salinas only /-fiani/ was given for 453
Imperative, which is identical in form to 4+3 Future,
but it may be that /-tana/ could also occur for the
Imperative, as both forms do in Calacala.
399
6-3.33 Imperative tense
Spanish used to elicit: 23 Daselo a 61. 'Give
jt to him.'
6-3.33.1 Morphophonemics
For forms homophonous with the Future (see below),
see that tense. 23 varies as indicated below and in
Figure 6-4. 3-2 (except the Juli form homophonous with
3>3) requires a previous vowel. 3-3 requires a previous
consonant. Imperative suffixes usually take no final
suffixes other than -lla ~ -ya.
6-3.33.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-4)
173 All forms are homophonous with the Future.
2>3 La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and
Salinas have an allomorph that requires a preced-
ing vowel and drops its own vowel except before
the final suffix -lla ~ -ya. Examples:
Chura.m. ‘Give it to him/her/them.'
Chura.ma.y. ‘Please give it to him/her/them. '
An allomorph requiring a preceding vowel and
retaining its own final vowel, with stress on
La Paz Juli Secca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert Salinas Calacala
16039
143 2 “ss - 23
* 4a “Ja:
~2xa “3xa .
enhs enha ona
= +
23 -_n! weit scm{a) “cmla) “ctla) ~_ ngâ€
- "aya oym oy oym “yn on “re
eter oFcyina
3-3 -pa(n) *pa(na) -pana ~pâ€ana “pa “sapaina “pan “pan =pan
43 tant + “fant -fiani ~fiani “fant -fiani -fiani -hanf
etana «tan =tana
+2 orra oima -ima
mama omama mama -mama ~maima
362 -tma ~tr{a) -tma ~tma?
=stma esta
“stam + =rtam enhata:ma onma
=:tpa(n)} ejatpa(na) | -pa(na) -tp(a) ompa
]impa
21 eita fail diatects)
{tra | -itm{a)
+) + -fteand
~itpa(na) “itpana = =4tp"ana = -itta (a) -itpan -itpan ~4dtpan
34 + -stani
~istpa(n) ~{stpa -itp(a) “itpan -{stpan -istpan
“Sitpana -sitp"ana
esistpana
-chistpana
-schistoana
Vsan Andrés de Machaca
2Morocomarca
3conpi (not In Hardman et a]. 1975)
Figure 6-4. Aymara Imperative Tense
00n
333
4+3
1+2
401
the antepenultimate vowel of the word, occurs
infrequently in Sitajara and La Paz (see 4-3.33).
In Socca, Huancané, Juli, and Morocomarca 2-3 I
usually requires a preceding consonant, but when
-ka- incompletive occurs before 2+3 I on the
stem, 2+3 I requires a preceding vowel.
Chur.m(a). ‘Give it to him/her/them. '
Jani.w chur.ka.m.ti. ‘Don't give it to him/her/thenm. '
Generally, allomorphs of 2+3 I that require a
preceding consonant may keep or drop their own
vowel, while allomorphs that require a preceding
vowel drop their own vowel except before the
final suffix -lla ~ -ya or when preceded by
antepenultimate stress.
The full form is found in Juli and Socca (with
aspiration). The form without final vowel occurs
in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. Forms
optionally losing the final nasal are found in
La Paz (also cited by Bertonio). Calacoaâ€
/-sapa:na/ is identical in shape, but not morpho-
phonemics, to its 3+3 D-2 /~sapa:na/.
All forms are homophonous with the Future.
All forms are homophonous with the Future.
3>2
2>1
3>1 &
34
6-3.33.3
402
La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, and
Salinas have forms homophonous with the Future;
the last four have only those forms. La Paz
and Juli also have forms with /-pa-/. The fullest
allomorph of the Juli /-pa-/ form, /-pana/,
is homophonous with its 3-3 I. Jopoqueri
has only forms with /-pa-/ (also cited by Ber-
tonio). Huancané has a form that looks like the
Future form of other dialects but is not Future
in Huancané, plus a /-pa-/ form.
/-ita/ everywhere. Huancané and La Paz also
have /-itma/.
These suffixes follow the pattern of 3+3, except
in Catacoa which has forms homophonous with the
Future. In Huancané and Sitajara 3-4 has fallen
out and 3-1 does duty for both.
Dialectal patterning
6-3.33.31 Morphophonemic
1. 243 /- ma / La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara,
7 Jopoqueri, Salinas.
2. 243 /-ma,/ ~ /-ma./: Socca, Huancané, Juli,
- y Morocomarca
6-3.33.32
6-3.33.33
403
Morphological
2>3 and 24] peculiar to the Imperative, and
173, 4°3, and 1+2 homophonous with the
Future: All dialects.
373, 321, and 3-4 peculiar to the Imperative:
All except Calacoa.
3+2 peculiar to the Imperative (3+2 Future
form not used): Huancané, Jopoqueri (also
cited by Bertonio).
Qnly 173, 4*3, and 1+2 homophonous with the
Future: Huancané, Jopoqueri.
372 homophonous with the Future: La Paz,
Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas.
No 3+2 form peculiar to the Imperative:
Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas.
Both Future and Imperative forms for 3-2:
La Paz and Juli.
Semantic
In Huancané and Sitajara 3+] and 3-4 have fallen
together and only the 3>1 form survives.
In analyzing the Imperative it must be kept in
mind that it overlaps the Future both formally and
semantically to a large extent. The Future rather than
the Imperative will often be used as a polite command,
404
especially for 1+2, 2+1, and 2+3 (the suffixes involving
the first and second persons in the relationship of
subject/complement, or the second person as subject).
However, aS pointed out by Hardman, in La Paz Aymara
the overlap is not to be interpreted as indicating an
incomplete Imperative paradigm filled with Future forms,
as the Imperative is morphosyntactically marked by a
morphophonemic rule: When stated, the subject of an
Imperative verb drops the final vowel and carries no
sentence suffix, except in the case of 3>2, where the
subject 3p must retain the final vowel and carry a
sentence suffix (Hardman et al. 1975:3.226). Example:
Jum = jupa.r chura.m. ‘You give it to him/her/them. '
2p = 3p give 2+3
I
As a person subject often is not expressed by
a noun or pronoun in an Aymara sentence (since it is
already expressed in the person/tense suffix on the verb),
in this research it was not always possible to elicit
an expressed pronoun subject which might be checked for
presence or absence of its final vowel. In Sitajara,
the only dialect for which pronoun subject forms were
obtained with the Imperative for most person/tense
suffixes, the vowel drops for 1+3, 353 and 4+3 but is
retained and followed by a sentence suffix for 1+2, 3-1
3
405
and 3+4; information is lacking for 3>2 and 2+1. In
the case of 1+2 it may be that the Future, rather than
the Imperative, was elicited.*4
In Morocomarca, the vowel was retained on the
2p subject with 2+3 I.
Juma chur.x.ma. 'You give it back (to him/her/them). '
2p —s give 243
I
6-3.34 Contrary-to-fact tenses: Desiderative (D-1) and
Remonstrator (D-2)
Each of these tenses consists of two incomplete
and (in some dialects) partially overlapping paradigms,
one built on the recurrent partial /-sa-/ (the mark of
contrary-to-fact tenses) and the other built on the
nominalizing suffix -iri®? plus the partial /-sa-/ (or
other phoneme sequences replacing it; see below). Ber-
tonio (1603b) distinguished the two sets, calling the
/-sa-/ paradigms the 'Optative' and ‘Pluperfect Preterite
Optative' tenses, and the -iri paradigms the 'Subjunc-
tive' and 'Pluperfect Preterite Subjunctive' tenses.
However, the gaps in the paradigms and the semantic
identity of the examples given show that in fact the
four 'tenses' had already collapsed into two in Bertonio's
time.
In the following sections the -iri and /-sa-/
paradigms will be discussed, first with reference to the
Desiderative tense and then to the Remonstrator. The
forms will be referred to as /iri/ forms and /sa/ forms.
6-3.34.1 Desiderative tense (D-1)
Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Yo le daria a 61/Yo
puedo darle. See Figure 6-5.
may
1 might
can
could
give to him/her/them. '
6-3.34.11 /sa/ forms of D-1
6-3.34.11.1 Morphophonemics
1>3 and 4>3 require a preceding consonant; 2>3,
3>3, and 3+2 require a preceding vowel. All /sa/ suf-
fixes retain final vowels before following suffixes.
6-3.34.11.2 Structure and distribution
No spoken dialect was found to have a /sa/ form
for 133. 2+3 and 3+3 end in the partial corresponding
to the personal possessive suffix for the subject person.
In Calacoa 4+3 is marked by /-na/, which corresponds
to one allomorph of Ip possessive (but not that used
in Calacoa); elsewhere 4+3 is marked by /-na/, a partial
193
a3
33
443
142
32
a1
3-1
Figure
eirista
“sma
spa
-sna(n}
-irisma
efristan
#{tasms(n)}
eftaspa
estaspa °
-istaspa
eistuspa
6-5.
Bertonio
16035
* ariktta
+
-sna?
+
gririkta
“sma
* artkd
* spa(na)
* Liriktana
tesna
* iriksma
* ariktama
+
=jaspa
+2359a
* itasama2
*4taspa
* Astaspa
duli
etriksta
eirikta
“sma
spa
#sna
“iriksma ~
-iriktma
_ eftasma(n)
-{taspa
-chitaspa
eschitaspa
echistaspa
eschistaspa
Socca
-frikt%a
-trijtva
“spa
sna
“{riksma
«{riktma
-{tasma
-{taspa
-sitaspa
Aymara Desiderative Tense
Huancané
eirista
-iriksta
“sma
spa
-sna
-{riksna
eirikstam
ef{tasma
~itaspa
estaspa
Calacoa
etrikst"a
eirtkt"a
=Sma
“spa
-sna4
efriksma
efrikstam
-{tasma
«{taspa
eistaspa
Sitajara
-irijt’a
-irijta
“sma
eirji
efriji
°$na
edrijsma
edrijstan
“itasma
-irjitu
«irjistu
Jopoquert
-trijt’a
-triji
“spa
esna
eirijma
etrijtam
eitasma
efrjitu
etrijitu
eirijistu
Salinas
-irijt’a
sma
-iriji
“spa
“sna
-trisma
-frijma
eirijtam
-irijta:ma
eitasma
eirijitu
-itaspa
ei:rijistu
eistaspa
Morocomarca
eirist’a
<7Sma
-(:)sp"a(na)
-Sna
e{risma
-iristma
-itasma
“{tasp'a
-irik"a
-istasp"a
L0v
408
Notes to Figure 6-5
lebbing (1965:124).
2Bertonio (1603b:335) indicates these shapes change
when the inflections are followed by certain sentence
suffixes.
3Used with the verb sa.fia 'to say'.
*Tdentical in shape but not morphonemics to 473 §
/-ysfia/. Two examples of /~sfia/ as 4+3 D-1 were also
obtained, one in Calacoa and the other from nearby Torata,
and both occurred after -t'a- verbal derivational suffix:
un.t'a.sfia ‘we might get to know each other'
mant.t'a.sfa ‘we want to go in'
However, it is possible that the two examples contain -si-
reciprocal/reflexive reduced to /s/ before /-csna/, with the
geminate /s/ reduced to one, e.g.:
un.t'a.s.sna
mant.t'a.s.sfia
Ebbing (1965:149); he also attests */-istaspa/.
409
resembling in its initial nasal various 1p possessive
allomorphs, although none has yet been found with the
alveolar nasal. Ebbing (1965:124) attests *7-sa/ for
1+3 D-1 (La Paz). Bertonio (1603b:335) cites */-sna/
for both 1+3 and 4+3 D-1.
There is no 1*2 /sa/ form for D-1. 3*2 is rep-
resented by two forms attested only by Bertonio, both
similar to 3+3. 251 and 3+1 are built on the recurrent
partial /-ita-/ mark of 1p complement, pilus 23 D-1
/-sma/ or 3+3 D-1 /-spa/. 374 is based on 3>+1 plus
the 4p mark /-s-/.
In order to account for variations between /sa/
forms for the D-1 and D-2 tenses, an underlying vowel
/a/ may be assumed after /s/ in the D-1 forms. In D-1
the vowel drops by morphophonemic rule; in D-2 it is
retained.
6-3.34.12 /iri/ forms of D-1
6-3.34.12.1 Morphophonemics
These suffixes all end in Simple tense forms
which lose or keep their final vowels as indicated for
the Simple tense.
6-3.34.12.2 Structure and distribution
The mark of contrary-to-fact which occurs with
/iri/ forms varies regionally. The possible combinations
410
are /s/, /k/, /ks/, /j/, and /js/. For D-1 the appropri-
ate Simple tense suffix follows.
S
/iri + k (s)p / + Simple tense
j (s)
Each dialect employs characteristic variants of the con-
trary-to-fact mark, as indicated below.
La Paz /s/
Huancané /s/ ~ /ks/
Juli /k/ ~ /ks/
Socca /k/ ~ /j/
Calacoa /k/ ~ /ks/
Sitajara /j/ ~ fis/
Jopoqueri /j/
Salinas /j/ ~ /s/
Morocomarca /s/ ~ /k"/
Bertonio (1603b) *7k/
In order to account for variations between /iri/
forms for D-1 and D-2, an underlying vowel /a/ (or in
one or two cases /i/) may be assumed. The underlying
full forms for both D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms may then be
stated as follows:
411
Jiri + k2 (s) S /
i% (s)
The comparative incidence of /sa/ and /iri/ forms
of the D-1 tense in different dialects is discussed in
6-3.34.3.
6-3.34.13 Semantics of D-1
In the affirmative, the meaning of D-1 is of
possibility or desirability. Examples from Bertonio
indicate, however, that 2>3 /-sma/, 2+1, and sometimes
3+3 were used as a cautionary.
+ : :
chura.sma mira no des ‘be careful not to give’
223, (Bertonio 1603b:249)
*K"iti.mpi kasara.si.ja s.ta uka —s marmi
wno =o with marry 1>3F say 2>3S that woman
apa.fia.ma.spa.
carry 2p 3>3
Mira no sea tu parienta la mujer con quien te quieres casar.
26
'Be careful the woman you want to marry is not your relative. '
(Bertonio 1603b:160)
The examples above are perceived by present-day
Aymara speakers not as warnings not to do something but
412
as statements of desirability or possibility, e. g.
'Why don't you give?', ‘You should marry your contem-
porary’. For these speakers the Desiderative is not a
cautionary unless the independent suffix -raki also
occurs in the sentence. Compare the following from a
folk tale about a fox and a lake bird (wallata) told in
Compi in the late 1960s:
Sikuya.ya pik.t'.itasma, kayfa.raki pik.t'.itasma.
thorn pierce 31 spine pierce
D-1
‘Thorns don't you pierce me, spines don't you pierce me.'
(L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3.97)
In editing the story for publication another speaker from
Compi replaced the sentence suffix -ya on the first word
with another -raki, giving the following:
Sikuya.rak pik.t'.itasma, kayna.raki pik.t'.itasma.
(L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3.101)
Another example from the La Paz area is
Jagi.ru.rak ach.ja.ya.s.ka.sma.
people bite cause 23
D-1
'Be careful you don't let them bite people. '
(Hardman et al. 1975:1.208)
An example from Socca is
Ch'aq.xa.p.xa.raki.sma. ‘Don't get lost.'
lose 2>3
D-1
Bertonio used 233 + y-ivikta/ as distinguished from
2>3 +7 -sma/ to indicate possibility or ability, as in
*qillg.irikta puedes escribir ‘you can (are able to) write’
(Bertonio 1603b:108)
But Bertonio also used 3-3 * 7 -spa/ to imply possibility
or ability, rather than as a cautionary.
6-3.34.2 Remonstrator tense (D-2)
Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Yo le hubiera dado a 41.
"I should have given to him.'
See Figure 6-6.
6-3.34.21 /sa/ forms of D-2
6-3.34.21.1 Morphophonemics
All /sa/ forms of D-2 require a preceding vowel
except 453 in Sitajara and 3-4 forms starting with /s/
or /ch/.
6-3.34.21.2 Structure and distribution
Most D-2 forms built on /sa/ consist of the corre-
sponding D-1 inflection, sometimes with the vowel /a/
143
243
33
4+}
192
2+]
+1
Juli Socca Huancané Calacoa Sttajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca
1603b
etriskayartay
elriska:ta |, . wirikstan
-irikat"a -irika:ta -irikast%a eirka:t'a eirja:t"a eirik"at"a
2 efrijazt*a -trijasta -trijat%a
#saina -Sajana
-sanal
* irtkata . eirjasta’
-samaina +-samana “sainaina <-Samaina esamaina -sisamaina esama:na4 -Samaina -Samaina
-sma:na -smaina? esma:na -smaina osmaina
* irikana efrikta:na® -irijaina nfrija:na? -irijaina
-sapaina *-sapana “sapa:na -S$apaina “sisopa:na . 8
espaina -Spaina -sp"a:na
2.9 * irtkatana
-snaina ° -sifiana =_snazna -sna:na -Snaina
~saina -saina osaina -Saina -Saina -saina
-sa:sna
-trismanal? + -trisma:n!!
-dviskasama:nal -frikasma ~irikiya:sma -irika:sma -irkasmaina -“Irijsmaina ‘ eirijasma:na -irik“asma:na
-{rijma:na “irijma:na
otaisna
“iristatam!@
-friskataml2} | etrikfya:tama -irikastam
wiriskatama:na,, ~irtk(a)}tamana -Irkatamaina efrijstama:na -frijatamaina “irijtama:na = -irtk“atma:na
e{riskasapa:na :
-jaspana etaspa:na
: “iritasamaina
eitasamaina ;-itaSamana -itasamaina -{tasma:na -{tasma:na eitasma:na -{tasma:na -{tasma:na -itasma:na
+ “trijstaina etrijita:na’? -irijitaina
eitasapa:na | -{ftasapana j-itasapa:na -{tasapa:na
-itaspa:na eitaspaina eitaspa:na eitasp"a:na
‘ «{rijsta:na eirtjistasna -irijista:na
eteaeins eistasapana Shlirenaee esitasapa:na -{stasapa:na
eistusapa:na -schitasapa:na
eistaspaina “{staspaina -{staspa:na =istasp"a:na
«{stuspaina -schistasapa:na
Figure 6-6. Aymara Remonstrator Tense (D-2)
VLY
415
Notes to Figure 6-6
lepbing (1965:124).
2Ross (1963:155); attributed to Iquipuni, between
Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, Province of Camacho, Depart-
ment of La Paz.
3used with affirmative.
“Used with negative.
one speaker had /- sma:na/.
Gan unusual shape for this person/tense, resembling
4+3 as cited by Bertonio.
‘Used with affirmative and negative.
Bused with negative by one speaker who used /-irija:na/
for affirmative.
STiahuanaco, with the verb sa.na.
OF bbing (1965:149); probably has vowel length on
the penultimate vowel and probably submorphemically
/-irissma:na/.
“Vs ubmorphemically probably /-irissma:n/.
lee bbing (1965:149); these probably have vowel
length on the penultimate vowel.
13) Grijata:na/ attested by one speaker.
416
reinstated and usually followed by two marks of the Remote
Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense: /-:-/ plus /-na/.
D-2 D-1
133 /-sa:na/ /-sa/
2>3 /-s(a)mazna/ /-sma/
3>3 /-s(a)pa:na/ /-spa/
4+3 /-sna:na/ /-sna/
/-sasna/ /-sna/
2>1 /-itas(a)ma:na/ /itasma/
3>1 /-itas(a)pa:na/ /-itaspa/
3-4 /-istas(a)pa:na/ /-istaspa/
Calacoa forms differ in having /si/ before the
/sa/ form, or replacing it, in the following:
D-2 D-1
2+3 /-sisama:na/ /-sma/
3+3 /-sisapa:na/ /-spa/
4+3 /-sina:na/ /-siia/
The remaining two forms, both of which occur only
in Huancané, differ from the others in beginning with
/-ta-/ marker of 2p. They may be analyzed as follows:
1-2 /-ta:snal = /-ta-/ + 192 RDK */-:sna/2!
372 /-taspa:na/ /-ta-/ + 3+3 D-2
6-3.34.22 /iri/ forms of D-2
6-3.34.22.1 Morphophonemics
The behavior of the final vowels of /iri/ forms
of D-2 corresponds to that of the final vowels of the
RDK (see 6-3.35.1) or D-2 /sa/ suffixes with which they
end.
6-3.34.22.2 Structure and distribution
As indicated for D-1, /iri/ forms are followed
by a phoneme or combination of phonemes that mark the
contrary-to-fact tenses. The contrary-to-fact mark is
not exactly the same in D-2 as in D-1, even allowing
for reinsertion of vowels.
D-2 D-1
La Paz /-iri- ~ iriska-/ /-iris-/
Juli /-irikS-/ /-irik- ~ -iriks-/
418
D-2 D-1
Socca /-iri- ~ -irika-/ /-irik- ~ -irij-/
Huancané /-irik ~ -iriks-/ /-iris- ~ -iriks-/
Calacoa /-irka-/ /-irik- ~ -iriks-/
Sitajara /-irja- ~ -irij- /-irij- ~ -irijs-/
-irijs-/
Jopoqueri /-ivids-/ /-irij- ~ -irj-/
Salinas /-irij(a)- ~ -iris-/ /ivij- ~ -iris-/
Morocomarca /-irika- ~ -irik"a/ /-irik"a-/(3+4) ~ /-iris-/
(1-2, 3+2)
When, as is usually the case, there is more than
one /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact form in a given dialect,
there may be switches from D-1 to D-2 in one person/
tense, e. g. Morocomarca 1+3 D-1 /-irista/ and 1+3 D-2
/-iriktat"a/.
In La Paz D-2 forms, /sk/ appears where only /s/
appears in D-1. The form with /k/ may represent a meta-
thesis of the combination /ks/ that occurs frequently in
other dialects.
Following the contrary-to-fact mark, /iri/ forms
with 3p complement have the appropriate RDK (non /-ya-/)
inflection, as shown in the following examples:
RDK D-2
173s La Paz /-iriska-/ + /-:ta/ = /-iriska:ta/
2>3 Sitajara /-irja-/ + f/-:ta/ = /-irja:ta/
3-3 Jopoqueri /-irija-/ + /-:na/ = /-irija:na/
Ebbing (1965:124) cites a 1+3 form for La Paz with RDK
/-ya:ta/, *y-iriskaya:ta/.
/iri/ inflections for 1+2 and 3+2 D-2 are more
complex, as may be seen below. ‘Part 1' is an abbrevia-
tion for '/iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark'.
J>2 Part 1 + 1592S + /-:na/ (Sitajara)
132 S (reduced) + /-:na/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
1+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli)
2>3 D-2 /sa/ form (La Paz, Socca, Calacoa, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
*142 RDK (Bertonio 1603b)
420
342 Part 1 + 3562S + /-:na/ (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morcomarca; also Bertonio
1603b)
3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Socca, also cited in Ebbing 1965)
3+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli)
+343 D-2 /sa/ form (Ebbing 1965)
*7-ta-/ 2p mark + 3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Ebbing 1965)
The other forms are
2>+1 Socca /-iri-/ + 2+] D-2 /sa/ form /-itasama:na/ = /-iritasama:na/
3+1 /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark + 351 RDK (non /-ya-/)
3+4 /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark + 354 RDK (non /-ya-/)
Sitajara 3+1 and 3-4 have fallen together. The 3+] form
has apparently fallen out, leaving only 3+4 for both.
On the other hand, in Morocomarca 3+4 appears to be
falling out, as at first the 3+1 form was given for
both 3+1 and 3-4.
6-3.34.3 Dialectal patterning of /sa/ and /iri/ forms
A comparison of the incidence of /iri/ and /sa/
forms in the D-1 and D-2 tenses shows that, as might
be expected, the most complete paradigms for both sets
are those cited by Bertonio (1603b). Of contemporary
dialects, Salinas has the most forms of both types.
Contemporary dialects may be divided into two main groups,
those with a preponderance of /sa/ over /iri/ forms
(Juli, La Paz, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa, and Morocomarca)
and those with a preponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms
(Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas).
Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms
have both /iri/ and /sa/ forms for certain person/tense
slots: Sitajara 2+3, Jopoqueri 3+3, and Salinas 3+1 and
334. This overlap is lacking in dialects having a pre-
dominance of /sa/ forms, the only exceptions being the
forms attested by Ebbing (1965) and Ross (1963) for La
Paz 1+3, and Morocomarca 3-4 D-1 /-irik"a/, a form
anomalous in shape and possibly in error. Interestingly,
dialects with a predominance of /iri/ have forms for 3-1]
and 3+4 which are missing from Bertonio (1603b), although
he cited 4+3 /iri/ forms which the former lack.
Except for La Paz dialects alleged by Ebbing
and Ross, no known contemporary dialects have /sa/ forms
for 143, but rather only the /iri/ form. 123 and 4+3
/sa/ forms have fallen together as 4+3, and the 4+3
/iri/ form has disappeared. The /iri/ forms apparently
took over the 1+3 slot when 1+3 and 4+3 /sa/ forms fell
together as 4+3.
Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms have
/iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ contrary-to-fact
markers.
Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms
have them with /j(s)/ contrary-to-fact markers.
6-3.34.31
La Paz
Juli,
Calacoa
Socca
Huancané
Morocomarca
Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms
D-1:
D-2:
/ivi/
(153,
(153,
(153,
(133,
(1>3,
(133,
(153,
(133,
3+4)
(153,
12,
12,
]>2,
12,
12,
]>2,
333)
12,
12,
3+2)
3+2)
3+2)
3+2)
332)
342)
32,
3+2)
/sa/
6 (+ 153, Ebbing)
6 (+1+3, Ross and Ebbing)
7 (including. 1+2, 3+2 /ta/
forms)
6 (the rest + 34)
423
/iri/ /sa/
Bertonio D-1: 6 (all but 2-1, 3-1, 8 (all but 132)
(1603b) 374)
D-2: 6 (all but 2+1, 3-1, 7 (all but 122,
374) 4>3)
6-3.34.32 Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms
/iri/ /sa/
Sitajara D-1
&
D-2: 7 (all but 4+3, 2+1) 3 (23, 443, 2>1)
Jopoquer? D-1
&
D-2: 6 (all but 4+3, 2+1, 4 (253, 443, 2-1,
233) 373)
Salinas D-1: 6 (all but 443, 2+1, 6 (23, 453, 2>1,
2-3) 373, 3+1, 3-4)
D-2: 6 (all but 4+3, 2-1, 5 (223, 453, 2-1,
2+3) 3+1, 3+4)
6-3.34.33 Dialectal distribution of /iri/ and /sa/
forms by persons and tense
/iri/ /sa/
133 all dialects (Ebbing, Ross)
2>3 Sitajara; also Bertonio all dialects
373
4+3
1>2
372
2+]
3-1
3>4
D-1:
D-2:
D-2:
D-1:
D-2:
424
/iri/
Sitajara, Jopoqueri
Salinas; also Bertonio
Same as D-1 plus
Huancané
no contemporary
dialects; cited by
Bertonio
all dialects
all except Huancané
all dialects
all except Huancané
no dialects
Sitajara
Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas
Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca
Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas
D-2:
' D-1:
D-2:
D-2:
D-1:
D-2:
/sa/
all dialects except
Sitajara
all dialects except
Sitajara and Huancané
all dialects
all dialects (not cited
by Bertonio)
no dialects
Huancané
no contemporary dialects;
cited by Bertonio
Huancané
all dialects
all except Sitajara
all except Sitajara and
Jopoqueri
all except Sitajara and
Jopoqueri
all except Sitajara and
Jopoqueri
425
6-3.35 Remote tenses
Two remote tenses were encountered in this re-
search: one direct knowledge tense (RDK) and one in-
direct knowledge tense (RIK). The distinction of direct,
personal knowledge and of indirect (sometimes called non-
personal) knowledge is a linguistic postulate of Aymara
(see 8-2.3). RDK (called personal or near remote) and
RIK (called far, or hearsay remote) were discussed by
Hardman et al. (1975:3.218-222). Only RDK was attested
by Bertonio (1603b) as a paradigm, although RIK 333
occurred in examples of sentences. In contemporary
dialects the most commonly occurring Remote inflections
are the 3-3 suffixes of each tense, as noted by Hardman
et al. (1975:3.219) for La Paz.
All consonant-initial Remote suffixes (except
allomorphs of 3+4) require a preceding vowel.
6-3.35.1 Direct knowledge remote tense (RDK)
Spanish used to elicit: Yol
di. 'I gave it to
him/her. '
Yo le estaba dando.
‘I was giving to him/her.'
6-3.35.11 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-7)
As in the case of the Desiderative and Remonstra-
tor tenses, this tense appears to represent a
La Paz!
143 -:ta
~ta:na®
-tana
~ya:ta
243 qita
-nta!
“ya:ta
#3 ena
§+3 gro tan
-:ntan&
entan?
eya:tan
1+2 -:sma
-ya:sma
+2 ~itamy
*-ntam
-yartam
eyatam9
2+) *-itanta?
-tya:stal0
eistaya:ta
HI -ita:na
+-4tana9
+-{tuna
+4 -ista:na
+-istanad
+22 > tuna
testanad
+-stuna
Figure 6-7.
Bertonioe
1603b
+
-na
+
-smana
+
-tamana
*ritata
* itana
*-istana
Aymara Remote Direct Knowledge Tense (RDK)
Juli Socca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert® Salinas! Morocomarca’??
oit'"a ~it"a =3t"a -t"a -:t"s o:t"a
-ya:ta eya:t"a eya:t"a
ita†ta =:ta esta
-ya:ta wya:ta
eina ena†ina -:na cyan “ina oina
e:tana -snaina sain
-ya:tan eya:tan
-rsma *25na -smaina -sma:n
-yarsma eya:sma
-:tama etama:na -tma:na
-ya:tam eya:tam
-istan eita:ta
eftayasta -itay{sta -yi:sta
-ita:na -{ta:nal2 ={ta:na eita:na eita:na
-ftanal2 -{tan -itan
-yitu ey{tu -yi:tu
~sita:na -sitaina «istan -{stan
-chita:na
«chista:na eytsstu
-schista:na
9¢7
427
Notes to Figure 6-7
la Paz forms not otherwise identified are from
the paradigm for Compi and Tiahuanaco (Hardman 1975)
which preface all non-/-ya-/ forms by -chi NI, -pacha
IF, or a verbal derivational suffix such as /-ka-/ incon-
pletive.
2No vowel length was indicated for these forms.
3Non-/-ya-/ forms occurred preceded by -chi NI
or by /-ja-/ incompletive.
Except for /-ita:na/ which occurred preceded by
-chi, these forms occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incom-
pletive.
>A source from San Andrés de Machaca, province
of Ingavi, La Paz, had forms identical to these, also
(except for /~ita:na/) preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive.
SRoss (1963:145); attributed to Iquipuni,
between Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, province of
Camacho, La Paz.
7Ebbing (1965:121).
8 occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive or
/-s.ka-/ continuative.
2Ebbing (1965:146).
100 ~curred preceded by -chi NI.
Moan Andrés de Machaca.
to curred on the verb sa.fa ‘to say’.
428
falling-together of two paradigms, one with the partial
/-ya-/ in initial (occasionally medial) position in the
suffix, and one without. This is not a case of phono-
logical alternation of /ya/ ~ /:/, as in almost all
cases the /-ya-/ is followed by /:/ mark of Remote
tenses. There are indications that forms with /-ya-/
gloss as more remote (farther in the past) than forms
without it, but at present the contrast is not clear
enough to postulate two separate tenses. In any case,
complete paradigms of forms with and without initial
/-ya-/ were obtained for only one dialect, Jopoqueri,
while most dialects had a mixture of the two forms,
with one favored over the other: Juli has mostly /-ya-/
forms, Socca and Morocomarca have one /-ya-/ form each,
and La Paz has six. One dialect, Sitajara, apparently
has no /-ya-/ forms, as sources interpreted stems with
/-ya-/ as containing /-ya-/ causative. In dialects
that do have /-ya-/ Remote forms, the causative may pre-
cede the Remote.
Chura.ya.ya:t.wa. ‘I made X give to Y.' (La Paz)
Socca is the only dialect for which all forms
without /-ya-/ were obtained without preceding suffixes
in the verb stem. In other dialects, except for 373
/-:na/, RDK person/tense suffixes without /-ya-/ almost
429
always occurred preceded by a verbal derivational suffix
or one of the compounding suffixes: -chi Non-Involver,
-pacha Inferential, or -iri. Forms with /-ya-/ occurred
more readily without preceding suffixes.
When preceded by -ja- ~ -ka- incompletive, this
tense translates as a past progressive. This use has
occurred in La Paz, Morocomarca, Salinas, and Jopoqueri.
Examples of 1+3 with the verb chura.fia ‘to give' are
chur.ka.:t"a (Morocomarca)
chur. ka.:ta ~ chur.ka.ya:ta (San Andrés de Machaca)
Chur.ja.t.wa. (Jopoqueri)
Yo le estaba dando. 'I was giving to him/her. '
Apart from this fairly common usage, this tense
(especially the forms without /-ya-/) occurs most often
in the speech of elderly persons, for example in discuss-
ing their illnesses.
3+1 Kap"iyaspirina.w riskansa.y.ita:na.
'Cafeaspirina eased my pain.' (Compi)
(-ya- causative)
3>1 kama.cha.ta.:.rak.pacha.:t"a
‘what could have happened to me' (Sitajara)
430
It also occurred in the speech of young persons talking
with older ones about their illnesses.
2>3 Qal_ q'ip.naq.pacha.:ta.x.
stone carry if
‘You must have carried a load of stone.' (Sitajara)
32 Kun. jam.iri.:tam.s? ‘How did it use to affect you?'
what like (Compi )
Ratu.t ratu.ru.t sar.t.iri.:tam?
time go up
‘From time to time did it use to hurt you?' (Compi)
In the last two examples, the RDK inflection follows
-iri nominalizer plus -:- verbalizer, which becomes
neutralized in the length of the RDK inflection. Other
dialects use the -iri plus RDK forms in stories (see
6-3.37).
As indicated in 6-3.34, the Remonstrator tense
contains the partials that mark the RDK.
Apart from the sometime presence of /~-ya-/, the
marks of this tense are vowel length or alveolar nasal
or both together plus /a/. One dialect, Jopoqueri, has
plain vowel marking 1+3 and 2+3 forms without /-ya-/,
although its /-ya-/ forms are followed by vowel length.
In general, inflections with 3p and 2p complements consist
of vowel length or alveolar nasal plus Simple inflection,
or Simple inflection plus /-:na/, except in the case of
3+3 which is /-(ya):na/ (unmarked for person). The struc-
ture of the 2+1, 3+1, and 3+4 suffixes is discussed
below.
6-3.35.11.1 Forms without /-ya-/
143 1+3 S preceded by long vowel (plain vowel in
Jopoqueri) except for La Paz variants alleged
by Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965), which have
1+3 S plus /-:na/.
2-3 2>+3 S preceded by long :vowel in most dialects
and thus homophonous with the Future. Socca
uses 2>3 S instead. Jopoqueri has 2+3 S pre-
ceded by plain vowel. Ebbing (1965) attested
2+3 S preceded by /n/.
333 /-:na/, all dialects.
4+3 La Paz and Socca have 4+3 S preceded by long
vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have forms
homophonous with their 4+3 D-2 /sa/ forms,
except that the Morocomarca allomorph loses
its final vowel. Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965)
attested 4+3 S preceded by either /-n-/ alone or
/-in-/.
142 La Paz, Socca, and Huancané have 1+2 S preceded
by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have
forms homophonous with their 2+3 D-2 /sa/ forms.
32
2>]
3>1
3+4
La Paz and Socca have 3-2 S preceded by long vowel.
Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have 3~>2 S plus /-:na/.
Not attested for Compi, Tiahuanaco, and San Andrés
de Machaca. Jopoqueri has 21 S plus /-n/ with-
out preceding vowel length. Morocomarca has a
form homophonous with its 2+1 F. Ebbing attested
*/-itanta/, not homophonous with his 2-1 F,
*/-itata/.
/-ita(:)n(a)/ everywhere. Ebbing attests forms
alternating vowel /a/ and /u/.
/-ista(:)n(a)/ everywhere except Juli and Socca,
which have /-sita:na/. Juli also has the usual
compound forms. Jopoqueri's /-istan/ is homo-
phonous with its 2+]. Ebbing attested forms
alternating vowel /a/ and /u/.
6-3.35.11.2 Forms with /-ya-/
1+3
343
4+3
1+2
/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+3 S occurred in
La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, and Salinas.
/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 2+3 S occurred
in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri.
/-ya:na/ occurred only in Jopoqueri.
/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 4+3 S occurred in
La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri
/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+2 S occurred in
La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri.
433
3+2 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 3+2 S occurred in
La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri. Ebbing attested
/-ya-/ plus 352 S.
2+] /-ya-/ pilus vowel length plus 2+1 S, Jopoqueri;
forms with medial /-ya-/, apparently based on
2>+1 S, in La Paz, Juli, and Socca. Ebbing
alleged another similar form.
3+] /-y-/ plus 3+1 S, Juli and Socca; /-y-/ plus
vowel length plus 3+] S, Jopoqueri.
3>4 /y/ plus vowel length plus 3+4 S, Jopoqueri.
\
6-3.35.12 Dialectal patterning
Although final analysis must await the elicita-
tion of full paradigms for Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara,
and Salinas, the following summary statement may be made
at this time. The dialect with the greatest number of
/-ya-/ forms is Jopoqueri, which also has a full para-
digm of non-/-ya-/ forms. Spoken La Paz dialects in-
vestigated in this research have /-ya-/ forms for all
but 343, 3+1, and 3+4 and non-/-ya-/ forms for all but
2>1; but a non-/-ya-/ 2+1 form was alleged by Ebbing.
One /-ya-/ form occurred for Salinas 1+3, but none
for Morocomarca, which has a full paradigm of non-
/-ya-/ forms. It is interesting to note that Bertonio
(1603b) attested only forms without /-ya-/ in this
tense.
434
6-3.35.2 Remote indirect knowledge tense (RIK)
Spanish used to elicit: Gd le habias dado.
‘You gave it to him!'
(surprisal)
6-3.35.21 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-8)
Suffixes with 3p or 2p complements are formed
on the base of /-ta:-/ or /-tay-/ recurrent partial marker
of remote indirect knowledge plus the corresponding
Simple tense suffix. Person/tense suffixes with 1p and
4p complements have some allomorphs formed by the same
rule as the above, but also have allomorphs (those that
begin with the vowel /i/) that are reduplicative or
formed in more complex ways.
The most varied suffix in this tense is 343,
commonly used in stories and as a surprisal. Although
/-tayna/ occurs in all dialects except Morocomarca, other
allomorphs also occur. /-tafia/, probably a metathesis
of /-tayna/, occurs in La Paz and Calacoa. /-ta:na/
occurs in La Paz. The form /-tawi/ alternates with
/-tana/ in Morocomarca and Calacala. For some speakers
the /w/ of -/tawi/ is somewhat unrounded, approximating
/y/. /-tay(i)/ occurs in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and
Salinas. Tschopik (1948) attested * 7 -tawna/ in
stories recorded in 1940-42 in Chucuito, near Juli and
Socca. The variants cited by Bertonio (1603b) are
*y-tawina/ and */-tawi/.
La Paz dulf Socca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert Salinas Morocomarca
1603b :
1
143 «ta:ta ~ta:ta -ta:t"a -ta:t’a -ta:t"a ~tatt"a
otayt"a =tayta . etayt"a
2*3 -ta:ta -ta:ta eta:ta -tata
-tayta etayta =tayta :
3 -tana -ta =tana =tani tan otana
etana + ~tafia
~tawi 2 tay! -tay({) etay(f) “tani
~tayna +-tawina -tayna. = -tayna -tayna «tayna =tayna -tayna -tayna
443 -ta:tan . -ta:tan 3 etastan =totna
e-taytana -taytana
-taytna
2 -ta:sma ~ta:sna eta:sma ~ta:tsma
-taysma -taysma . =taysma
32 ota:tam : otastama -tastam etata:ma otatma
=taytam etaytama ~taytam
ee a
2) -ista:sta
-istata4 eista:ta -istata
e{tassta =ti:sta
-itaysta -{taysta
-itaytaysta ,
LL ES Se ps rene his ie PvE
HI ~itu:ty “ttitu? “{tu:tu -itutu
-itutu4 oti:tuS “ti:tu
4 -itaytu -itaytu 6
etaytu ~taytu etaytu
4 eistu:tu ; ‘ eti:stu e{stu:tu -istutu
-istutu4
-stutud
etaystu4 echitaystu. -sitaytu -taystu
-schitaystu
~schitaytu
=sitaystu
Figure 6-8. Aymara Remote Indirect Knowledge Tense (RIK)
SEV
Notes to Figure 6-8
'Tarata, Tacna, Peru.
2Occurred after -iri.
Sonly 43 § could be elicited here; ~/-taytana/
was rejected.
*Ebbing (1965:147).
Occurred in an account by an older speaker.
occurred in paradigm given by a young speaker.
437
In certain texts from Huancané, Jopoqueri, and
Salinas, there occur instances of /-ta/ where other
dialects would use 3+3 RIK. This /-ta/ is probably
best analyzed as the resultant nominalizer -ta, used
instead of a verb inflection (see 7-4.21.3). Examples:
Jani ut.j.ka.ta.t uka.t sar.xa.ta.
no exist ~—_ so leave ~_
‘There being none, he left.' (Huancané)
Manqg'.xa.ta.wa. ‘They have eaten.' (Huancané)
eat ~
Sawu.p ap.ta.si.s sara.ta.
weaving carry go 7
‘Carrying her weaving, she left.' (Jopoqueri)
The following was said by another Huancané speaker who
also used /-tayna/ in another instance:
Qamagi.raki.s sar.k.xa.ta.xa.:.
Tox and go
‘And the fox was gone for good!'
If the /-ta/ in all these examples is in fact the re-
sultant nominalizer used in place of verb inflection,
438
it suggests the following hypothetical derivations of
RIK 3+3, determination of whose correctness must await
further study.
*/-ya-/ */-taya-/
-ta resultant + | */-wa-/ | verbalizer --> | */-tawa-/
/-:-/ */-ta:-/
*/-taya-/ /-tayna ~ -tafia/
*/-tawa-/| + /-na/ remote --> | /-tawna/
*/-ta:-/ /-ta:na/
*/-taya-/ - 3, /-tayi/ |
Ee tori 235 --> | foe |
/-tawi/ + /-na/ remote --> /-tawina/
Neither */-ya-/ nor */-wa-/ has been attested
as a verbalizer in modern Aymara, but they may be postu-
lated as underlying forms on the basis of the existence
of -wa- verbalizer in Jaqaru (Hardman 1966:109) and the
* y-wa-/ attested by Bertonio as a variant of the causa-
tive verbal derivational suffix whose other allomorphs,
/-ya-/ and /-:-/, exist today. The alternation of /ya/
and /:/ in numerous other morphemes across and within
dialects is also common (see 3-4.31).
In some dialects RIK 3+3 forms occur after -iri
nominalizer in stories (see 6-3.37). For a further dis-
cussion of the use of 3+3 RIK, see 9-6.13.
439
6-3.35.22 Dialectal patterning
Leaving aside the 3+3 allomorph /-tayna/, which
all dialects except Morocomarca attest, two main dialect
groups may be identified for this tense: dialects having
forms based on /-tay-/ (Juli, Socca, Sitajara, and prob-
ably Calacoa, for which a paradigm was not obtained)
and dialects with forms based on /-ta:/ (all the rest).
6-3.36 Compound tenses
Paradigms for La Paz for these tenses were
given by Hardman et al. (1975:3.222-23). For the
present study they were not elicited in paradigms but
did occur in texts. They consist of -chi Non-Involver
or -pacha Inferential followed by tense inflection,
except in the case of 3+3 S forms which consist of
-chi or -pacha alone.
6-3.36.1 -chi Non-Involver
This suffix enters into compounds with the
Simple, Future, Desiderative, Remonstrative, and Remote
tenses.
6-3.36.11 Morphophonemics
-chi requires a preceding consonant. Its vowel
drops if the following suffix requires a preceding
440
consonant. If a cluster of /ch/ plus consonant occurs,
/ch/ reduces to /s/ (see 4-3.22.25.2).
6-3.36.12 Structure and distribution
When it occurs with D-2 /iri/ forms, -chi sep-
arates the /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark from the rest
of the inflection. Examples of this have been found in
La Paz, Jopoqueri, and Tarata, Peru (near Sitajara).
La Paz Jopoqueri
173 /-iriskchi:ta/ /-irijchi:ta/ (also Tarata)
373 (not elicited) /-irijchi:na/
1-2 /-iriskchisama:na/ /-irijssma:n/
3+1 (not elicited) /-irijchita:na/
34 (not elicited) /-irijchista:na/
In Juli, as indicated earlier, all tenses have
3>4 forms frozen to a preceding /-chi-/ or /-schi-/.
Those frozen to /-chi-/ are homophonous with the Non-
involver 354 forms (except in the case of the Imperative,
with which the Non-involver does not occur).
6-3.36.13 Semantics
Bertonio (1603b:276) called this suffix a con-
ditional or dubitative. He noted that the Aymara tended
44]
to use it when repeating back an order which they had
been given--an interesting illustration of the semantics
of this suffix, conveying non-involvement of the speaker.
The non-involvement usually implies lack of control over
a situation or outcome rather than unwillingness or doubt
as to its desirability, but forms with this suffix have
often been misinterpreted in translation.
-chi is very common in all Aymara dialects and
is used extensively in conversation. Examples:
343 S:
133 S:
233 F:
Wali kus jach' marka.chi.y.
very beautiful big country —
‘It must be a very beautiful big country.' (Sitajara)
Wijita.x.s.t.xa.y. ‘I'm an old lady already.' (Corque)
old lady 13
S
< Spanish viejita ‘little old lady'
Inas jan sar.k.chi.:ta.ti.
perhaps no go 2>3
F
‘Perhaps you will not go.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
6-3.36.14 Dialectal patterning
above,
Certain dialects use -chi not only as indicated
but also as a narrative device in stories.
442
Contemporary dialects that do this are Juli, Socca, and
Huancané; Tschopik (1948) reported it for Chucuito, and
Bertonio (1603b:276) used it to translate a passage about
the death of St. Stephen by stoning.
6-3.36.2 -pacha Inferential
According to Hardman et al. (1975:3), this suf-
fix occurs with the Simple, Future, and Remote tenses.
It is mentioned here only to complete the list of tenses,
as it occurred but rarely in this research.
~pacha requires a preceding consonant. Its
final vowel drops if the following suffix requires a
preceding consonant.
As indicated in 6-2.26, the combination of the
derivational -ka- ~ -ja- incompletive with -pacha means
‘instead of' in La Paz/Tiahuanaco and was cited with this
meaning by Ebbing (1965), but it does not necessarily
have this meaning elsewhere.
-pacha occurred with the 2+3 Imperative in Cala-
coa and Juli, in forms which are rather rude.
Am.pacha.m. ‘Shut up!' (Calacoa)
Am.pacha.p.x.ma ‘You (pl.) shut up!' (Juli)
*amu.fia ‘to shut up' (unattested)
amuki.fia ‘to shut up' (La Paz)
443
6-3.37 Combinations with -iri nominalizer
6-3.37.1 With -:- verbalization--Customary
The combination of -iri nominalizer (see 7-4.21.1)
plus -:- verbalization plus verb inflection means to be
accustomed to do an action. Such combinations are to be
distinguished from the /iri/ forms of D-1 and D-2.
Customary: chur.iri.:.sma 'I usually give to you'
_
D-1: chur. irisma ‘I may give to you'
1+2
Examples with the Remote tenses are the following:
3+1 RDK: Kap"iyaspirina.x nayra.x t'aku.y.iri.:.ita:n.
before ease pain
'Cafeaspirina used to ease my pain before.’ (Compi)
2>3 RDK: Pata. tug sar.iri.:.ya:ta.ti?
pampa go...
‘Did you use to go around the pampa?'
(Hardman et al. 1975:1.422)
6-3.37.2 Without verbalization, with 3+3 RIK--Narrative
-iri plus 3+3 RIK without intervening verbaliza-
tion is used in Juli, Socca, Chucuito (Tschopik 1948),
444
and Calacoa in telling stories. These dialects also use
the 33 RIK without -iri in stories but seem to prefer
forms with -iri. In view of the absence of verbalization
it would probably be better to view the combinations
as synchronically unitary, as in the case of D-1 and D-2
/iri/ forms. Examples:
sar.x.iritayna.x ‘he left' (Juli)
jisk.t'.iritayn 'she asked' (Socca)
*sar.x.iritawna "he went’ (Chucuito)
q'ip.kata.w.j.iritan ‘he had carried her' (Calacoa)
A case of -iri apparently frozen to a verb root
is the following from Calacoa. The verb is sa.fia, which
is highly irregular in all its inflected forms (see 6-4).
Sir.sma.w. 'I said to you.' /-sma/ 1+2 S
Jani.w sir.k.sma.ti. ‘I didn't say to you.'
Note that in the second example the verbal derivational
suffix /-ka-/ incompletive intervenes between /iri/ and
the inflection, whereas in the previous examples of
/iri/ plus 3+3 RIK the verbal derivationals preceded
/iri/ on the stem.
445
6-4 The Verb sa.fia 'to say'
This verb is of extremely frequent occurrence in
Aymara as a reportive and subordinator. Embedding with
Sa.fia is discussed in 7-4.4.
Variation in inflected forms of sa.fia is exten-
sive. This is due to its unusual canonical shape, and
the different morphophonemic rules operating upon it in
different dialects. As indicated earlier, sa.fia is the
only verb in contemporary Aymara with only one unlengthened
root vowel.-° (The verb *ma- survives today only frozen in
longer stems like ma.nta.fia 'to go in', and the verb
pa:.fia 'to cook', used in Sitajara, has a long root
vowel.)
Actually, as indicated in 4-3.13, it is probably
best to postulate the underlying form of sa.fia as
disa-, which loses its initial CV obligatorily before
the nominalizer suffix -fla and optionally in other
circumstances that vary dialectically. In many dia-
lects, the reduced root occurs before suffixes that
require a preceding consonant, creating an initial /sC/
cluster. This occurs, for example, with Simple tense
inflections.
In La Paz and Huancané such initial clusters
are commonly, though not invariably, avoided by reten-
tion of /si/ or /ji/ on the verb root. In Socca, initial
446
/si/ or /ji/ is usually deleted; according to two speakers
in their twenties, forms with initial /ji/ or /si/ sound
overly emphatic and old-fashioned, ‘the way old people
talk'. The one form that usually has a preposed /si/
or /ji/ in Socca is 3>4 S§. Huancané has /ji/ on 173 S
and /j/ alone, optionally, on 2+3 S; /ji/ occurs option-
ally on 3>3 RIK also, as in (ji)s.xa.tayn, but is required
before -chi NI. Bertonio attests forms with optional
initial /i/ (but no /j/ or reduplicated /s/).
Like La Paz and Huancané, Jopoqueri usually avoids
initial clusters in sa.fia, but does so not by retaining
/si/ or /ji/ but by reduplicating the root vowel and re-
taining the length before consonant-requiring suffixes
beginning with a consonant, e. g. 173 S sa:.t"a 'I said’.
In Sitajara, where initial clusters in sa-.fia are more
usual, the root vowel of the verb may also sometimes
be lengthened. (Vowel length retention, rather than
vowel reduplication, occurs in Sitajara in certain other
verb roots whose vowel length is analogous to the phoneme
sequence /ya/; see 4-3.22.15).
Lengthening of the root vowel of sa.fia results
in certain forms for the Simple tense which are homo-
phonous with RDK in certain persons, namely 1>3, 2>3,
4+3, 1+2, and 3+2. When there is a verbal derivational
suffix in the stem, however, it is clear that the length
goes with the root, not the inflection. Examples:
447
133 S: sa:.tia 'T said to him/her/them'
17-3 RDK: sa.:t'a 'I said to him/her/them' (Sitajara,
~ Jopoqueri)
1-3 S with /-ja-/ incompletive: Jani.w sa:.j.t.ti.
'I didn't say to him/her/
them.' (Jopoqueri)
In the third example above, it is clear that the vowel
length goes with the verb root before the derivational
suffix /-ja-/ (which usually takes a preceding consonant).
If the vowel length went with the tense, it would go
between the /j/ and the /t/. 13 F with /-ja-/ also has
vowel length on the verb root.
Another dialect that avoids initial consonant
clusters with sa.ma is Calacoa. Like Jopoqueri, Calacoa
does not prepose /si/ or /ji/, but unlike Jopoqueri,
it does not lengthen the root vowel. Instead, Calacoa
forms occur with the root sa- followed by verbal deri-
vationals or the initial /s/ followed by -iri, when
there would otherwise be an initial cluster.
Only the Simple and Future tenses were formally
elicited for this verb, but many examples of other tenses
occurred in texts.
6-4.] sa.fa with Simple tense (see Figure 6-9)
Some comments about Simple forms have already
vod
been made above. In La Paz and Juli the alternation of
dulf Socca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert Salinas Morocomarca
1603b
193 s + s s
~t.s.ta (i).s.t%a 7st ;| -S.tYa fi.s.ta s.t'a s.t"a s.t%a
*S.iri.tha s.iri.tha sa:.t%a $a:.t"a sa.s.t'a
$a.s.ka.pun.t"a sa.s.k.t“a sa.s.ka.t"a
2+3 s + s ;
~(.s.ta (i).s.ta [;: -s.ta s.ta (j).s.ta s.ta $a.s.ta
j s.iri.ta sa:.ta
$a.$.ka.pun.ta sa.pin.ta
33 s.4 s.1 s.1 s.4 s.4 . s.4 S.4 $.1 s.4
s.irt
$a.$.ka.pun./
4+3 $s s
~i.s.tan ~if.s.tan s.tan s.tan s.tan
j Jj s.ir.tan Sa:.tan
$a.$.ka.pun.tan $a.s.ka.pin.te sa.S.ka.tna
12 s + s
~4.S.s.ma (4).s.sma | [~i].s.sma (ji).s.sma s.sna s.sma s.sma
$a.sma s.ir.sma sai.sma
$a.s.ka.pun.sma sa.s.ka.sma
32 $ + s
~i.s.tam (4).s.tamaj | ~fj .s.tam (jf).s.tam s.tama s.tam s.tam s.tma
j s.ir.tam Sa:.tam
$a.5.k3.pun. tam
2+] $s + s
~.ista s.itta ~.ista s.ista s.ista s.itta s.fsta s.ista sa.k.fsta
‘ s.fir.ista
$a.$.ka.pun.ista
31 s.4tu *s itu s.itu s.ttu s.itu s.itu s.4tu s.itu s.itu
s.tr.itu
sa.$.ka.pun. itu
: s 5
3+4 s.istu Q.chitu -~f.s.situ’ ~.istu s.{tu s.istu s.istu s.{istu
pschitu Jj J s.ir.stu
. 6a.s.ka.pun.stu
Figure 6-9. sa.fia with Simple Tense
8tvV
449
/s/ ~ /j/ occurs in the root consonant in 2+], and in
Socca and Huancané, in 3>4. Forms elicited paradigmat-
ically for Calacoa all had the continuative /-s.ka-/
followed by the independent suffix /-puni/ ‘really',
or else were built on -iri (see 6-3.37). 1+3 with
-iri was also attested by Bertonio. The continuative
is common with sa.na in other dialects, namely Sitajara,
Salinas, and Morocomarca. The independent /-pini/
‘really’ and the independent -ki 'just' occur in Moroco-
marca 2>1 S. An epenthetic vowel /u/ occurs in Moroco-
marca 1+3 before the sentence suffix -wa:s.t".u.wa
‘I said'. The Morocomarca forms having variants with
/-s.ka-/ are anomalous in that /-ka-/ keeps its final
vowel before consonant-requiring suffixes. Such forms
are probably instances of RDK rather than Simple tense,
although forms different from some of those in the regu-
Tar RDK paradigm occurred.
Juli forms for 3+4 contain a zero allomorph
of the root sa-, apparently by assimilation of the
initial /s/ to the /ch/ or /sch/ of the 3+4 inflection.
As with all Aymara verbs, the proper use of sa.fia
requires facility in manipulating verbal derivational
and independent suffixes. The following forms built on
3+3 S occurred frequently in this research and all gloss
‘"he/she/they said', with different degrees of personal
knowledge not pertinent to this discussion:
450
s.i.lla (Sitajara) sa.wiy.wa (Morocomarca)
S.i.pi.lla (Sitajara) sa.k.i.lla (Salinas)
s.x.i.wa (Salinas) sa.S.ka.rak.i (Corque)
s-i.wa (all dialects) sa.S.ka.pun.i (Calacoa)
6-4.2 sa.fia with Future tense (see Figure 6-10)
Future forms for sa.na were elicited for all
dialects except Morocomarca and Calacala. The La Paz
forms shown are from San Andrés de Machaca. In La Paz,
Juli, and Socca, 4+3 Future with sa.fia has vowel length
in the inflection, which it does not usually have with
other verbs. A variant of 3+4 with a three-consonant
initial cluster occurred in Socca: s.t'.sitani, with
the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. For La Paz speakers
it is a tongue-twister, the corresponding La Paz variant
being ji.s.t.'istani.
The form that occurred for 3+2 F in Jopoqueri,
/sa.mpa/, contains the allomorph
earlier as the 3+2 Imperative in
checking will be required to see
is shared by both the Imperative
The Calacoa paradigm has
suffix
derivational -wja-
tenses in that dialect. Most of
/-mpa/ that occurred
that dialect. Further
if the form /-mpa/
and Future tenses.
the distinctive verbal
which accompanies most
the Sitajara forms
La Paz Jult Socca Huancané
3 $a.: sa.ja: Sa. Sa.ja:
2+3 sa.:ta sa.:ta , sa.:ta Sa.nta
33 sa.ni sa.ni sa.ni
43 sa.fa:ni sa.na:ni sa.naint
]+2 sa.cma Sa.mama Sa.mama
32 sa.:tam Sa.:tam sa.:tam
2+] = s. itasta s.ita:ta s.ita:ta
31 s.itani s.itani s.itani
34 s.istani si.s.chistani s.sitani s.stani
ji.s.t'.istant s.t'.sitani
1
Not elicited, but fits pattern.
Figure 6-10. sa.fia with Future Tense
Calacoa
Sa.wW.Jja.:
sa.W.ja.ixa
Sa.w.ja.:ta
sa.w.ja.ni
sa.w.ja.raki.tan
sa.mama
sa.w.ja.ma:ma
sa.w.ja.tma
s.ita:ta
Sa.w.j.ita:ta
sa.w.j.itani
sa.w.j.stani
Sitajara
Sa.ni.wa.nh
Jopoqueri
$a.nha
sa.ni.wa.nha:ta sa.nta
sa.ni.wa.ni
sa.ni.wa.nh
Sa.mam
*sa.nhata:ma!
s.itanhata
s.itani
sa.wa.stani
sa.ni
sa.nani
S$a.:ma
Sa.mpa
s.itanta
s.itani
s.istani
Salinas
$a.:
[sa.nda]
sa.ni
sa.nant
Sa.:tan
Sa.:ma
sa.nma
[s.itanda]
s.{tani
s.istani
LSv
452
occurred with the combination /-ni.wa-/. (Of course,
it is quite possible that the combinations of deriva-
tional suffixes that occurred in essentially artificial
elicited paradigms might not necessarily occur so often
in free texts.)
Negative forms with the Future were elicited
only for Jopoqueri and Salinas. A preposed jani.w
‘no, not' and the final suffix -ti negative occurred
with these. In Jopoqueri and Salinas negatives occur
with and without incompletive or completive suffixes,
according to rules as yet imperfectly understood; see
7-4.5.
Jopoqueri Salinas
133 /sa:.ja.nh.ti/ /s.ka.:.ti/
243 /sa.nta.ti/ [sa.nda.ti]
343 /sa.ni.ti/ /sa.ni.ti/
4>3 /sa.fani.ti/ /s.ka.fiani.ti ~
sa.:tan.ti/
]+2 /sa:.ja.:ma.ti/ /s.ka.:ma.ti/
32 /Sa:.ja.mpa.ti/ /s.ka.nma.ti/
2+] /s.itanta.ti/ [s.itanda.ti]
3+1
354
453
Jopoqueri Salinas
/sa:.j.itani.ti/ /s.itani.ti/
/sa:.j.istani.ti/ /s.istani.ti/
6-4.3 Sa.fia with other tenses
The only complete paradigm of sa.fia with the
Imperative was obtained for Juli.
133
233
353
4+3
12
3>2
2>1
3+]
34
/Sa.:.xa ~ sa.ja:.xa/~"
/sa.m/
/s.pana/
/sa.ifiani/
/sa.mama/
/s.pana/
/s.ita:ta/ (Future)
/s.itpa(na)/
/si.s.chistpana/
2+3 /sa.m/ is very common in all dialects, even those in
which initial clusters are common, probably to avoid confusion
with 1+2 S /s.sma/. In the following examples from Socca
the source's comments, if any, are shown in parentheses:
454
Sa.ma.1la. ‘Say it.' (‘not so imperative')
Sa.w.ma.lla. ‘Tell him on your way.'
Sa.w.x.ma.lla. ‘Tell him right this minute!' (peremptory)
In Sitajara 2+] Imperative occurred instead of the Future
form given in Juli: /s.ita/ ‘tell me’.
The following example of sa.fia with the Desidera-
tive occurred in Calacoa:
/sa.ni.p.xa.sma.1la/ ‘You (pl.) should say .. .'
2>3
The following examples of sa.fia with Remote
tenses occurred in Huancané:
3>1 RDK /sa.rak.ita:n.s/ ', . . and he said tome...
393 RIK /ji.s.xa.tayn/ ‘he said' (narrative)
Other forms commonly used in stories are given in 7-4.4.
6-4.4 Dialectal patterning
As has been said, inflected forms of sa.fia
display considerable variation. Dialects tending to
avoid initial consonant clusters are La Paz, Huancané,
Jopoqueri, and Calacoa, but each of these uses different
recourses for avoiding them.
455
There is some semantic variation as well. In
Sitajara sa.fia 3+1 and 3+4 S forms have fallen together
as /s.itu/, with loss of the 3+4 form, and sa.iia 1>3
and 4+3 F forms have fallen together as sa.ni.wa.nha,
with loss of the 4+3 form. In Socca the sa.fia 3+1 and
3>4 F forms /-sitani/ and /s.sitani/ are in process of
falling together.
6-5 Summary and Conclusions
6-5.1 Types of variation in the verb system
As in the case of the noun system, variation in
the verb system may be divided into internal and external.
External variation involves the entry of Spanish verbs
into Aymara, a continuing process. In certain areas
Spanish loans have apparently replaced native roots
still in use elsewhere. Examples of these are given
in 8-3.21.
Internal variation in the verb system is sum-
marized in the following sections.
6-5.11 Variation in verb roots and stems
Internal variation in verb roots is slight and
may be divided into two types: phonological (variation
in the shape of the root) and semantic (where a given
root has different meanings in different dialects or
456
exists only in some and not in others). Examples of
phonological variation in verb roots were given in
Chapter 3. Semantic variation in verb roots is discussed
in 8-3.21.
Variation in verb stems depends on the suffixes
occurring in them.
6-5.12 Verb suffixes
Verb suffixes display phonological and semantic
differences across dialects. Variation in verbal deriva-
tional suffixes is relatively slight; that in verbal
inflectional suffixes is more extensive.
6-5.12.1 Derivational suffixes
Six of the Class 1 suffixes have variable phono-
logical shapes involving alternations of /ya/ ~ /:/,
vowels, stops and continuants, and plain and aspirated
stops. The two Class 1 suffixes beginning with /nV/
(-nuga- ~ -nuqu- and -=naqa~) have variable morphophonemics
with respect to preceding vowel or consonant. Another
Class 1 suffix beginning with /n/, -nta-, is affected by
obligatory stop-voicing in Salinas (see 4-3.21.33).
Variation in Class 2 suffixes involves different
shapes for four, with alternations of /ya/ and /:/,
vowels, and stops and nonstops. A morphophonemic
457
rule in Salinas reduces the /k/ of /-ka-/ incompletive
to /j/ in certain environments (see 4-3.22.23). Certain
dialects usually have the incompletive (or less often,
the completive) suffix in negative expressions, while
other dialects do not (see 7-4.5). With respect to
inventory and meaning, Calacoa alone has the apparently
unitary suffix -wja-.
No formal attempt was made in this research to
determine whether all verbal derivational suffixes occur
in all dialects or whether those that occur have the same
or different meanings. However, it appears that the
meanings of Class 2 suffixes are usually predictable,
while the meanings of Class 1 suffixes vary according
to the root, stem, or theme they occur on. Sometimes
a stem containing the same root and derivational suffix(es)
was found to gloss differently in one dialect than in
another. Additional examples of such stems will be
found in 8-3.2, but a more thorough determination of
regional variation in this respect will require more
research.
6-5.12.2 Inflectional suffixes
Most variation in verbal inflectional suffixes
is in phonological Shape attributable to instability
of vowels and nonstop consonants and to a lesser extent,
of stops; the latter also vary in presence or absence of
458
aspiration. Other variations in phonological shape are
attributable to different processes of morphological change
with preservation or loss of different (now submorphemic)
recurrent partials. In two tenses, D-1 and D-2, exten-
sive variation results from the apparent falling-together
of two separate paradigms in each tense. Still other vari-
ations in shape are due to processes of analogy at work
within a dialect, resulting in symmetrical variation
across all its tenses. The most striking instance of
this is the shape of 3+4 suffixes in all tenses elicited
for Juli. All have allomorphs frozen to the NI suffix
-chi and thus homophonous, in that person/tense, with
NI compound verb forms.
Not only is there variation in shape across
dialects; there is considerable variation in allomorphs
within dialects, and a larger sample of speakers would
probably turn up more forms. While most Aymara speakers
have a receptive competence in inflectional variants
they do not use themselves, recognizing them as the way
some people talk, not all variants are equally accept-
able. What belongs in one tense in one dialect may
belong in a different tense in another. For example,
speakers who have only /-fiani/ for 4+3 F reject the use
of /-tana/ for it, saying it means a past action, not
future. There are also some overlaps of person and
tense, a given suffix being used for a certain subject,
459
complement, and tense in one dialect and for a different
subject, complement, and tense in another dialect (see
8-3.22 for examples).
In some dialects, in some tenses, person/tense
suffixes involving Ip and 4p have fallen together or are
in process of doing so, but this does not appear to be
a very widespread phenomenon (see 8-2.1).
The most complex and variable person/tense suf-
fixes in all tenses are 1+2, 342, and 2>1. The 3+3
suffixes are almost invariable except that D-1, D-2,
and RIK have complex allomorphs.
In contrast to the variety of their shapes,
the morphophonemics of verbal inflectional suffixes
are remarkably uniform across dialects. The only dif-
ferences noted so far are in the 1+3 Simple suffix,
which keeps its final vowel before succeeding suffixes
in Calacoa but loses it in other dialects; and in the
morphophonemics of the 2+3 I suffix, which in some dia-
Tects vary according to whether the verb is used in the
affirmative or the negative.
6-5.2 Dialectal patterning
Certain dialect groups emerge on the basis of
phonological, morphophonemic, and morphological varia-
tion in the verb system, especially in verbal inflec-
tional suffixes. As in the case of the noun system,
there is considerable isoglossic overlapping.
6-5.21 Dialects near Lake Titicaca (northern group)
La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané:
6-5.21.1 Retention of /si/ or /ji/ on sa.fia
6-5.21.2 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in 13 F
6-5.21.3 Preponderance of /sa/ forms in D-1 and D-2,
and of /iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ in
those tenses
6-5.21.4 Negative usually accompanied by /-ka-/ incom-
pletive or /-xa-/ completive on verb
The following subgroups in the northern group
may be identified on the basis of the features indicated.
Juli, Socca, Huancané:
6-5.21.5 /-wa-/ allomorph of distancer (verbal deriva-
tional suffix)
6-5.21.6 -chi NI plus 3+3 S in stories
Juli, Socca:
6-5.21.7 -iri plus 3+3 RIK in stories
6-5.21.8 RIK forms based on /-tay-/ rather than /-ta:-/
La Paz, Huancané:
6-5.21.9 In general, lack of aspiration where other
dialects have it in verbal inflectional suf-
fixes
461
6-5.22 Dialects farther from Lake Titicaca (southern
group)
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala):
6-5.22.1 /-wi/ ~ /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer
6-5.22.2 /-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive, either as
the sole allomorph or alternating with /-ka-/,
Or as the result of a morphophonemic rule
operating on /-ka-/
6-5.22.3 Negative usually not accompanied by presence of
incompletive or completive suffix(es)
The following subgroups in the southern group may
be identified on the basis of the features indicated.
Jopoqueri, Salinas:
6-5.22.4 Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar
nasals in four Future suffixes: 143, 253, 352,
and 2+]
6-5.22.5 Suffixes of the D-1 and D-2 tenses identical
or very similar in both dialects, with a pre-
ponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms in those
tenses
Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala:
6-5.22.6 4+3 Future /-,tan(a)/ ~ f-:tan/ ~ /-:tna/
6-5.23 Dialects sharing features of both groups
Calacoa, Sitajara:
These two dialects have several features in
common with the northern group and one each in common
462
with the southern group, but only three features in common
with each other. One of the latter is shared with Moro-
comarca alone of the southern group:
6-5.23.1 Occurrence of plural -p- without a following
incompletive or completive suffix30
Below are listed the features that Calacoa and
Sitajara share with the northern and southern groups.
Calacoa:
6-5.21.3 (northern group)
6-5.21.4 (northern group)
6-5.21.5 (northern group)
6-5.22.6 (southern group)
Sitajara:
6-5.21.4 (northern group)
6-5.21.5 (northern group)
6-5.21.8 (northern group)
6-5.22.4 (southern group)
As may be seen, Calacoa and Sitajara share 6-5.21.4
and 6-5.21.5 in addition to 6-5.23.1.
463
6-5.24 Dialects sharing features across regional lines
Two dialects that belong respectively to the
northern and southern groups have one feature each of
the opposite group. These are Huancané (in the north)
and Morocomarca (in the south). Huancané shares the
feature 6-5.22.4 with Sitajara and with Jopoqueri and
Salinas of the southern group, except that in Huancané
the 1+3 F suffix has no nasal. Morocomarca shares the
feature 6-5.21.3 with Calacoa and with the northern group.
It may also be noted that Calacoa and Morocomarca have
similar unusual forms for 4+3 S not found elsewhere:
Calacoa /-,siia/ and Morocomarca /-sna/.
The morphophonemics of the 2+3 Imperative suffix
also may be cited as an example of a feature cutting
across regional lines. Socca, Huancané, and Juli in
the northern group and Morocomarca in the southern group
have a rule whereby the 2>3 I suffix requires a preceding
vowel after the suffix -ka- incompletive but otherwise
takes a preceding consonant. This rule has not been
found elsewhere.
464
Notes
these suffixes were not considered verbal deri-
vationals by England.
The suffix -paya- has been added to the 21 listed
by England, who identified 10 verbal derivational suffixes
as verbalizing noun roots only. The three additional
verbalizers now identified are -su-, -ta-, and -kipa-.
Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize certain
noun stems as well as roots are -cha-, -t"api-, and -t'a-.
-cha- also verbalizes noun themes ending in -fia.
Scitation forms of verb roots and stems are not
given with -na in Bertonio's grammars, but rather with
1>3 Simple tense. Verbs from Bertonio will here be cited
by stem alone.
4 Tn this stem the three-vowel rule operates to
cause the three-vowel stem uta.cha- to lose its final
vowel before -kipa-.
"The three-vowel rule operates on this and the
next two examples built on ali.si-, a stem with -si-
frozen to the root (see 6-2.19.1 and 6-2.21, below).
Sagain, the three-vowel rule causes the final
vowel of k'umara to drop before -tata-, as it also does
in the case of aru.s.tata.fa.
’The /-xa-/ in this stem is believed to be an
instance of the Class 2 completive suffix frozen to the
root (see 6-2.25.2).
8 The present treatment of -si- differs from
England's.
9some verbs with -si- take complements which
must be marked with the noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti. (See
my earlier treatment in Hardman et al. 1975:3.323).
465
101, dialects studied, -si- does not occur before
the incompletive in negative expressions, e. g.
*Jani.w aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti.
Rather, the following occur:
Jani.w aka.n.k.k.i.ti.
no 3>3
S
"He is not here.'
Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti.
MV some verbs with -ya- require that the agentive
complement (the someone who is caused to do something)
be marked with the noun complement suffix -ru; others
mark the agent with the noun complement suffix -mpi ~ -nti.
ers the beneficiary complement is expressed by
a noun in the sentence, it is marked by the suffix -taki;
see 5-3.31.5.
'3the victimary complement may be expressed in
the sentence by a possessive noun phrase, or the possession
alone may be indicated.
Vy order to determine the vowel of the suffix
-p- it will be necessary to elicit forms that require
a preceding vowel, for example the Remote or Future.
137557 reduces to [Â¥] in Salinas; see 4-3.22.24.
'6another form which lends itself to analysis
as -cha- alternative question plus *ja root is
*Jani.ch.ja.w. ‘I don't think so.' (Ebbing
EE 1965:209)
In this -ch.ja- occurs on the particle jani 'no'.
7 the basic analysis of Aymara verbal inflec-
tional suffixes, for the dialects of Compi and Tia-
huanaco, is in Hardman et al. (1975:3.209-245).
466
8 verbal inflectional suffixes with 3p comple-
ments (143, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3) may have no expressed
complement in translation, e. g.
chur.i ‘he/she gave (something to someone)'
3>3
S
19 E or an explanation of what are meant by D-1
and D-2 /sa/ forms and /iri/ forms, see 6-3.34.
Onardman (Hardman et al. 1975:3.233) has
pointed out that contemporary 2+1 forms represent a
falling-together of earlier 2+1 and 2+4 forms. Seman-
tically 2>4 has now fallen out, but some contemporary
2>1 forms have a formal vestige of the 4p complement
in an /s/ that recurs intermittently in different tenses.
It 245° recurs in the 1+2 S suffix -sma (see also Hardman
1975).
las indicated in note 20, the /s/ in 1+2 Simple
-sma is a vestige of the 4p marker.
22 uhen 1+3 F /-:/ is followed by -xa sentence
suffix, the resulting combination /:xa/ is indistinguish-
able from one of the other voiceless fricative allo-
morphs of 1+3 F, /-:xa/. The latter may be followed by
the sentence suffix -wa, as in the following examples
from Compi:
Sara.:xa.w. ‘I'm going to go.'
Chura.:xa.w. '(Now that you ask) I will give
it to him.'
However, -xa sentence suffix does not occur after /-:xa/
173 Fs; *chura.:xa.xa is rejected. We are left with a
possible ambiguity in such forms as chura:xa, which may
be analyzed as either chura.:xa or chura.:.xa. So far,
no predictable difference in meaning has been discovered
that would facilitate determining which is occurring.
23an example of 1+3 F with palatal glide, for La
Paz and Socca, is
Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:.wa. "I will be here.'
467
24 vanita (La Paz/Compi) indicates that 3+1 or
3>4 may sometimes occur with final vowel and sentence
suffix other than -wa, which implies that the syntactic
conditioning here discussed needs further investigation
in La Paz as well as elsewhere. Of course, where the
suffix is a form peculiar to the Imperative (for example
3>1 and 3+4 for La Paz and most other places), the pres-
ence or absence of vowel or sentence suffix is irrelevant
for identifying the tense. It is only in the case of
forms homophonous with the Future that the syntactic
mark may be significant.
25-1 and D-2 based on -iri are to be distin-
guished from sequences of -iri plus -:- verbalizer plus
inflection (see 6-3.37).
26a. iia ‘to carry' has in contemporary La Paz
Aymara the derived meaning ‘person of the same age, con-
temporary'; see 2-2.
27159 D-1 has not yet been elicited for Huancané,
but the form */-:sna/ fits the pattern for that tense
and dialect.
28 q second one-vowel verb root discovered late
in the research is ta- 'make a noise' (inanimate object).
See Chapter 7, Note 13.
22 These forms have 1+3 /-:/ or /-ja:/ plus -xa
sentence suffix.
30a ccording to Hardman (personal communication)
-p- without a following incompletive or completive also
occurs occasionally in La Paz, but I have yet to hear it
myself.
CHAPTER 7
SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION
7-1 Introduction
Morphosyntactic structures are morphemes belonging
to neither the noun nor verb systems but operating at both
the morphological and syntactic levels. They are (1)
particles, and (2) syntactic suffixes. Particles are
roots that take neither noun nor verb suffixes, although
they may take syntactic suffixes. Syntactic suffixes,
which occur on nouns, verbs, and particles, are subdivided
into nonfinal (independent) and final (sentence) suffixes.
Nonfinal suffixes occur on nouns, verbs, and particles
before final suffixes. On nouns nonfinal suffixes occur
after noun suffixes; on verbs they separate derivation
from inflection. Final suffixes occur after all other
suffixes, marking phrase and sentence boundaries. They
define sentence types, conveying attenuation, absolute-
ness, vouching for information, repetition of information
known to the hearer, disclaiming of knowledge, and con-
tingency; they mark yes/no questions, alternate questions,
and information questions; they list in a series, link
468
469
sentences, and subordinate one part of a sentence to
another. Their meanings are often lost in translation,
however, which is why most Aymara grammars have dismissed
them as ornamental.
Morphosyntactic processes in Aymara include re-
duplication; subordination by noun-phrase embedding,
nominalization, or with sentence suffixes; use of the
demonstrative uka 'that' as summarizer and sentence
linker; sentence embedding with the reportive verb
sSa.fia 'to say'; and negation. In Aymara word order is
fixed only within the noun phrase and in the placement
of the summarizer uka after what is being summarized.
Syntactically-conditioned vowel retention and
dropping rules were discussed in 4-3.31.
7-2 Particles and Syntactic Suffixes
7-2.1 Particles
Particles are roots that take neither noun nor
verb suffixes. Some of them take nonfinal or final
suffixes; others always occur unsuffixed. Some of the
most common are listed below in alphabetical order.
(Onomatopoeic particles are listed in Appendix B.)
ampi ‘isn't that so?', 'no?' (tag question)
(Calacala, Jopoqueri; also Herrero 1971-72:228,
for Omasuyos)
Ch'uq al.ja.p.x.ta ampi.x? (Jopoqueri)
potato sell 23 7
S
"You sell potatoes, don't you?'
ampi softener; ‘please, then, so'
amp juta.ma.y ‘please come, then' (La Paz/Compi)
ina.ki ‘in vain' (Calacala)
inak"i ‘in vain' (Salinas)
ina.ta.lla ‘in vain' (Sitajara)
ina.y ‘in vain' (Sitajara)
*ina.maya.ki ‘needlessly, in vain' (Tschopik 1948:111,112)
jalla ‘thus, like that' (all dialects)
Aka Istaru Uniru.n jall asiru.x ut.j.chi.x.
United States —— steel exist NI
‘There may be steel like that in the United States. '
(Sitajara)
dina ‘let's go' (all dialects)
ma:ji 'quickly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
maki ‘quickly' (Calacala; also reduplicated, mak.maki)
ma:ki ‘quickly’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
mak"i ‘quickly’ (Calacoa)
47]
Mak"i.k mak"i.k
sara.wW.ja.tan.
go 43
Mak"i.x mak"i.x F
‘Quickly, quickly we will go.' (words of a song)
ma:ski ‘or other' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Ma:sk kun.ja:ma.s sar.chi.:.xa.y
——~— _ however go NI 123
F
‘Somehow or other, I'11 go.'
musp"a 'much, very' (Salinas, Calacala)
Musp"a jaya.wa. ‘It's very far.'
A special class of particles consists of terms
for affirmation and negation. The negative jani and its
occurrences in negative phrases are discussed in 7-4.5.
The affirmative jisa ‘yes' occurs in all dialects also;
sometimes either jani or jisa may lose its first syllable.
In some dialects jisa usually occurs with the final suf-
fix -lla ~ -ya. Examples:
jisa (La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
jisa.ya (Morocomarca, Calacala)
sa.lla (Salinas)
sa.ya (La Paz, Calacala)
472
iyaw ‘okay, yes' (most dialects)
‘you're welcome' (Calacoa; thought by source to be
a Quechua word)
Other affirmative particles are the following, both
given by a source in Sitajara; the second is attributed
to Candarave (also in the province of Tarata).
kuwat.xa ‘yes' (Sitajara)
ja:t.xa 'yes' (attributed to Candarave by Sitajara speaker)
Interjections are a special kind of particle.
They usually end in /w/ or /y/ (possibly the final suf-
fixes -ya or -wa). These were not elicited for all dia-
lects, SO the following is probably an incomplete list.
achijuway ‘it's hot!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
ach" ich" iw
expressions of pain (La Paz/Compi)
ach" ik" iw
alalaw ‘it's cold, brrr!' (La Paz/Compi, Corque)
alalay ‘it's cold, brrr!' (Corque)
anay ‘how pretty!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
atataw expression of pain (La Paz/Compi)
473
atatay expression of pain (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
titila ~ titilay expression of disgust (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
wa: ~ way [bay]! ‘wow!' expression of admiration or
surprise (La Paz/Compi, La Paz/
Tiahuanaco, and probably elsewhere)
ju: ‘wow!' expression of dismay (Hardman et al. 1975:1.170)
There are also several particles which are Spanish loans
(see Hardman et al. 1975:3.134).
7-2.2 Syntactic suffixes
7-2.21 Nonfinal (independent) suffixes
These suffixes occur on a stem before final suf-
fixes. They may become part of a preceding noun or verb
stem and be immediately followed by verbalization or
nominalization, or they may occur after such thematic
alternation. On inflected verbs they occur directly
before the inflectional suffix. A noun stem ending in
-~ki or -pini (etc.) may be a zero complement, the inde-
pendent losing its final vowel. -raki (etc.) occurs
after zero complement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.403-409).
7-2.21.1 - ki ~ -ji ~ -y ‘just, only' (limitative)
The allomorph /-ji/ was heard in Salinas and
Morocomarca in word-final position. These dialects also
have /-ki/ both medially and finally. The allomorphs
474
/-ki/ and /-y/ occurred in Sitajara. /-ki/ occurs else-
where. The suffix requires a preceding vowel, except in
Huancané when following -raki. It loses its vowel before
consonant-requiring suffixes, in zero complement. vowel
drop, when preceding the final sentence suffix -sa in
Calacoa, and when preceding the final suffix -sti in
Sitajara.
/-ki/ may reduplicate on a stem. It frequently
occurs as a softener on verbs with the Imperative.
Examples:
suma.ta.ji ‘slowly’ (Salinas)
suma.ta.ki 'gently' (La Paz/Compi)
k'acha.ta.ji ‘slowly’ (Morocomarca)
juk'a.pacha.ki ‘a little’ (Morocomarca )
Juta.rak.ki.ni.w. ‘They will arrive.’ (Huancané)
33
F
Uk"ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.ch.i.xa.y. ‘That's the way it always is.'
— “NI (Huancané)
juma.ki.ki.:ma.s ‘just like you' (Juli)
ttaga.ki t'ag.ta.s ‘looking and looking' (Calacoa)
Say.t'a.ki.m. ‘Stand up.' (Calacoa)
243
I
475
uka.y.ti ‘and that?' (Sitajara)
sara.s.ka.y.ma. ‘Just go on.' (Sitajara)
2>3
I
ija.nha.ru.k.sti ‘and to my daughter' (Sitajara)
is.t'a.ki.na ‘to listen quietly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Sara.ki.ya:. ‘I'll just go.’ (Socca)
I>
F
Chura.k.ita.1la. ‘Please give me.' (Jopoqueri)
~ 2+]
I
Sa.ki.pin.itu.wa. ‘He always told me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
~~ 3+]
S
In Calacoa /-ki/ plus -sa final suffix usually
occurred on the head of the first noun phrase in a
riddle, as in the following examples:
Ma: gala.taypi.na.k.s ma: pala.cha ucha.nta.ta-
a stone middle ~ a stick place
:.S.k.i.w. Uka.x kuna.s ? Ampar sillu.
3+3 that what finger nail
S
‘In the middle of a stone a little stick is placed. What
is it? A fingernail.'
476
Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin usu.r.ta.si.w.x.4.
a woman — turning turning pregnant 3>3
S
Uka.x kuna.s ? Q"apu.w.
distaff
‘A woman turning, turning gets pregnant. What is it?
A distaff.'
7-2.21.2 -y ini ~ -puni ~ -pani ~ -pi emphatic
/-pani/ occurs in Jopoqueri; /-pi/ occurs in
Calacala; /-pini/ occurs in Juli, Sitajara, La Paz,
Salinas, Calacala, and Morocomarca and was alleged by
Bertonio (1603b); /-puni/ occurs in Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, and La Paz and was alleged by Tschopik (1948).
As this indicates, /-pini/ and /-puni/ occur in La Paz,
and /-pi/ and /-pini/ occur in Calacala, /-pi/ either
before /-pini/ or before =pi sentence suffix. The
meanings of this suffix may be expressed in translation
as ‘always', '‘still', ‘'really', or ‘definitely', but
it is basically an emphatic. Examples:
Ina.ki.pini.w. ‘It's really in vain.' (Calacala)
ch'uqgi.pi.pini.k ‘just potatoes, really’ (Calacala)
Uka.pi.ki.pi.y. ‘It's just that, really.' (Calacala)
477
Ut.nha.pani.:.s.j.i.w. (Jopoqueri )
Ip 393
S
Uta. ja.pini.:.s.k.i.wa. (Juli)
Tp
Uta.nha.pini.w. (Sitajara)
Uta.fia. pini.wa. ‘It's really (Salinas)
Ip my house. '
Ut.fia.pini. {(Morocomarca )
Uta.ja.puni.w. (La Paz}
Uta. ja.:.s.ka.pun.i.wa. (Huancané,
343 Calacoa)
S
Sara. puni.:.w. (Juli)
I>3
F
‘I'm really going. '
Sara.puni.ya:.wa. (Socca)
]>3
F
There seems to be some relation between this suffix and
the sentence suffix -pi, although it may be due only to
their partial homophony. As shown in the example given
above for Calacala, /-pi/ allomorph of the nonfinal
suffix may occur before /-pini/ or before -pi sentence
suffix, in both cases with reduplication of the segment
/pi/.
478
In the following pair of utterances, where Vito-
cota has the sentence suffix -pi La Paz/Tiahuanaco has
the independent /-puni/.
Jani.pi.y jala.qa.y.i.ti.xa. (Vitocota)
no fall 33
S
'He did not cause
it to fall.'
Jani.puni.w jala.g.ta.y.k.i.ti. (La Paz/
~ Tiahuanaco)
7-2.21.3 ~yfa~ -rara ~ -:ra ~ -ray ‘still, yet'
In Modern Aymara this suffix persists only on
the negative particle jani. (It is a productive final
suffix in Jaqaru; see Hardman 1966.) It is classified
as a nonfinal suffix in Aymara because its allomorph
/-rara/ has occurred before -raki nonfinal independent
on a stem. /-ray/ occurs only in Sitajara. /-:ra/ and
/-ra/ occur in Huancané. /-:ra/ occurs in La Paz/Compi.
/-rara/ occurs in Juli; /-rara/ and /-ra/ occur in
Jopoqueri. Elsewhere /-ra/ or /-:ra/ occurs.
Some occurrences of /-ray/ may be analyzed as
allomorphs of -raki (7-2.21.4). However, occurrences
of /-ray/ on jani occupy the same slot as /-ra/ and
/-rara/, with the same meaning, and therefore must
belong to this suffix. Examples:
479
jani.ra (Jopoqueri )
jani.:ra (La Paz/Compi)
jani.rara (Jopoqueri)
jani.rara.raki.s "not yet' (Salinas)
jani.ra.1 (Huancané)
jani.:ra.y (Huancané)
jani.ray.s (Sitajara)
7-2.21.4 -raki (and variants)
This suffix translates variously, as an aggregate,
cautionary (see 6-3.34), complainer, objector, or chal-
lenger. It may occur on interrogatives immediately before
or in place of the final suffix -sa. It occurs after
zero complement vowel drop on a noun stem.
As for morphophonemics, this suffix requires
a preceding vowel except after the complement/relational
suffixes -na and -ta ~ -t"a and zero complement vowel
drop. In one instance (Calacala) it was preceded by a
consonant on a verb root.
Dialects that have only /-raki/ are Juli, Socca,
Calacoa, Jopoqueri, and La Paz. In Huancané this suffix
often occurs instead of -sa interrogative; /-raki/ is
the most usual allomorph, but /-raj-/ occurs before
480
-chi NI. In Salinas /-raj-/ occurs before consonant-
requiring verbal inflectional suffixes; /-raji/ or
/-rak"i/ occurs before vowel-requiring inflectional
suffixes; /-raji/, /-raki/, /-ra:/ and /-ra/ alternate
freely word-finally on interrogatives. In Calacala
and Morocomarca /-raji/ and /-raki/ both occur.
In Sitajara /-raki/ and /-raji/ are in free varia-
tion medially before verbal inflections; the allomorph
/-rk/ occurred once before verbal inflection; and /-ray/
also occurred before the final suffix -sa although a
homophonous /-ray/ is the allomorph of the suffix
~Ya ~ -ray in Sitajara (see 7-2.21.3). It might be
better to analyze all occurrences of /-ray/ in Sitajara,
both those on jani and others, as an independent suffix
resulting from the convergence of -ra ‘yet' and -raki
aggregate and overlapping the domains of both in other
dialects: on jani it means 'yet', and elsewhere it
has the meanings of -raki. Examples of -raki and its
allomorphs on different roots, stems, and themes are
given below.
7-2.21.41 On interrogatives
Kuna.rak aka.sti? (Huancané)
‘And what is this?! _
Kuna.ra: aka.sti? (Salinas)
481
Kuna.ra uka ispiritu.sti? ‘And what are those spirits?'
(Salinas)
Kun.ra: Jura. mun.ta? ‘What do you want to do?'
—— do want 233 (Salinas)
S
Kuna. taki.rak.s? (Huancané)
Kuna. taki.raki? "Why?! (Morocomarca)
Kuna.t.raji? (Morocomarca )
*kuna. taki.raji (rejected in Morocomarca)
Kawki.ray.sa? ‘Where is it?' (Sitajara)
Kawki.t.ra(j) pur.ta? ‘Where are you coming from?!
arrive 2>3 (Salinas)
S
Kawki.ru.rak sara.nta? ‘Where are you going?’ (Salinas)
go 243
F
7-2.21.42 On other nouns and nominalized forms
juma.raki ‘you too' (all dialects)
wali.ray '‘well' (Sitajara)
~~
Aka.ray.sa. ‘Here it is.' (Sitajara)
482
Sa. fia. ray. ‘It must be said.’ (Sitajara)
Alichi.nha.pini.ray. 'He's really my grandchild. ' (Sitajara)
uka.t.raji ‘and then' [ugatraji] (Calacala)
Ujtur paxsi.n.rak.wa. ‘It was in the month of October.'
—— (Corque)
7-2.21.43 On inflected verb stems or themes
Sa.rak.sma.sa.y. 'I already told you!' (Calacoa)
~~ 442
S
Wali.:.ka.raj.chi.ni.t. ‘It may not be good.' (Huancané)
~~ NI 333
F (Note: -:- verbalizer reduces to
plain vowel before -ka- incom-
pletive. )
kama.cha.ta.:¢. acha.:t"a ‘what could have happened to
133
RDK
me' (Sitajara)
Muna.raj.t.wa. ‘I want.' (Salinas)
]+3
S
tani.ki.raki.tay ‘he ran again' (Salinas)
333
RIK
mag'.rak.i ‘and he ate' (Calacala)
333
>
Ss
483
apa.ki.raki.tay ‘he had taken it' (Calacala)
333
RIK
7-2.22 Final (sentence) suffixes
Final, or sentence, suffixes occur after all
other suffixes on nouns, verbs, and particles. They
mark phrase, clause, or sentence boundaries and play a
role in syntactic subordination. All except -lla ~ -ya
politive and -: emphatic, which require a preceding vowel,
allow the preceding morpheme or syntactic considerations
to determine their preceding environments.
Final suffixes encountered in this research which
do not vary in phonemic shape or usage from one dialect
to another are -cha alternative interrogative, -sa in-
formation interrogative/indefinite/linker, -sti follow-up,
-ti yes/no interrogative and negative, -: emphatic,
and -wa absolute. An unvarying suffix combination is
~wa.ya, consisting of -wa absolute plus -ya politive,
which almost always is accompanied by rising intonation
and always occurs in this form even in dialects which
have the allomorph /-lla/ instead of /-ya/ for the
politive (see below). All dialects sometimes have final
vowel length -: as an exclamatory, and this may be in-
distinguishable from instances of /-ya/ reduced to /y/
after /i/.
484
Sentence suffixes which do show variation, either
in locale of occurrence, frequency of occurrence, phonemic
shape, or combinations thereof, are the topic/summarizer
suffix -ka (probably a reduced form of aka or uka
demonstratives), -lla ~ -ya politive, -m disclaimer and
its variants, and -pi
~ =-pu ~ -pu: reiterator of
absolute (stating information already known to the hearer).
Sentence suffix combinations showing variation are
i.lla ~ -pi. 25 -Sa.ya ~ -Sa.:, -xXa.]la ~ -xa.ya,
and -ti.xa which occurs as a subordinator in certain
dialects and will be discussed under subordination
(7-4.23.3).
7-2.22.1 -ka topic/summarizer and -xa ~ -: topic/
attenuator
Only one contemporary dialect, Calacala, was
found to have both -ka and /-xa/. Bertonio (1603b)
cited ca (phonemically /ka/ or /qa/?) and kha
(phonemically /xa/ or /k"a/ or /q"a/?) occurring in
environments apparently like those of -ka and -xa ~ -:
in contemporary dialects. Most dialects today have only
/-xa/. Morocomarca was found to have only -ka and /-:/.
This /-:/ must be distinguished from other morphemes of
vowel length. It is clearly not -: emphatic since it
occurs in the same or similar environments as /-xa/
attenuator with apparently the same function and meaning.
485
7-2.22.11 -ka topic/summarizer
This suffix has occurred only in Morocomarca and
Calacala. At first it was thought that it might be *-qa
cognate to Jaqaru -qa final suffix (Hardman 1966), or
possibly a borrowing from Bolivian Quechua -ga topic
marker, as all sources for Morocomarca and Calacala were
bilingual in Quechua.* However, the suffix here re-
ferred to is clearly phonemically /ka/, beginning with
the velar stop, and as noted in note 2 to Chapter 5,
/k/ is not considered a normal reflex of /q/ in Jaqi
languages.
It was then thought that -ka might represent
a falling-together of several suffixes, perhaps related
to the Jaqaru final suffix -ja surprisal or to the
Jaqaru noun suffix -ja accusative, cognate to Aymara
zero complement (Hardman 1966). As we have seen, the
alternation of /j/ ~ /k/ does occur in Aymara and pre-
sumably might across Jaqi languages. The semantics of
Jaqaru -ja surprisal do not correspond to the semantics
of Aymara -ka, however, and Jaqaru -ja accusative is
cognate to Aymara zero complement, while Aymara -ka
occurs on both subjects and complements.
Yapita (La Paz/Compi), who assisted me in analyz-
ing a recorded Calacala text, indicated that he would
replace most instances of -ka with -xa topic/attenuator.
486
The distributions of the two suffixes are not identical,
however. Unlike most final suffixes, including -xa, -ka
has not occurred before -lla ~ -ya politive in data
analyzed so far. And, in some cases, Yapita would replace
~ka by either -xa topic/attenuator or the demonstrative
uka as syntactic summarizer (7-4.3).
As will be seen in the examples that follow, -ka
seems to function both as topic marker and as a summarizer
of what precedes it in a sentence. The latter function
is fulfilled in all Aymara dialects (including those that
have -ka topic/summarizer) by the demonstratives uka and
(to a lesser extent) aka. In all Aymara dialects, also,
aka and uka act like suffixes in phrases such as naya.n
uka 'my house', literaliiy ‘mine, that' but conveying the
sense of the French chez moi.
In the data analyzed for this study, -ka occurs
only on nouns of the open class or the demonstratives
aka and uka and usually only when they occur sentence-
initially or -finally. On the demonstratives, -ka recalls
the noun suffix -:ka that occurs on demonstratives in
La Paz and Socca and possibly elsewhere (see 5-3.12.6).
In one case in Calacala -ka ({ga]) is obviously a re-
duced form of uka 'chez', being followed by the noun
suffix -na ‘in, of': padre.[ga]l.n ‘at the priest's
(house)'. The suffix -ka might therefore be considered
a noun suffix, but for the fact that when it occurs
487
word-finally (without a following -na) it seems to
require something before it to summarize.
On aka and uka, which already have a potential
summarizing function, -ka occurs directly on the root,
whether it is sentence-initial or -final. On other nouns
the behavior of -ka is different. Sentence-initial
nouns may take final -ka only if one or more deriva-
tional suffixes (or zero complement vowel drop, which
acts like a suffix) precede it on the stem; -ka does
not occur directly on a plain noun root occurring sen-
tence initially. On the other hand, sentence-final
nouns are not so restricted. Such nouns may take the
suffix -ka whether or not there are any derivational
suffixes on the noun root.
All of this suggests that when it occurs word-
finally (with no other suffixes after it), -ka must have
something before it longer than a single root. Thus, in
order to take -ka a sentence-initial noun must have
suffixes on it. A sentence-final noun need not have
such suffixes, because when -ka occurs on a sentence-
final noun, -ka summarizes not only the word it occurs
on but all else that went before it in the sentence.
Although this hypothesis needs further testing,
it appears that -ka is probably best analyzed at present
as a reduced (but already frozen) form of uka or aka.
More study of its occurrences is needed to determine
488
whether it should be considered a noun suffix, albeit one
with a special summarizing function when it occurs word-
finally, or whether it belongs in the final suffix class,
in which case occurrences of -ka followed by -na must be
considered morphophonemic reductions of aka or uka rather
than occurrences of the final suffix -ka.
7-2.22.31.1 Distribution of -ka in Morocomarca
-ka was rejected on certain nouns. It occurred
on the first noun in a sentence if the stem ended in
-naka plural, a personal possessive suffix, or zero
complement vowel drop, but it did not occur on plain noun
roots that occurred first in a sentence, unless they were
zero complements. However, Yapita (La Paz/Compi) reported
hearing -ka on the plain demonstrative aka occurring
first in a sentence, in an utterance by a speaker in the
town of Morocomarca.
-ka did occur on plain nouns occurring at the end
of a sentence. Where -ka was not permitted (namely,
on plain roots occurring first in a sentence), plain
vowel or vowel length (probably an allomorph of -xa
topic/attenuator; see 7-2.22.12) occurred. Vowel length
did not occur on the last vowel of a sentence-final noun,
where either -ka or plain vowel occurred. Examples of
occurrences and non-occurrences of -ka in Morocomarca are
the following:
489
Tiyula.naka.ka suma jagqi.:.tawi.wa.
uncle good person 333
RIK
‘The uncles are good people. '
Mis.na.ka jach'a.wa. ‘My table is big.'
table Ip†—ibig
Ch'unf.ka kuna.mpi.rak maqg'a.si.: ?
chufio ~ what with eat 133
F
‘What am I going to eat the chufio with?’
Kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.s.i ch'unu.ka ?
1>3 ~~
S
‘What is chuno eaten with?'
Aka.ka uta. ‘This is a house.' (reported by Yapita)
this house
*Uta.ka jach'a.wa. ‘The house is big.' (rejected)
sut.ma
Kuna.s ? ‘What is your name?‘
sut.ma.ka
what name 2p
Naya.n sut.na Usiwyu Sa.ta.wa.
Ip name Ip
'My name is Eusebio.' (‘My name Eusebio is called.')
490
7-2.22.11.2 Distribution of -ka in Calacala
In Calacala -ka occurred primarily in stories,
on the first noun in a sentence (or the head of a noun
phrase) ending in the diminutive -ita or -ta nominalizer.
It also occurred on the last noun in a sentence or phrase,
a position where -xa (and in one case -qa) also occurred.
-xa, vowel length, or plain vowel occurred on a sentence-
initial plain root. When -ka occurred after a vowel or
a voiced continuant such as /r/, the /k/ usually reduced
to the voiced fricative [g]. (In Calacala stops
frequently voice before vowels, regardless of the preceding
environment; see 4-3.21.32.) In the following examples
voiced stops are shown in square brackets, unless they
occur in Spanish loans in Spanish phonology.
Achol.it.ka ma:.m[bli.x burru way.xaru.:.tawi.?
~~ another bring 333
RIK
‘He had another Acholita, a burro, brought. '
Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka
then think 343 that true
S
palach: irpa.:.n.k.i > sa.sa.ki.y kriy.i.s padre.[g]a.:.
young woman bring 333 say think 33
S
S
‘Then the priest thought it was true that he had had the
young woman brought. '
491
[ga] in the above example would be replaced by -xa by
Yapita (La Paz/Compi).
awisa.taw.
send no person tell 33
RIK
‘Don't send anyone", he told him.'
sa.s sa.tawi abuelo.ka.
treat say 3-3 old man
RIK
‘Treat me (for: illness)", said the old man.'
La Paz/Compi version of the above:
sa.sa.w sSa.tayn awuylu.xa.
333 ~
RIK
Uka_ arun[dla.ta way.xaru.:° uka achach bur.[gla.
that night bring 333 old man burro ~—
S
'That night he had the old man's burro brought. '
La Paz/Compi version of the above:
bur.xa.
Uka aruma.w
way.xaru.y.i uka achach
33 bur uka.
492
The following examples show the distribution of
-ka compared to /-xa/ and /-:/ and plain vowel, all in
Calacala:
Kuna.s uka.k ? ‘What is that?'
Kuna.s aka. xa ? ‘What is this?'
Aka. misa.wa. 'This is a table.'
Naya chura.fi ch'ugi. ‘I will give him potatoes. '
Ip give 13 potato
F
An example which appears to have a reduced form of uka.n
‘in (someone's) place' (i. e. in someone's house) is the
following:
Uka k'us uma.p.xa.taw padre.[g]la.n am[bli ?
that chicha drink 333 no?
RIK
'They drank that chicha at the priest's nouse
(padre uka.n) didn't they?'
As mentioned earlier, uka summarizer does occur
in Morocomarca and Calacala, as in the following example
from Morocomarca which incidentally has vowel length on
uka.
dan chur.ita:t uka.: k'asa.:.wa. ‘If you don't give it
no give 2+] cry 133 to me, I'11 cry.'
F F
493
7-2.22.12 -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator
/-xa/ occurs in data obtained for all dialects
except Morocomarca but may possibly occur there in free
texts, none of which were obtained for that dialect.
On the other hand, the /-:/ which occurs in Morocomarca
may be the sole allomorph of this suffix occurring there.
The allomorph of vowel length does not occur in Socca,
Jopoqueri or La Paz dialects encountered so far;
however, it was attested for Irpa Chico, Ingavi province,
by H. Martin (1969). Vowel length occasionally occurred
instead of /-xa/ in Sitajara and Juli in material trans-
lated from Spanish, but only on the first person pronoun.
In Jopoqueri /-xa/ was occasionally absent where it
might be expected in La Paz. In Calacoa and Salinas /-xa/
was often absent or replaced by /-:/ on personal pronouns
in translations from Spanish, but /-xa/ occurred more
often in free texts. In Calacala /-xa/ was found in
all types of data, elicited and free; again, when /-:/
or plain vowel occurred, it was usually on personal pro-
nouns.
The suffix -xa ~ -: occurs most often on nouns,
but also on verbs and particles. The number of /-xa/s
occurring in a given sentence varies according to the
degree of attenuation expressed and appears also to vary
dialectically or idiolectically, but this needs further
study.
494
Some dialects have plain vowel where other dia-
lects would have /-xa/ or /-:/. Such absences of /-xa/
and /-:/ must be distinguished from their syntactically-
conditioned absence on subjects of subordinated verbs;
see 4-3.31.1. Examples of /-xa/, /-:/, and their absence
follow:
Ch"armanti.x juma.x iskuyla.x jut.ta.xa.
this morning 2p ~ school ~ come 2-3
S
'This morning you came to school (I do believe, right?).'
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.413; La Paz)
Naya.x sara.:.wa. ‘I will go.'
Ip ~â„¢ go
(Hardman et al. 1975:
3.412) (La Paz)
Naya.x sara.:.xa. "I will go, okay?'
]-3
F
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa ? ‘What's your name?' (La Paz, Socca,
what name 2p Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Juli, Salinas)
Naya.xa aka Lima marka.n ut.j.ta pir jani.w
Ip town live 1+3 but not
S
naya.: aka.:.k.t.ti.
~ here 133
S
'I live in Lima but I'm not (from) here.' (Huancané)
Na.:
chura.nh. 'I will give to him.' (Sitajara)
give 133
Na.x F
Na.: aka waynu.wa taqi chuyma tirik.t'a.w.sma.
huayfio al heart dedicate 1+2
Ss
'I dedicate this huayfio (song) to you with all my
heart.' (Juli)
(In the last two examples na.: could be /na:/ allomorph
of first person pronoun. )
. . Maya aru.nt.t'a.ni.p.x.ma. . . .'I greet you'
~~ (Jopoqueri )
Juma un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x na.naka.ru.
2p look at 172. ~ Ip
S
‘You are looking at us.' (Calacoa)
Jupa mang'a.ya.w.i wawa.pa.naka.r.x.
3p ~=—s feed 373 child ~
S
'He fed his children.' (Calacala)
Na uta.ja.n.ka.s.ka.t.wa. ‘I was in my house.’ (Calacoa)
J+3
a
p house
S
ed
496
Kuna.mp.s jit.siia.x ch'ugi ?
what dig 453 ~ ~
D-1
‘With what can we dig potatoes?' (Calacoa)
Uta. pa.:
jach'a.wa. ‘Her house is big.' (Salinas)
big
Uta.pa.x
house —
Jupa.: mag'a.fia chura.tayna wawa.naka.pa.ru.
3p —-—s food give 3+3 children
RIK
'He fed his children.' (Salinas)
Jan puri.nt uka jiwa.ya.si.:.wa.
no arrive that die cause 133
F
‘If you don't come I'l] kill myself.' (Salinas)
Cha.sti juma aka.t ni.w mistu.n[{dJa.ti.
now and 2p†here no get out 233
F
‘And now you won't get out of here.' (Salinas; story)
The following are all from Calacala:
Kam sa.ta.s sut.ma.x ? ‘What's your name?'
how called name 2p
497
Naya sa.ta.t.wa Antufiu. ‘I'm called Antonio.'
Ip 133
S
Naya jagi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. ‘I'm a person (man) from
Ip man Calacala.'
Naya.xa sa.:.w. ‘I'll say (yell) Help!'
Ip help say 13
F
Uka misk'i.ti.x uka naranja.: ? ‘Is that orange sweet?'
sweet ~ orange
(See also the first example given in 7-2.22.11.2.)
Kuna.s aka.xa ? ‘What is this?’
Aka. : misa.wa. 'This is a table.'
The following are from Morocomarca:
Uka misa.: jani.w naya.n.k.i.ti.
table†no Ip 343
S
'That table isn't mine. '
Uta.: jach'a.wa. 'The house is big.'
house big
498
7-2.22.2 ylla ~ -ya politive/vocative/attenuator
The allomorph /-1lla/ occurs everywhere except in
parts of La Paz (including Compi and Tiahuanaco) and
Morocomarca, which have only /-ya/. Both /-lla/ and
/-ya/ occur in Sitajara and Huancané. Calacoa has /-ya/
in songs, but /-lla/ elsewhere. In Juli, Socca, Jopo-
queri, Salinas, and Calacala the usual allomorph is
/-lla/.
This suffix occurs often as a softener of the
imperative, occurring on the verb itself or on some other
word in the sentence. Examples:
Amus.t'a.qg-i.1la. ‘He made him shut up.' (Calacala)
337
S
Uka.t tani.n.i.11 mama.pa.ru. ‘Then he ran to his mother. '
run =. 33 (Salinas)
S
Sar.xa.ma.11. ‘Go away.' (Salinas)
273
I
Awis.t'a.k.ita.lla. ‘Tell me.' (Jopoqueri)
a>]
I
Mayt.ita.11. ‘Lend it to me.' (Juli)
2+)
I
499
Sara.w.x.ma.]la. ‘Go away.' (Socca)
27300CO
I
Sar.xa.ma.lla. 'Go away.’ (Sitajara)
273 7
I
11
uk" ama. ‘thus' (Sitajara)
v
Uk"am.pacha.:.xa.rak.ki.spa.y. ‘They can be like that.'
3+3 (Huancané)
D-1
Irpa.n.ma.y. ‘Take her.' (Huancané)
273
I
Uk"ama.x Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m.
â„¢~ carry 253
I
‘Then have Johnny carry it.' (Hardman et al. 1975:3.305;
La Paz)
Chur. xa.tma.ya. ‘Let him give it to you.' (Morocomarca)
3>2
I
Jisa.y. 'Yes.' (Morocomarca, Calacala)
500
/-lla/ and /-ya/ may follow the final suffixes -xa and
-pi (7-2.22.4); only /-ya/ follows -wa.
7-2.22.3 -m ~ -ma ~ -mna ~ -mnam disclaimer
In La Paz (as reported in Hardman et al. 1975:
3.420) this suffix occurs in the form /-m/ preceded by
the limited final suffix -chi- (which occurs only before
/-m/ or -xa), as in
K"ari.k"ari.chi.m k'ar.su.s.k.ch.i.
fat-cutter —~ cut NI 333
S
'No doubt the k"arik"ari? cut out (his fat).'
Another dialect found to have a similar construc-
tion was Huancané.
Ktari.s.iri.k.chi.ma uka uka.na k"ar.s.ch.i.
_ NI 343
S
‘The k"arisiri must have cut out (his fat).'
The sentence as given for La Paz was also acceptable in
Juli, but not volunteered. Elsewhere expressions of this
type were rejected, but this may have been due to cul-
tural, rather than grammatical, factors.
-mna is a productive final suffix in Jaqaru
(Hardman 1966), and Bertonio cited a number of examples
501
(1603b:141-142, 250) of an apparently cognate suffix
+
“-mhna.
Some contemporary examples offered by Vasquez
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco) are the following:
Another
Kama.cha.ki.ni.m.(s) uf.ja.ni.m.
how 333 see 2>3
F I
'Go and see what he's doing (what he will do).'
K"iti.mna(m). ‘Let's find out who (is coming).'
who
K"iti.ki.m juta.ni. 'Let's see who's coming. '
who â„¢~ come 3+3
F
mnam
Kamisa. jan yati.ni.x ? 'How could he not know?
how Q no know 3+3 (of course he does)'
= F
example is the following from La Paz/Compi:
Naya.m sara.:.xa. ‘I will go?!?' (said musingly to
Ip ~ go 133 oneself, e. g., ‘Who could think I'd
F go (of course I won't).')
The above examples occurred too late in the research
to check their possible occurrence in other dialects.
502
7-2.22.4 -pi ~ -pi:
: : reiterator of known
information
The allomorph /-pu/ occurs only in Salinas, Jopo-
queri, Corque (which also has /-pu:/) and Sitajara (which
also has /-pi:/). Elsewhere /-pi/ occurred, except in
Calacoa where this suffix did not occur. Jopoqueri
and Salinas have both /-pi/ and /-pu/. /-pi/ usually
occurs in combination with /-lla/ or /-ya/, but /-pu/
does not. /-pu:/ occurred once before -xa. Examples:
S.tam.pu. ‘He said to you.' (Salinas)
332 0
S
kinsa.pu ‘three, then' (Salinas)
Jiw.x.i.pu. ‘He died.’ (Salinas)
333
S
S.istu.pu. ‘He told us.' (Jopoqueri)
3>4
S
sa.ta.pu:.xa. ‘it's called' (repeating name of place)
say (Corque)
Saw Jan p"ista.pu , sa.fia.w. ‘It's called the fiesta
— of San Juan.' (Sitajara)
503
Jall s.i.pi. ‘So they say.' (Sitajara)
337â€
S
Intint.i.pi:.xa. ‘She understands!?' (Sitajara)
333
S
Nina.n.pi.ch. ‘Or in the fire.’ (Tarata)
-cha alternative question suffix
7-2.22.5 Combinations of final suffixes
7-2.22.51 -pi.jla ~ -pi.ya
These occur more often than plain /-pi/. As
/-pi.ya/ frequently reduces to /-pi.y/, indistinguish-
able from /-pi:/, it is not possible to tell which is
occurring unless /-pi:/ is followed by -xa. The distri-
bution of /-pi.lla/ and /-pi.ya/ does not exactly corre-
spond to that of /-lla/ and /-ya/. Socca and Jopoqueri,
which have only /-1la/ occurring without a previous
final suffix, both have /-pi.ya/. Juli has both /-pi.ya/
and /-pi.Jla/, although it too has only plain /-Jla/.
Both /-pi.ya/ and /-pi.l¥la/ occur in Huancané and Sita-
jara. Neither occurred in Calacoa, Morocomarca, or
Calacala. La Paz has only /-pi.ya/. Examples:
sa.Ssa.pi.y ‘saying’! (Socca)
504
Sajama.xa uka Mururat qullu.n p'igi.pa.pi.y.
mountain head 3p
'Sajama is the head (top) of that Mururata Mountain. '
(Jopoqueri)
Naya.t.pi.y. ‘It was me!' (Juli)
amiku.ja.pi.ll , jilata.ja.pi.1]
‘my friend, my brother' (Juli)
‘ana.pi.y. ‘It is clear.' (Huancané)
pu:ri.pi.1] ‘the poor’ (Huancané)
< Spanish pobre
Inp"irmu.:.s.ka.t.pi.y. ‘I've been sick.' (Sitajara)
133
S
s.ta.pi.1l.
no Spanish 2>3
S
'"Not in Spanish," you said.’ (Sitajara)
Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y.
teach 2p 133
F
‘What you taught me, I'll teach him.' (La Paz/Compi)
505
Jani.pi.y jala.qa.y.i.ti.xa.
no fall 333
S
'He didn't make it fall down.' (Vitocota)
Kamisa.raki.x uka.x S.i.s.t.pi.y.
how say |237
S
‘Whatever will be will be, I said.' (Vitocota)
Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) would replace /-pi.ya/ in
the last two examples with /-puni.wa/ or -wa but would
use /-pi.ya/ in the following:
dan pani.:.k.irist.x sar.irist.pi.y.
no two qo 13
D-1
'If I weren't married I'd go.’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
7-2.22.52 -sa.ya ~ -sa.: exclamatory, emphatic
/-sa.ya/ was found in Calacoa and in Tarata.
/-sa.:/ occurred only rarely. Forms elicited for Remote
Indirect Knowledge tense in Morocomarca usually had
/-sa.:/, as did certain Simple tense forms with sa.fia
‘to say'. It also occurred in La Paz, Huancané, and
Sitajara. Examples:
Puri.n.x.irij.chi.t.sa.y. "Perhaps I would arrive. '
NI —— (Tarata)
133 D-1
506
Chur.xa.ta:tsma.sa.:. ‘I gave it to you.' (Morocomarca)
1>2 ~~
RIK
Sa.wiy.sma.sa.:. ‘I told you!' (Morocomarca)
122
S
Sa.rak.sma.sa.:. ‘I told you!' (La Paz)
1+2
S
Uka.sa.:. ‘There it is, that's it.' (Sitajara)
7-2.22.53 -xa.lla ~ -xa.ya
/-xa.lla/ has occurred only in Sitajara and Juli,
both of which also have /-xa.ya/. /-xa.ya/ has also
occurred in La Paz, Huancané, Jopoqueri, Corque, and
Calacala. It occurs most often on a verb with -chi
Non-Involver in the stem. Examples:
Uk.s yati.rak.chi.:ta.xa.lla.
that know NI 223
F
"You would know that.' (Juli)
Usu.t.w wal Jupi.t.xa.y japu t"aya.t.xa.y.
sick 1+3 very sunlight cold
S
'I'm very sick from the sun, from the cold.' (Juli)
507
Ayri.chi.xa.11 ! Ayri.xa.y chur.s.tam.x.
air NI give 32
S
‘It must have been bad air! Bad air gave it to you.'
(Sitajara)
Jaya.n.k.chi.xa.y. ‘He's far away.' (La Paz)
NI
Kuna wak'a.chi.:n.xa.y uka.xa.y...
what devil NI 393 ~~ that
RDK
'What strange devil was that . . .' (Huancané)
Uk"ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.chi.xa.y.
NI
‘That's the way it always is.' (Huancané)
. wawa.nak.pa.sti laka.xa.y chixchi.pacha.naka.ki ...
children 3p mouth open
. . . and her children had their mouths open. . .'
(Jopoqueri )
Tinta.n.ka.rak.s.t.xa.y. ‘I'm in the store.' (Corque)
NI
}>3 < Spanish tienda
S
Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka chiga.xa.y...
then priest think 3-3 that true
S
'Then the priest thought it was true . ..' (Calacala)
508
7-3 Basic Sentence Types
Basic sentence types in Aymara have been analyzed
and described by Hardman et al. (1975:3.425-458). De-
fined by occurrences of the four basic sentence suffixes,
they are as follows. (The order of the suffixes in each
pair is not significant; the opposite order occurs also.)
Questions Answer/Statement
(-xa)/-ti (yes/no) (-xa)/-wa
-sa/(-xa) (information)
The present research has turned up sentences with
the suffix -ka (possibly a reduced form of aka or uka)
in place of -xa in the information question and in the
answer/statement. A plain -ka statement also occurred.
Schematically, the -ka sentence types may be written as
Question Answer/Statements
~sa/(-ka) (-ka)/-wa
~ka/p
(No example of a *(-ka)/-ti yes/no question occurred in
the data, but it may be presumed to exist.) Examples:
509
Kuna.s sut.ma.ka ? ‘What is your name?' (Morocomarca)
Kuna.s uka.k ? ‘What is that?! (Calacala)
Mis.fia.ka jach'a.wa. 'My table is big.' (Morocomarca)
Instances of vowel length where /-xa/ is found in other
dialects, as indicated above, may be considered allo-
morphs of -xa, as in
Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table.'
7-4 Morphosyntactic Processes
7-4.1 Reduplication
This is a fairly productive process in Aymara.
Certain noun roots are reduplicative, never occurring
except in doubled form. These roots are to be dis-
tinguished from other noun, particle, and verb roots
that may occur alone or reduplicated; when reduplicated,
they form stems that act as new semantic units with
meanings derived from their base roots. Noun and verb
roots and certain suffixes may also reduplicate inter-
mittently for emphasis (a process here referred to as
‘nonce reduplication'). There are certain roots of the
canonical shape C,V,C,C,V, in which the initial CV is
reduplicated (L. Martin-Barber, in Hardman et al. 1975:
3.105-106).
510
7-4.11 Reduplicative noun roots
These are noun roots that never occur except in
doubled form. They refer primarily to animals, plants,
or other natural phenomena. Some of them may be onomato-
poeic, referring to the sound made by an animal or bird.
Below are those that have occurred in this research,
in alphabetical order.
5
ch'umi ch'umi 'woods' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
kusi kusi ‘spider’ (Juli)
jillu jillu ‘selfish person' (egoista) (Huancané)
lari lari ‘evil little animal (an owl?) that turns
into a cat' (La Paz/San Andrés de
Machaca)
ligi ligi ‘quail’ (codorniz) (Juli)
puku puku 'lightning' (Pomata, Chucuito)
suku suku ‘a dance’ (Huancané)
suxu SUXU ‘sound of rattle; rattlesnake'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
t'uxu t'uxu yellow or orange flower, reportedly used
in Puno for medicine (Calacoa)
upu upu aquatic plant with small round light green
Jeaves that float on the water's surface,
covering it like algae (Tiahuanaco)
wara wara 'star' (all dialects)
wira wira ‘plant for making cough medicine’ (Salinas)
Some reduplicative noun roots found in pre-Hardman pub-
lished sources are the following:
*chligi ch'igi '‘beetles' (Tschopik 1948:112)
*pulla pulla ‘spines ' (Tschopik 1948:109)
‘tami tami tat nightfall' (Bertonio 1603b:185)
7-4.12 Reduplicative stems occurring as nouns
These consist of roots that may also occur singly.
They sometimes lose the last vowel of the base root.
The meaning may be an emphatic or plural, but not always.
Examples:
Particle:
mak.maki '‘fast' maki ‘fast, quickly’ (Calacala)
Nouns:
may.maya '‘different' maya ‘another' (Jopoqueri)
gala.qala ‘place of many stones' gala ‘stone’ (all dialects;
also Bertonio
1603b:260)
512
quqa.quga ‘forest’ guga ‘tree’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also
Bertonio 1603b:260)
g"ip.q"ipa ‘late/early' gq'ipa ‘behind’
g"ip.g"ip aruma 'late at night, early in the
morning' (Juli)
‘'awa.g'awa 'quily, dry riverbed' (Jopoqueri)
q'awa (this meaning in other dialects)
sama.sama 'lung' sama 'breath' (Jopoqueri)
sillu.sillu pinkish-purple flower with five little petals
in form of a star
sillu ‘fingernail, toenail' (Calacoa)
sip'u.sip'u ‘wrinkle! sip'u ‘wrinkle’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
sullk.sullka ‘youngest child' sullka '‘younger' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
Nouns from verb roots or stems:
k"ari.k"ari 'fat-taker' k'ari.fia ‘to cut, butcher’
(La Paz)
muni .muni ‘a seed with a sharp point that catches on
clothing'
mun.i ‘he wants' muna.fia ‘to want' (La Paz/
Tiahuan-
aco)
‘ip.q'ipi 'piggy-back' gq'ipi.fa 'to carry on the back'
(q'ipi also a noun root, 'bundle') (Calacoa)
513
7-4.13 Nonce reduplication
7-4.13.1 Nouns
Reduplication that repeats for emphasis is quite
common.
P"irsa, p'irsa, na.x k'ata.mp chich ama:.t"a.
strength Ip more want
‘Strength, strength, I want more chicha (for strength)!'
(Sitajara)
Calacoa has a verse to introduce riddles that
contains two reduplications of this type frozen into a
jingle.
May may sa.mama. ‘One, one I'll say to you.'
12
F
Kun kun s.ita:ta ? ‘What, what will you say to me?'
oT 2+]
F
The following is an example of a reduplicative number
phrase.
tunka tunka juspajara.mpi ‘ten (times) ten thank you'
(e. g., ‘thank you very, very
much') (Juli)
514
Another common kind of reduplication is that in
which the reduplicated noun root is suffixed with a
complement/relational suffix or -ki nonfinal suffix.
This kind of reduplication is common in all dialects,
and phrases formed thereby are a subclass of head-head
noun phrases that are not necessarily reduplicative
(see my treatment of this in Hardman et al. 1975:3.375-
376). Examples:
Interrogative:
gawg"a.t gawg"a.t.s ‘how many by how many?' (La Paz)
Number:
may.ni.t may.ni.t ‘one by one' (La Paz, Calacoa)
may.ni.r may.ni.r may.ni.r ‘one by one by one' (Sitajara)
Other nouns:
jaya.t jaya.tak ‘after a long time, over a long distance’
(Compi )
k"uska.t k"uska.r ‘from everywhere' (de un canto) (Juli)
k'ata.mpi k'ata.mpi ‘little by little' (Juli)
pachpa.t pachpa.t ‘after a while' (Jopoqueri)
ratu.t ratu.r ‘from time to time' (Compi)
515
7-4.13.2 Verbs
A verb stem before inflection or nominalization
may be reduplicated for emphasis.
ar.ch'uk ar.ch'uk.iritan ‘he yelled and yelled' (Calacoa)
ell 333
y RIK
jacha jacha.fia ‘to have one's eyes brimming with tears,
tear >N to be about to cry' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Kat.j kat.ja.puni.ya:.wa. ‘I'll catch you somehow!' (Socca)
catch 1s
katu katu.ja.x wallat.x ‘I'll catch the lake bird’
catch 13 (Calacoa)
F
t"aqa.si t'aga.s.iritan ‘she searched and searched'
search 333 (Calacoa)
RIK
uma.nt.t' uma.nt.t'a.ma ‘drink, drink' (Sitajara)
drink 28
ufia ufia.fia ‘to look many times’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Took >N
A whole inflected verb may be reduplicated, as follows:
516
amiku.ni.x.chi , amiku.ni.x.chi ‘they became good friends’
friend NI (Huancané)
jala.nta.n , jala.nta.n ‘they will fly, they will fly’
fly 3+3 (Jopoqueri)
F
A whole sentence may be reduplicated.
Um Jaq.su.tay s.i, um laq.su.tay s.i.
water drink 323 say 3 3
RIK S
'She drank the water, they say, she drank the water,
they say.’
7-4.13.3 Suffixes
Reduplication of suffixes differs from that of
roots in not usually resulting in emphasis or plurality.
Verbalization or nominalization may recur on a stem, as
in the case of the verbalizer -ka- below. The suffix
-na possessive/locational also reduplicates. In order
to reduplicate, these suffixes must be separated by
nominalization, in this case with -iri.
Juma.n.k.iri.n.k.i.wa. ‘It's your spouse's (property). '
2p tN 333 (La Paz/Compi)
S
The following occurred in Socca but was not ac-
ceptable in La Paz:
517
Uta. ja.n.ka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house.'
— 133
RDK
The La Paz equivalent has no reduplication.
Uta.xa.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house.'
133
RDK
The Socca example recalls the verb *kanka-
'to be' alleged by Bertonio and his imitators (see 8-2.23).
Verbal derivational suffixes which may redupli-
cate are -si- reciprocal/reflexive, -ya- causative, the
incompletive -ja- ~ -ka-, and the completive -xa-. (The
incompletive and completive suffixes reduplicate only
when separated by -p- plural). In all dialects the
nonfinal independent suffix -ki may reduplicate for empha-
Sis, as may -pi nonfinal independent in Calacoa. The
noun/independent -jama reduplicates also. The only
other noun suffix that has reduplicated in this research
is -lla diminutive.
7-4.2 Subordination
Subordination is an important area of Aymara
grammar. One kind of subordination occurs in the noun
phrase (see my treatment of noun phrase formation in
Hardman et al. 1975:3.363-379). Nouns may be subordinated
518
as modifiers in noun phrases, which allow recursive
embeddings of up to five nouns or nominalized forms,
the head of the phrase constituting a sixth. Nouns
within a noun phrase must be ordered. Example:
k"a: jach'a wila punku.n tinta taypi.n
that big red door store middle
‘in the middle of that store with the big red door'
Such extensive noun embedding occurs rather infrequently.
The longest noun phrase to occur in a free text in this
research is the following from La Paz/Compi:
uka Jlatinu.t anu.mp parl.ir tata.x
that Latin dog | talk man
‘that man who talked in Latin with a doq'
519
The basic Aymara verb phrase consists of a verb
with one or more complements or relationals. In the above
example, latinu.t anu.mp parl.ir is a nominalized verb
phrase, consisting of the verb parla- "speak' with
-ta and -mpi relationals, nominalized with -iri ‘actor'
(see 7-4.21.1).
The following examples are of verb phrases nomi-
nalized with the suffix -fia (also see 7-4.21.2):
ch'ug® apa.iia ‘to bring potatoes' (zero complement)
jum@ irpa.fia ‘to bring you' (zero complement)
juma.r chura.fia ‘to give to you' (-ru complement )
Lapasa.r sara.fa ‘to go to La Paz’ (-ru relational )
naya.t may.t'a.fia ‘to borrow from me' (-ta complement)
awtu.t apa.fia ‘to take by car' (-ta relational)
uma.mp wayu.ni.waya.fia ‘to bring water' (-mpi relational)
juma.taki chura.rapi.fia ‘to give on your (-taki complement)
, — behalf’
Lapasa.n ut.ja.fia ‘to live in La Paz' (-na relational)
Nominalization is one kind of subordination in Aymara. An
inflected verb may not be nominalized, but a nominalized
verb may be reverbalized and then inflected. Nominalized
520
verbs may take subjects, complements, or relationals.
As we have seen, they may be embedded in noun phrases.
Embedding in verb phrases involves nominalized forms
serving as zero complements and is more limited than is
embedding in noun phrases.
Two kinds of nominalization may be distinguished
in Aymara: regular and restricted. Regular nominaliza-
tion creates nominals which within certain syntactic
and semantic limits may take any noun suffixes. Restricted
nominalization creates nominals which have been found to
take only the final noun suffixes -jama and -kama (the
former a borderline independent), but they function
syntactically like regular nominalized forms.
7-4.21 Regular nominalization
I previously analyzed this process in detail
(Hardman et al. 3:270-279). Some changes in analysis
are contained in the present treatment.
7-4.21.1 -iri
This suffix has two functions. In the first
it changes a verb to a (habitual) doer of the action of
the verb. In the second it is a purposive.°©
7-4.21.11 -iri actor, usual doer of action
In this function verbs nominalized with -iri
take noun suffixes freely, enter freely into noun
521
phrases, and may be complements of verbs. They may fill
the paradigm slot for 3+3 Simple tense without verbaliza-
tion, as in
Uma.nt.iri.w. 'They usually drink.' (Sitajara)
— ‘They are drinkers.'
Other examples:
muru.s.iri ‘'‘hair-cutting godfather’ (Socca)
muru.fia ‘to cut hair'
lik'i.ch.iri 'fat-maker' (Salinas) (cf. k"ari.s.iri)
lik'i.cha.fia 'to make fat'
ach.ja.s.ir anu.x ‘biting dog, dog that bites'
bite ~~ dog (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
7-4.21.12 -iri purposive
In this syntactic function a verb nominalized
with -iri does not usually take any noun suffixes except
the borderline noun/independent suffix -jama. As pur-
posive -iri occurs on a verb subordinated syntactically
to another verb. It translates as ‘in order to, for the
purpose of' and answers questions like the following:
Kuna.ru.s
jut.ta 7! ‘Why did you come?'
Kuna. taki.s -
why
522
Aymar yati.g.iri.w jut.ta. 'I came to learn Aymara.'
learn ~~ 133 (La Paz/Compi, Morocomarca;
S similar answers elsewhere)
Other examples:
Luriya mis is.t'.ir Sara.w.sna.y.
heaven mass hear ~ go 4+3
D-1
'We should go to hear mass in Heaven. '
(luriya < Spanish gloria 'heaven') (Juli; story of fox and
condor)
Ma: imilla.s uwij awat.ir sar.iritan.
a gir] sheep herd ~~ go 333
RIK
‘A gir] went out to pasture her sheep.' (Calacoa)
Um way.t.iri.w sara.nh. ‘I'm going to bring water. '
bring — 133 (Sitajara)
F
Sara.tayn jisk.t'.iri. 'He went to ask.' (Socca)
go 3+3 ask ~~
RIK
Iwij ala.s.ir.jama.w naya.x jala.ni.way.t.wa.
sheep buy ~~ like Ip run over = 133
S
‘I ran over to buy sheep, sort of.' (La Paz/Compi)
523
In Salinas the following were given with the
final suffix /-ru/, an allomorph of -iri on verbs ending
in stem vowel /u/.
ch'axch'u.ru ‘in order to water, person who waters'
t"uqu.ru "in order to dance, dancer'
In all Aymara dialects a final verb root vowel /u/ over-
rides a following /i/ by regular morphophonemic rule,
but it does not usually affect any subsequent /i/ as
in this case; the word for 'dancer' in La Paz is
t"ugu.ri. The rule in Salinas may reflect an earlier
stage of vowel harmony in the language.
7-4.21.2 - fa
All verb roots may take -fia to form an infini-
tive (abstract noun of the action) which may or may not
imply obligation. Most verb stems may also take -fia.
Examples of verb roots and stems nominalized with -fia
were given in 7-4.2.
Some verb stems do not take -fia if the stem
does not take a human subject. The following examples
show some semantic constraints operating in La Paz:
apa.fia ‘to take’ (human subject)
524
*ap.s.ta.fia ‘for a human being to cloud over'
Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. ‘It clouded over.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
cloud 333
S
Although *ap.s.ta.na is not grammatical, ap.s.t.i.w ‘it
clouded over' is, with an inanimate nonhuman subject.
This recalls the behavior of verb themes created with
the verbalizer -pta- (see 5-3.42.1). Some verb themes
with -:- verbalizer are similarly restricted in La Paz,
e. g. lupi.:- (from lupi ‘sunlight'), because the
nominalized form *lupi.:.ha means 'for a person to become
sunlight'. Whether these semantic constraints operate
similarly in other dialects is not known at this time.
Certain verb infinitives with -fia may imply a
nonhuman subject in one dialect but may permit a human
subject in other dialects. An example is wawa.cha.fa,
which in La Paz means 'for animals to have offspring'
while elsewhere it is not restricted to animals but may
be used also for people. (See 8-2.25 for a fuller
discussion of verb subject semantics.)
Certain nominalizations with -fa have derived
meanings as concrete objects. Examples:
iki.fia ‘to sleep; bed, blanket, bedding' (general)
iya.fia ‘stone for grinding flour, etc.' (Juli)
‘to grind' (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; possibly also Juli)
iy.ta.fia ‘to grind’ (Comp)
jaka.fa
jiwa. fia
jist'a.fia
panta. fia
picha.fia
sawu. fa
uma. ina
525
'to live; life' (general)
'to die; death' (general)
'to close' (La Paz); ‘door’ (Calacoa)
jist'a.ra.fia ‘to open a door' (La Paz)
jist'a.nta.fia ‘to close' (Calacoa)
sit'a.fia ‘door' (Salinas) (for other variants,
see 3-4. 23.1)
‘to err, make a mistake; error' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to sweep; broom' (La Paz)
‘to weave; weaving, loom'
(sawu noun/verb root 'to weave, weaving') (general)
‘to drink' (general)
‘drinking cup used at festivals' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Nouns ending in -fia but having no corresponding
verb are the following, which must therefore be analyzed
as unitary roots:
jaxt'afia
kankafia
kirkinia
‘ugly' (Sitajara; other variants, 3-5.24)
‘essence, nature, being, power' (La Paz)
(See 8-2.23; not to be confused with homopho-
nous nominalized verb kanka.fia ‘to fry')
‘plant for salad' (La Paz)
526
liwk ‘aiia ‘hoe’ (Salinas)
s impaiia ‘spider web' (all dialects) a
7-4.21.21 -fia abstraction of action
Verb infinitives in citation form do not neces-
sarily imply an obligation. Many cases of -na nominaliza-
tions are nonobligatory when serving as zero complements
of other verbs, especially if the verb nominalized with
-fia occurs without a personal possessive suffix and the
final suffix -wa does not occur in the sentence.
Verbs that frequently take -na zero complements
are the following:
ama:.na ‘to want' (Sitajara)
muna.fia ‘to want' (elsewhere)
galita.fia 'to begin' (general)
tuku.fia ‘to finish' (general)
yanapa.fia 'to help’ (general)
yati.fia ‘to know' (general)
yati.nta.fia ‘to learn by oneself' (Calacoa)
yati.qa.fia ‘to learn from someone else' (Calacoa)
‘to learn' (elsewhere)
527
ati.fia 'to be able' (Jopoqueri, Corque, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala)
puyri.fia ‘to be able' (elsewhere; < Spanish poder)
Examples of nonobligatory zero complements with
“na:
Kun.s lura.ng mun.ta ? ‘What do you want to do?'
what do — want 233 (all dialects except Sitajara)
S
Aymar parla.fAg ama:.t"a. 'I want to speak Aymara. '
speak ~ want 133 (Sitajara)
S
Uk"ama.1] g"ana.k sara.naga.si.f@ yat.chi.
sO clear go around ~ know NI
‘So it's clear she must know how to live.' (Sitajara)
Surki.ya.n@ yanap.t'.ita. ‘Help me make furrows.’ (Calacoa)
furrow ~ help 2>]
I surki < Spanish surco
7-4.21.22 -na obligatory
Most sentences with a main verb nominalized
with -fia are translated as obligatory, especially when
suffixed with -wa absolute (final suffix). Such sen-
tences, which contain no inflection, translate as ‘it is
necessary to', 'we/one must', or a passive construction.
528
Examples:
Yanap.xa.fa.w. ‘It is necessary to help.’ (Huancané)
Jira.fia.wa. ‘It is necessary to fertilize.' (Corque)
With uma ‘water' as zero complement:
Um way.ta.fia.wa. ‘To bring up water is necessary.'
(Sitajara, La Paz/Compi)
With uma ‘water' as topic (or goal) of the action:
Uma.x way.ta.fla.wa. ‘Water has to be brought up.'
— (La Paz/Compi)(e. g. ‘Water is to
bring up.')
Uma.w way.ta.fa.x. 'What has to be brought up is water.'
—_ (La Paz/Compi)
Sentences like the last three above are to be
distinguished from sentences consisting of a noun phrase
made up of a modifier with its final vowel retained
(unless the three-vowel rule applies) and a nominalized
verb as head, e. g.
Uma way.ta.fa.wa. ‘It's a place to bring up water from.'
— (i. e. a place to get water) (La Paz/
Comp)
529
A human third person topic may occur in a sen-
tence with a -na nominalized verb.
Usu.ri.x ufi.ja.fia.wa. ‘The sick person cis } to be
sick see 7 has
3p cared for.' (La Paz/Compi)
Apart from the above types of occurrences, which
are believed to be general, several paradigms of -jia
obligatory may be cited. Some are more common in
certain dialects than in others.
A -fia nominalized verb may be reverbalized and
then inflected for all persons except 3+3. This para-
digm has occurred in La Paz and Jopoqueri. The follow-
ing are examples with 1+3 and 2+3 Simple tense inflec-
tions, from La Paz/Compi:
(Naya.x) chura.fia.:.t.wa. 'I have to give to X.'
Ip give ~———— ‘133
S
(Juma.x) chura.fia.:.ta.wa. ‘You have to give to X.'
2p _ 223
A -fia nominalized verb plus the possessor suffix
-ni may also be verbalized and inflected, usually to
express obligation, as in the following examples from
La Paz (Compi and Tiahuanaco). The paradigm is restricted
530
to 173, 223, and 4+3, with an uninflected unmarked form
occurring instead of 3+3; the 4+3 form is uncommon and
the paradigm as a whole is less common than the pre-
ceding one. Examples of 173 S and the uninflected 3p
form in this paradigm are
Apa.fa.ni.:.t.wa. ‘I have to carry.'
carry ——‘(133
Ss
Apa.fia.ni.wa. '‘He/she/they has/have to carry.'
A more common paradigm occurring in La Paz, Juli,
Jopoqueri, and Calacoa has -fia followed by one of the
four personal possessive suffixes without verbalization
or inflection. These forms act like inflected verbs but
with a paradigm of only four persons. The third person
complement is unmarked. The complete paradigm for La
Paz is
1o3 (Naya.x) chura.fia.xa.w. 'I have to give to X.'
Ip give ~ Tp
2>3 (Juma.x) chura.fia.ma.w. ‘You have to give to X.'
2p ~ 2p
3+3 (Jupa.x) chura.fia.pa.w. 'He/she/they has/have to
3p 3p give to X.'
531
4+3 (Jiwasa.x) chura.fia.sa.w.
4p Ap
‘We have to give to X.'
When used in the above paradigm, the pronouns redundantly
express subjects already expressed by the possessive suf-
fixes. However, a verb nominalized with -fia plus a per-
sonal possessive suffix may also function as the head of
a noun phrase modified by a noun plus the complement/
relational suffix -na possessive, as in the following
examples from La Paz and Salinas:
133 (N Hava. n) chura.fia.xa.w.
give Tp
1-3 (Naya. n) Sara. fia.fla.w.
Ip go ss Ip
2+3 (Juma.n) sara.fia.ma.w.
2p ~~ 2p
3+3 (Jupa.n) sara.fia.pa.w.
3p 3p
4+3 (Jiwasa.n) sara.fia.sa.w.
4p ~ 4p
'I have to give to X.' (La Paz)
(My giving is obligatory.')
'I had to go.' (Salinas)
('My going was obligatory. ')
'You had to go.' (Salinas)
'He (etc.) had to go.'
(Salinas)
'We had to go.' (Salinas)
An example of a possessive phrase of this type
without a personal possessive suffix on the -fia nomina-
lized verb is the following, which has an unusual
532
reversed word order:
1-3 Sar.xa.fia.w nma.n.xa. ‘I have/had to go.' (Sitajara)
go Ip
In Jopoqueri and Morocomarca and to some extent
in La Paz, a -fia nominalized verb plus personal possessive
suffix may be reverbalized (with vowel length) and then
inflected. Most often, 3+3 inflections occur, the subject
then being the obligation that is possessed. In Moroco-
marca 1+3 and 2+3 inflections also occurred. Examples,
all with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense, are as follows:
Sar.xa.fi.nha.:.:n.wa. 'I had to go.' (Jopoqueri)
go Tp oV 333 ('My going was necessary.')
RDK
s.itu.wa.
not yet come ~ 2p 33 say 3>1
RDK S
‘"You shouldn't have come yet," he said to me.’ (Jopoqueri)
Jani.ra.raki.s juta.fia.ma.:.ka.:n.ti.xa.
not yet come 2p 333
RDK
"You shouldn't have come yet.' (La Paz/Compi)
Jani.ra.w juma.x Sara.fia.ma.:.ka.:n.ti.
not yet 2p aa 333
RDK
"You shouldn't have gone yet.' (La Paz/Compi)
533
Sara.fia.ja.:.s.ka.:n.wa. ‘I had to go.' (Calacoa)
D 333 ('My going was necessary. ')
RDK
Sara.fi.fia.:.yatia. 'I had to go.' (Morocomarca)
Ip = 1+3
RDK
Juma sSara.fi.ma.:.yata. ‘You had to go.' (Morocomarca)
2p 2p 273
RDK
Note that in the second example given above for
La Paz/Compi the subject 2p pronoun juma does not corre-
spond to the 3p subject of the verbal inflection, 3-3
RDK -:na. In the second example given for Morocomarca,
on the other hand, the 2p pronoun juma does correspond
to the 2p subject of the verb inflection, 2+3 RDK -yata.
Another paradigm built on a possessive phrase
acting as subject occurred in Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
and Calacala. It was objected to by a speaker from
La Paz/Compi as sounding translated from Spanish. It
uses the verb ut.ja.na 'to exist’ with 3-3 inflection,
here the Simple tense -i. In Jopoqueri the pronoun is
suffixed with -na; in Morocomarca and Calacala it is
not, as in the case of La Paz/Compi mentioned above.
Examples:
Juma.n sar.xa.fi.ma.w ut.j.i. ‘You have to go.' (Jopoqueri)
2p go ~ 2p 3+3
S
534
(Naya) sara.fi.fia ut.j.i. 'I have to go.' (Morocomarca)
Tp go 1p
(Juma) sara.fi.ma ut.j.i. ‘You have to go.’ (Morocomarca)
mle
(Jupa) sara.fi.pa ut.j.i. 'He/she/they has/have to go.'
3p ~ 3p (Morocomarca )
(Jiwasa) *sara..sa ut.j.i. 'We have to go.' (not elicited)
4p
An example that occurred in a sentence was
Juma kumpli.fi.ma ut.j.i. ‘You must comply.' (Calacala)
2p comply 2p
7-4.21.23 -fha.taki subordination
The combination -fa plus -taki complement/
relational 'for' may be used as a purposive subordinate
with a less narrow focus than -iri. However, verbs
nominalized with -fia often take -taki as any other noun
might, without subordination to another verb.
Liwru.x kuna.taki.sa ? ‘What is the book for?'
book what
Liwru.x liyi.fia.taki.w. ‘The book is for reading.' (La Paz)
read
535
Such sentences are parallel to the following:
Aka.x k"iti.taki.sa ? ‘Who is this for?'
this who
Uka.x juma.taki.w. ‘That is for you.' (La Paz)
that 2p
-fRa.taki occurs in all dialects. -fi.taki
occurred in Huancané by the three-vowel morphophonemic
rule (4-3.22.16). In Jopoqueri -fi.taki occurred in
free texts and in one sentence translated from Spanish.
Data are insufficient at present to determine the sig-
nificance of the vowel drop in Jopoqueri. A distinction
of subordinating (purposive) and nonsubordinating func-
tions may be involved. Examples:
K'iti ut.j.i.t sara.fi.taki ? ‘Is there someone to go?'
who 3+3. go ~ (Jopoqueri)
S
Yati.ga.fia.taki.w jut.ta. ‘I've come in order to learn.'
Tearn 133 (Jopoquer i)
S
The second example above is clearly a purposive subordi-
nated to the verb jut.ta 'I've come'. Other examples
from other dialects:
536
Aka yapu.t trawaji.fia.tay , yapu.nak trawaji.fa.tay ,
field work = | ~—
uka.x . . . chicha.xa lura.fa.w , chicha.x piwuna.tay.
make
‘Chicha has to be made, chicha for the workers, to work
this field, to work the fields.' (Sitajara)
Uka.pacha.ki.w p"alt.tma aymar yati.ga.fi.ma.taki.
that lack 342 learn
S
‘Only a little is lacking to you, for learning Aymara.'
(Morocomarca)
7-4.21.3 ~yta realized action, resultant
This suffix requires a preceding vowel and keeps
its own vowel except before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes or when zero complement vowel drop occurs. Unlike -ta
complement/relational suffix ‘from, of', it does not
have an aspirated allomorph in any dialect so far
encountered. It is distinguished from all other homopho-
nous suffixes by morphophonemics as well as by distribu-
tion and function.
Like all nouns, -ta nominalized forms may occur
in the 3+3 Simple tense slot.
Uwija.x wali sisa.ra.ta.w. ‘The sheep were well sated
sheep sate ~~ (had eaten their fill).'
(Sitajara)
537
Ima.nta.ta.w. 'He/she/it/they is/are hidden.' (Juli)
The two examples above translate in English with past
participles or passives. Not all -ta nominalizations
necessarily do.
Qamagi.w sar.k.xa.t s.i.w. ‘The fox was gone for good,
fox go ~ 343 they say.' (Huancané)
S
y
Wawa. naka.na.x mag'a.ta.wa.° 'My children have (been Fed.
children eat (Salinas) “
Q"ana t'ant'a.x mang'a.ta.w. ‘Clearly, the bread has been
clear bread eat eaten.' (La Paz/Compi)
As indicated in 6-3.35.2, synchronically unitary allo-
morphs of 3+3 RIK, all of which contain the partial
/-ta-/, may be analyzed as derived from -ta nominalizer
plus verbalization and either 343 S or 3+3 RDK inflec-
tion. Synchronically -ta nominalizations may be rever-
balized with -:- as in the following examples from
Huancané:
kumpa.fia.ta.:.p.x.i ‘they went around together’
a 373
S < Spanish acompafiar ‘to accompany’
Yati.ta.:.p.xa.tayna.w. ‘They really came to know each other.’
know 343
RIK
538
Other examples of reverbalizations:
ampara.t kat.t"api.ta.:.fia ‘to be grabbed by the hand’
hand/arm grab | (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
mang'a.ga.ta.:.fia ‘to have one's food taken away'
eat (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Tuk'a.pta.ta.raki.:.:n.wa. ‘He was thin.' (Salinas)
thin >VY — 393
RDK
Jayp'u.:.ta.x.t.wa. ‘I'm getting old.' (Socca)
evening 133
S
As in the case of -fia nominalizations, personal
possessive suffixes often occur after -ta.
Jupa.x
sar.xa.ta.pa.w.- ‘It looks like he left.'
Jupa.n ~ 3p (La Paz/Compi)
3p
Qawg"a.ti gqawg".ch'a.ti yati.ta.j...
how much know Ip
aka kwint.t'a.p.xa.mama.
this tell 132
F
"However much I know, this I will tell you.' (Huancané)
539
Muna.t.nha.x ch'ag".i.w. ‘What I loved got lost.'
love ~ Ip Tose 333 (Jopoqueri)
S
A paradigm on the verb jagqu.rpa:.fia 'to throw away' was
elicited in Jopoqueri on the basis of a form that occurred
in conversation in Sitajara: jaqu.rpa:.t.pa.t ‘after
his throwing away, after he threw it away', which has
the personal possessive 3p -pa followed by -ta comple-
ment/relational, here meaning ‘after'. This was the only
instance for Sitajara of a personal possessive preceded
by a consonant instead of a vowel and probably is a
vestige of an earlier morphophonemic rule like that
now operating regularly in Morocomarca and sporadically
in Jopoqueri (see 5-3.24). The Jopoqueri paradigm based
on the Sitajara form is the following:
jaqu.rpa:.t.nha ‘what I threw out' (e. g. a former girl-
—Tp friend)
jagu.rpa:.t.ma ‘what you threw out’
2p
jaqu.rpa:.t.pa ‘what he/she/they threw out'
~ 3p
jaqu.rpa:.t.sa ‘what we threw out'
p
540
The following examples are of -ta nominalizations
without possessives. They translate as subordinate verb
clauses.
sa.ta.w sara.tayn S.i.w.
yes say go 343 33
RIK S
"Yas," said, she went on her way, they say.' (Juli)
('Agreeing, she went on her way.')
Mang'a.t awt.ja.ta.w mang'a.si.tayn.
food hunger eat 33
RIK
'Of food hungered, he ate.' (La Paz/Compi)
('As he was hungry, he ate.')
Aka jallu gall.ta.ta , jich"a primir ti akustu.t
this rain begin ~~ now first of August
Sata.si.p.x.t. aka yapu.nak.s ...
plant 1+3 fields
S
'The rain (having) started, now on the first of August
we planted these fields.’ (Corque)
It is difficult for a person who is not a native
speaker of Aymara to distinguish Calacala forms such as
ma.n[d]a.ta.w 'entered', with -ta nominalizer, from the
almost homophonous 3+3 RIK ma.n[dJa.taw(i) '(he) entered'
if the final /i/ of the latter is dropped or devoiced.
The following example as it stands is ambiguous, although
a native speaker would probably hear a devoiced /a/ or
/i/ and therefore would know which is occurring.
ta.w(a)
Liawi.n.[dJa.t ma.n[d Ja. > S.i.W.
. say
uns hs
RIK s
he was gone in,
'(The door) iocked f t they say.' (Calacala)
he went in,
('(The sexton) having locked him in, (the priest) went in
(to the bedroom). ')
The following sentence from a folk tale told by
a Jopoqueri source has subordinated verbs nominalized
with -iri purposive, -tia.taki purposive, and -ta resultant:
Tatala.p irp.t'.ir sara.ta.:.ni.fi.pa.taki.x
father 3p get ~~ go ~ 3p
wawa.nak.x yapi.n[dja.ta.w
children tie up
wawa.lla.naka.x sa.tayn.
children treat give 2+] say 353
I RIK
‘While she went to get their father, (leaving) the
children tied up, the children said (to the ostrich),
"Give us a treat".'
542
(Through a slip of the tongue, the storyteller said
‘leaving the children tied up', when actually it was
the ostrich that had been left tied.)
7-4.21.4 wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi ‘place or occasion of action'
No examples of this suffix occurred in free texts
in this research, showing it is not very productive today.
A check with Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) of forms with
this suffix given by Bertonio (1603b) resulted in sub-
stitution of Twi by -ta nominalizer in most instances.
In contemporary La Paz/Tiahuanaco Aymara some forms
occur with -wi, others with -:wi. Only one instance
of -awi was found. The following are all from La Paz/
Tiahuanaco:
yura.wi ‘place of birth' yuri.fia ‘to be born'
yati.wi ‘news' yati.fia ‘to know'
yati.ga.wi ‘place where one learns' yati.ga.fia ‘to learn’
iki.:wi ‘bedroom' jiki.fia ‘to sleep, bed’
jay.cha.si.wi ‘past quarrel’ jay.cha.si.fia ‘to quarrel'
sata.wi ‘time to plant’ sata.fia ‘to plant’
tanta.cha.wi "meeting, gathering’ tanta.cha.fia 'to gather'
jiwa.wi ‘'death' jiwa.fia 'to die, death'
543
Llaki.s.ka.wi.w Sar.naq.i. ‘He's always going around
worry go 323 worried.'
S
The following from La Paz/Compi show the closeness of
meaning of. -ta and -wi nominalizers.
Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. ‘What you taught me I
teach 1+3 wil] teach him.'
F
Yati.cha.wi.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. ‘Your teaching I will teach
— to him.'
7-4.22 Restricted nominalization
The restricted nominalizing suffixes are -sa,
~Sina ~ -Sina:n ~ -sana ~ -sna, and -ipana.
7-4.22.1 - sa and -)sina (and variants)
Distribution of these suffixes will be discussed
first, and afterwards their functions and semantics.
In Juli and Socca -sa is rarely used except with
sa.fia 'to say' in embedding (see 7-4.4). In all dialects
-sa is more used than -sina (and variants) in sa.fia
embedding. The allomorph /-sina:n/ occurred only once,
in a text from Achocalla, just outside the city of La Paz;
it is recognized by Yapita (La Paz/Compi) as a variant
used in some areas. The allomorph /-sina/ also occurs
544
in Achocalla and in all other dialects investigated except
Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala, which have /-sana/.
Both /-sina/ and /-sna/ are used in Juli, Socca, and parts
of La Paz, apparently interchangeably.
Of the older sources, Bertonio (1603b) reported
both tsa and * sina. LaBarre (1950) cited both also,
but the former more often than the latter. Tschopik
(1948) sources evidently used * sa rarely, with greater
use of *7=sna/ and *y-sina/, especially the former.
Two texts obtained in most dialects illustrate
variation in occurrences of -sa and -sina (and variants
of the latter). The first is a saying about reporting
on the basis of personal knowledge (seeing with one's
own eyes), which was obtained in all Aymara dialects
except Calacoa and Sitajara. The version obtained in
Socca, which has /-sna/, is given below. (Other ver-
sions may be found in Appendix D.)
Ufi.ja.sn.wa Sa.fia.xa.
see see 133 say
S
Jan ufi.ja.sn.xa jani.w sa.fia.ti.
no see —_ no see say
"Having seen, one must say "I have seen".
Not having seen, one must not say "I have seen".'
The following is a breakdown of incidence of -sa and
545
-sina (and variants) in this saying by the dialect areas
where it was obtained:
-sa_ (La Paz, Salinas)
/-sina/ (Juli, Huancané)
/-sna/ —_ (Socca)
/-sana/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
In all versions the main verb is sa.fia, usually in the
obligatory form sa.fia.wa, and the subordinate verb is
uf.ja.na ~ if.ja.fia 'to see’.
The second text is a riddle about a spindle,
which was obtained everywhere except in Sitajara, Socca,
and Huancané. Most dialects have -sa in this riddle,
as in the following version from Salinas. (Other ver-
sions may be found in Appendix D.)
Ma: tawaqu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.s wal gq'it.x.i.
a young woman turn — well expand 3+3
S
Uka kuna.sa ? Uka.pi.y qapu.w.
that what that spindle
‘A young woman turning, turning gets pregnant. '
What is that? That is a spindle.’
546
Juli and La Paz use the same subordinate verb as that
used here, muy.ka.fia; others are t"ugu.fia or t"uq.ta.na
~
‘to dance, leap' (La Paz) and tan.ja.fia ‘to run' (Jopo-
queri). The following is the breakdown of incidence
of the suffixes in this riddle, by dialect:
-sa_ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
/-sina/ (Juli, Calacoa)
Juli and Calacoa have the main verb usu.ri.:.fa ‘to
be ill' (euphemism for 'to be pregnant’) with different
subordinate verbs. The versions with -sa have one of
the following variants of ‘to get pregnant, expand':
q'ita.nma (Salinas and Jopoqueri), g'inta.fia (Salinas),
q'ipta.fia (Juli), and q"ipta.fia (La Paz).
It seems that where La Paz dialects would use
-sa or /-sSina/, Juli and Socca would use either /-sina/
or /-sna/, except that those dialects do use -sa with
sa.fna, as noted above. Use of both /-sna/ and /-sina/
in one sentence in a folk tale is the following from
Juli.
May t"uqu.ka.ni.sn kasara.s.ir.n punku.pa.ru
once jump marry door 3p
may Say.ta.sin kasara.s.iri.r , ara padrinu.r ,
once stand up marry godfather
(continued)
547
taqi iw.x.iri.nak pug.pach ch"uxa.ni.wa.sin
all advise full urinate ~~
t'ug.s.ta.ni.w.x. iritayn.
escape 333
RIK
‘All at once giving a jump, standing up at the door
of the married couple, urinating all over them,
the godparents, and the advisors (other wedding
guests), he escaped.'
This heavily subordinated sentence closes the story of
a skunk-turned-man who attends and ultimately disrupts
a wedding.
As for function and semantics, ~sina is some-
times used when the subjects of the main and subordinate
verb are different, in parts of La Paz (for example
Achocalla) where the use of -ipana (7-4.22.2) is rare.
Dialects having -ipana use -ipana when the subjects are
different, and use -sa and -sina (or variants of the
latter) when the subjects are the same.
Some writers have claimed that -sa indicates
an action simultaneous with the action of the main verb,
while -sina indicates an action occurring before the
action of the main verb. This claim is not supported
by evidence obtained in this study. Numerous examples
obtained in free texts undermine any argument for a simul-
taneous/nonsimultaneous distinction (or any other con-
sistent distinction) between -sa and -sina,as will be
seen below.
548
A speaker from Morocomarca accepted the first
of tne following pair, with /-sana/, but rejected the
second, with -sa.
Jamach'i ap.ta.si.sana , sar.x.i.wa.
bird pick up go 133
S
‘Picking up the birds, he left.' (Morocomarca)
*Jamach'i ap.ta.si.sa , sar.x.i.wa.
The reason for rejection of /-sa/ in this context is
probably semantic, but is yet to be determined with
certainty. The role of the final suffix -wa must be
taken into account in determining the factors condi-
tioning acceptability.
In Compi and Tiahuanaco it appears that -sa
implies more personal knowledge of the subordinated
topic than does -sina (Hardman et al. 1975:3.234-235).
On the basis of present evidence this distinction cannot
be confirmed for Aymara as a whole. Both -sa and -sina
(and variants) may take -wa absolute sentence suffix,
and like ~sina, -Sa may occur with the Remote Indirect
Knowledge tense in stories. Examples:
Uka.t tiwula.xa wayna.ru tuk.t'a.sa.w jik.xata.tayna.
then fox youth turn —_ meet 333
RIK
‘Then a fox who had turned into a young man met her.'
(La Paz/Compi)
549
Qamaqgi.xa wali contento , kusi.:.si.sa , t"uq.t'a.si.sa ,
fox very contented feel happy §_ dance —
muyu.si.sa ispiritu.x galla.si.sin.x sar.x.i
turn —™ spirits carry — go 33
ma: jach'a taki.ru katu.n[d]a.sina.
a big road take _—
‘The fox, very content, feeling happy, dancing, turning,
went away carrying the spirits (birds), taking a main
road.’ (Salinas)
The suffix -sina does occur in personal knowledge
accounts. An example of /-sina/ in discussion of one's
childhood (a context where personal knowledge forms would
be expected) is the following, in which it is used with
two subjects:
Uka.n jila.wa:.sin.xa propietario na.ru.x
there grow owner Tp
intirisi.way.x.itu.x.
interest
‘There, where I had grown up, the owner began to take an
interest in me.' (Achocalla)
An example of /-sina/ with the sentence suffix -wa is
the following from Huancané:
550
Iklisa.t jich"a.x mistu.w.sina.w
church now come out where father
puri.ni.ni.x , papa.ch.tu.ma.x puri.ni.w>
arrive 323 father 2p
F
sa.raki.tayna.sa...
say 343
RIK
'Now coming out of the church, "Where will the father
arrive, your father will arrive," they said.'
(‘Coming out of the church, they asked him when his
father would arrive. ')
An example of /-sna/ with -wa sentence suffix occurred
in the Socca version of the saying about seeing with one's
own eyes. The same Socca source used /-Sna/ in an account
of his younger days.
On the basis of the inconclusive evidence here
adduced, it appears that the distinction, if any, between
-sa and -sina is now becoming blurred. Either suffix may
serve to indicate simultaneous or previous action,
subject to certain semantic restrictions inherent in
verb roots and stems. Either may indicate personal or
nonpersonal knowledge. Semantic restrictions governing
the use of the suffixes may be shared by several dia-
lects or may be dialect-specific. Further study is
needed to establish the facts about the two suffixes.
551
7-4.22.2 -ipana and variants
As noted above, this suffix is used when the sub-
jects of the main verb and of the subordinate verb are
different. Time is not the significant factor, as the
-ipana subordinated action may take place before, during,
or after the action of the main verb.
This suffix is used only infrequently in certain
dialects, especially those of La Paz. In Jaqaru there
exists a cognate subordinating paradigm of 11 persons,
with two separate suffixes for 3+3, one used when the
subjects of the main and subordinate verb are the same
and one when they are different. In the Jaqaru paradigm
-ipana occupies the 3+3 slot for different subjects
(Hardman 1966). Only one Aymara dialect, Morocomarca,
has been found to have a productive use of more than
-ipana, and that dialect has a paradigm of only four
persons: 13, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3. Although no attempt
was made to elicit the paradigm in Calacala, it probably
occurs there also; the -ipana form occurred more often
in Calacala texts than in any others.
In Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Huancané only 3+3
-ipana occurred spontaneously in translations of Spanish
elicitation sentences and in free texts, but forms for
1+3, 23, and 4+3 were acceptable there.
552
The paradigm was also reported by Bertonio, but
he noted that only the first person + _ijana, second
person *_imana, and third person * pana were in general
use, the form * isana (which we call fourth person)
being very rare in the province of Chucuito and *_ipana
being used more often for all persons (Bertonio 1603b:37).
Attempts to elicit the paradigm in dialects lack-
ing it, using sentences translated from or similar to
Jaqaru sentences cited by Hardman (1966) or based on
examples given by Bertonio (1603b), resulted in Aymara
sentences with a variety of tenses or nominalized forms.
The following sentence was inspired by an example cited
by Bertonio (1603b:234) which had * _ijana on the subor-
dinated verb:
Mang'a.fa.x.kama.x Pedru.r awisa.ni.rap.ita.
eat Ip notify 2>3
I
‘While I'm eating, (you) notify Pedro for me.'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Examples of forms elicited for each of the four
persons in the paradigm are given below. In dialects
having the forms, variations follow those found in per-
sonal possessive suffixes. -ipana is treated last as
more can be said about it in view of its greater general-
ity and more frequent occurrence.
553
13 /-ijana/ (accepted in Huancané; also cited in Bertonio
1603b
/-ifiana/ (Morocomarca; accepted in Salinas, but
Future, D-1, or D-2 tenses preferred there)
/-inhana/ (Jopoqueri)
Examples:
Naya jan jut"a.n.iflana jup"a jiwa.ya.si.spana.
Ip no come 3p kil 333
D-1
‘If I don't come he may kill himself.' (Morocomarca)
Nay!9 jayt.ifian jiw.xa.spa.wa.
Tp leave die 3>3
D-1
‘If I leave him he may die.’ (Salinas)
Nay jayt.inhan.xa jiw.x.iriji.w.
Tp leave 33
D-1
'If I leave him he may die.' (Jopoqueri)
2>3 -imana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, Salinas; acceptable
in Huancané; also Bertonio 1603b)
Examples:
Juma jan jut"a.n.imana jiwa.ya.si.:.wa.
2p no come kill 1+3
F
‘If you don't come I'l] kill myself.' (Morocomarca)
554
jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas)
die 373
D-1
Jum jayt.iman.xa
jiw.x.iriji.w. (Jopoqueri)
die 3+3
D-1
‘If you leave him he may die.'
4>3 -isana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri; accepted in Salinas
and Huancané; also cited in Bertonio 1603b)
Examples:
Jiwasa jan jut'a.n.isana jup"a jiwa.ya.si.spana.
4p no come 3p kill 333
D-1
'If we don't come he may kill himself.' (Morocomarca)
jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas)
die 333
D-1
Jiwas jayt.isan.xa
jiw.x.iriji.w. | (Jopoqueri)
die 3+3
D-1
‘If we leave him he may die.'
3+3 /-i:pana/ (Salinas; some speakers have -ipana)
/-ipuna/ (Calacala) [-ibuna]
/-ipana/ (elsewhere, including Calacala; also cited
in Bertonio 1603b and Ebbing 1965)
/-ipna/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; occurred only frozen
to sa.fia 'to say' as s.ipna)
555
The following examples are all from free texts:
Sar.i:pan.kama.t . . . chikutillu.x jaqu.x.ta.n.i.x.
a whip whip 33
S
‘When they had left . . . the whip flailed (the others)'
(Salinas)
Q'urawa.ru ucha.nta.sana g'uraw.t'a.tayna uka
slingshot set sling 333
RIK
jach'a quilu.ru k"un.j. ipan.xa.
bit mountain snow
‘Having set the slingshot, he hurled it at that big
mountain where it had snowed heavily.' (Jopoqueri)
Uka.t pur.ifblun k"ita.n[dJa.:t.
then arrive send 2>3
F
‘Then when (the day) arrives, you will send her.' (Calacala)
dan mam.it ut.j.ipan ufi.s.ta.n.s.ta.
no mother be appear NI 2+3
S
‘Since there was no mother (no one to treat us like a
mother) you appeared.' (Juli)
dan sar.x.ipan jani.w sar.k.t.ti.
no go no go 1+3
Ss
‘Since he didn't go, I didn't go.’ (La Paz/Compi)
556
Kims t'uq.t.ipana.w ap.su.wja.tan
three burst take out 453
F
‘When they burst three times, we'll take them out.'
(Calacoa )
Qamaqi.x tluqu.ritayn sap p'ut.j.t.ipan ,
Fox dance 343 each pop
RIK
Sap p"all.ipan.
each explode
‘The fox danced around each time one popped, each time
one exploded.' (Socca)
(Examples on the verb sa.fia 'to say' are given in 7-4.4.)
/-ipana/ occurs relatively infrequently on ver-
balized nouns. In La Paz, verbalization with -:- fol-
lowed by /-ipana/ means ‘thanks to', unless -layku ‘on
account of' is also on the stem, in which case verbaliza-
tion plus /-ipana/ means ‘due to', sometimes with a
connotation of blame. The vowel length goes on the /i/
of /-ipana/. The following examples are from La Paz/
Tiahuanaco, inspired by some similar ones by Ebbing
(1965).
K"it.i:pan.s jiwasa.x aymar gqillga.fi yati.q.tan ?
who 4p write learn 433
S
‘Thanks to whom have we learned to write Aymara?'
557
Tuktura Hardman.i:pan(w) jiwasa.x aymar qillqa.ii
doctor OO
ati.q.tan.
‘Thanks to Dr. Hardman we have learned to write Aymara. '
The following is from La Paz/Compi:
K"iti.layku.:pan.s jut.ta. 'On whose account did you come?!
come 2+3
S
7-4.23 Subordination with final suffixes
7-4.23.1 -sall
This suffix may be used to link sentences as
well as parts of sentences. It also occurs on inter-
rogatives (see 5-2.1) and on jani negative (7-4.52).
In the following examples -sa usually translates as
‘Gf':
karta.ni.:.ta:t.sa ‘if I had received a letter'
13 (Tarata, near Sitajara)
RIK
Jut.ka.sapan.s jani.pini.w gatug.k.iriska:t.ti.
come 343 no receive 1-3
D-2 D-2
"If he had come I wouldn't have received him.'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
558
7-4.23.2 -xa topic/attenuator
This suffix often acts like a subordinator of
verbs in La Paz (Hardman et al. 1975:3.453). Other
dialects, such as Sitajara, Salinas, Calacala, and Jopo-
queri, more frequently use other types of subordination.
The following examples all occurred with different sub-
jects for the main and subordinate verbs. In most
cases the tense of the main and the subordinate verb
is the same. (No examples of /-:/ allomorph of -xa
topic/attenuator or of -ka final suffix occurred as
subordinators. )
Pug.u.xa al.ja.si.p.k.t"a naya.x.
produce sell 1-3 Ip
S
‘If it produces, we sell.' (Calacala)
Sap p'alla.ni.xa juma.xa wali t"uqu.wa.:ta.x.
each burst 3+3 — 2p well dance 2+3
F
F
‘Each time one bursts, you will dance a lot.' (Socca)
Juma.x tij.itasma.x gq'awa.ru jala.nta.s.k.irista.
2p leave 2+] ~ ravine throw into 1+3
D-1 D-1
‘If you were to leave me, I'd throw myself into a
ravine.’ (San Andrés de Machaca)
559
Sapa.:.s.k.irist.x wiyaja.s.k.irist.w.
alone 133 ~ travel 133
D-1 D-1
“yo (
vce
‘If I were single, I'd travel.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Q"antati.tayi.x g"ipa.n tul.tayi.x wal
dawn 3+3 — after ~ very
RIK
ufia.nuga.Si.wa.x.t"a.
Took 12
S
‘At dawn, from then on, I tried hard to see.' (Sitajara)
7-4.23.3 -ti.xa and -ti.ya
These combinations occur on interrogatives (see
7-4.24), demonstratives, and verbs. -ti.xa is more
frequent than -ti.ya; in fact, no examples of -ti.ya
occurred in the data for this study, although it
did occur in data from La Paz used by Hardman et al.
(1975). -ti.xa has occasionally occurred as subordinator
without a following uka summarizer in the sentence (see
7-4.24 and 7-4.3), but only in the speech of persons
associated with missionary groups. Examples:
very rich child marry ]+3
F
jani.w aliga.x jani.y puri.mpi.x , na.x t"ant"a
no anyone no poor Ip ragged
(continued)
560
masi.ja.mpi.x kasara.ya.k.s.t.ti.x> Sa.sa.w sa. tayna.x.
marry los say 3>3
S
RIK
‘"To a really rich man I'11 marry my child, not to just
anyone, not to a poor man, (not) to a poor person from
my own town like (the one) I married" saying, he said.'
(Huancané; said by a Seventh Day Adventist)
Kat. ja.:.ti.xa wal uk.x tuku.si.ya.:.x war.ir.pun
catch 1-3 ~~ finish 1-3 socry
F F
tuku.Si.ya.:.x.
‘When I catch her I'll kill her, (she) crying I'11 finish
her.' (Socca)
7-4.24 Interrogative as indefinite (translating as
relative)
Interrogatives serving as indefinites usually
occur with -ti.xa, but may instead occur with -sa indefi-
nite or -xa attenuator, and it is the final suffixes
rather than the interrogatives that perform the subordi-
nation. Interrogatives translating as relatives are
often followed by uka resumator. Examples:
Kun.s kuynt.t'a.wa.rak.sma.xa nayra timpu.x s.i.wa.
what. tell 2>3—té‘«sd. time 333
S S
‘What I am telling you was told in olden times.’ (dui)
561
Kuna p"utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak
what photos come out those
apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y.
send an
‘Whatever photos come out, those please send to me.'
(Corque)
Qawg.ch'a.kama.ti.x sar.ka.:ta uk sara.s.ka.k.ma.
how go s “go
‘However far you will go, keep on going there.' (Juli)
(advice to keep on working hard toward a goal)
Na.naka.xa ... gillqa.ni.p.xa.mama.w Istarus Uniru.ru
Ip write 1>2 United States
kawki.n.k.ka.:ta.ti.x , uka.ru.
where 273 there
F
‘We will write to you in the United States, wherever you
may be, there.’ (Juli)
K"iti.ti.x lura.wi chur.k.tam.xa uka.raki.x
who work give 342 that
S
pallja.tpa.
pay 32
D-1
‘Whoever gives you work, he should also pay you.'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco, inspired by sentence in Bertonio
1603b: 158)
562
Persons educated or influenced by missionaries use more
interrogatives as relatives than do other Aymara speakers.
In missionary usage uka is often left out. Examples are
given in 9-5.
7-4.3 uka Tinker and summarizer
The demonstratives uka 'that' and (to a lesser
extent) aka 'this' are used as sentence linkers and
summarizers throughout the Aymara-speaking world. uka
is by far the most frequent linker and summarizer in
V2 A folk tale about a lake
all types of discourse.
bird (wallata) and a fox, told in Socca, contains a
total of 36 instances of uka and derived forms built
on it and two instances of ak"ama 'like this'. A folk
tale told in Huancané about a fox-turned-man who marries
a rich girl contains 56 instances of uka and derived
forms. While a controlled statistical study has yet to
be made, it appears that the most common forms are uka.ta
‘then’ as linker and uk"ama 'like that, so, thus' as
bath Tinker and summarizer. Examples of uka as sentence
linker:
Uka.t ma: gqamaqi.xa sara.tayn jisk.t'.iri.
then a fox go 343 ask
RIK
‘Then a fox went to ask.' (Socca)
563
Uka.n wawa.pa.r nutifika.sitayn s.i.w.
then child order 3-3 Say
RIK
‘Then he gave his child an order, they say.' (Huancané)
Uka.r jani.y jig"a.ta.:.n muna.tayna.t s.i.w.
no meet want 33 say
RIK
‘At that he didn't want to meet him, they say.' (Huancané)
Examples of uka as linker and summarizer:
Uka.ru.sti kun ma: urnu.ru uka.x p"ich.kata.:t
then a oven that stoke fire 233
F
wawa.naka.m.x uka.ru suma ana.nta.:t.x uk"ama.k.x
children in that well put 2>3 Tike that
F
gallu.nak sa.s.
children = say
'"Then in an oven, (in) there, you will build up a fire,
your children in that you will carefully put, just like
that, your little ones," saying.' (Socca)
Many of the other examples in this chapter con-
tain instances of uka summarizer and its derived forms.
Examples as subject, zero complement, and -ru relational
are found in 7-4.24. Hardman et al. (1975:3.454-455)
gave other examples showing greater depth of embedding.
564
7-4.4 Sa.fia embedding
The verb sa.fia 'to say' (see 6-4) is used in all
dialects as a reportive, to embed direct quotes.
7-4.41 sa.fia with Simple tense
The simplest use of sa.fia as embedder is the
verb with 3+3 Simple tense, s.i, often suffixed with
-wa absolute, as in the following:
Jaya timpu.xa inka.xa taqi.ru.wa mant.iri.:n
far time Inca all order 353
RDK
S.i.w.
333 —
S
‘Long ago, the Inca ruled over everything, they say.’
(Jopoqueri)
What occurs before s.i.w in the above example is a
complete sentence, with -wa absolute on taqi.ru and
with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense on the verb.
Without the addition of s.i.wa the sentence would imply
that the speaker had personal experience on which to
base his statement. Adding s.i.wa indicates that the
speaker is reporting information received at second
hand.
565
7-4.42 sa.ita with Imperative tense
The 2>3 Imperative on sa.fla, sa.m(a) ‘tell
him/her/them', is considered rude when said alone but
it may occur to embed another Imperative verb. Examples:
sa.ma. ‘Tell him "Give me".'
give 2i ~ ('Tell him to give you . . .') (Huancané)
I
A more complex embedding of sa.fia with the Imperative is
the following:
Tiyu duwana.x ak"am s.i.w < sa.m > s.i.w.
uncle Juan thus 3 come 3+3 2>3 3>3
S I I S
‘Uncle Juan thus said, "'Let him/her come', say," he said.'
(‘Uncle Juan wants you to come.') (La Paz/Compi)
This last example is a reduced form of a longer sentence
with four embeddings of sa.fa.
Tiyu Juwana.x ak"am s.i.w
333
S
KK jut.pan > siti > sa.m S.i.wa.
S 3>3 3 =. 7 1 33
I
566
Such extensive embedding of quotes is quite impossible
in English. The sentence may be intelligibly rendered
as 'Uncle Juan told me to tell you that he would like
you to come', or more briefly, as in the reduced version
given first above, 'Uncle Juan wants you to come’.
7-4.43
sa.fia with subordinators -sa and -sina (or
variants)
As we have just seen, when an actual quote is
embedded in Aymara a translation that does not use a
direct quote may best convey the meaning of the sentence.
This is also true of the following, in which sa.fia
occurs once inflected and once with -sa subordinator.
Na.x Sa.rak.sma.sa.y sa.sa.y.
Ip i bring -
‘I already said to you, "Bring it", saying.'
('I already told you to bring it.') (Calacoa)
In the following example the 3p subject of the
embedded quote is identical with the addressee.
Naya.x x Juwana.w naya.r t'ant' chur.itani >
Ip 3p Ip bread give 3+]
F
sa.Sa.w s.ist Ana Mariya.ru.
133
Ss
‘I “Juana will give me bread" saying said to Ana Marfa. '
('I told Ana Marfa that you (Juana) would give me bread. ')
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
567
The above type of embedding is very common, but when the
addressee is also the subject of the embedded quote a
different structure may be used, according to Yapita
(La Paz/Compi). In this structure the 2p pronoun re-
places the 3p subject of the quote, but remains outside
the quote.
Naya.x juma.w sa.sa.w
Tp 2p Ip bread give 351
F
s.ista Ana Mariya.ru.
1l-
¢°
'I (speaking of) you "She will give me bread" saying said
to Ana Marfa.' "I told Ana Maria that you would give
me bread. ')
The example above is evidence of what Hardman calls
overmarking of the second person in Aymara, a phenomenon
tied to the operation of the four-person system (see
8-2.1).
Examples of sa.fia embedding in longer sentences
are the following, with -sa or -sina subordination and
with the use of sa.iia as obligatory. The first example
comes from a comment on why fiestas often degenerate
into fights, from a source in Juli. The second is from
a description of the end of the fiesta of San Juan in
Sitajara.
568
Uragi.nak.xa.t ch'axwa.p.x.t.x uragi.naka.mp uka.n
Tand argue 1-3 sland that
jala.nta.ya.si.p.x.t , ma.x
get into 173 Ip 2p Tand-owner 233
S Ss
sa.s...
no Ip land-owner 13
S
‘We argue over land (ownership), with land we get into
(arguments), I "Do you own land?" "No." “But I do!"
saying .
('We argue over land ownership, each belittling the
other's holdings and bragging about his own.')
Ya:
SO go 143 ready Ip dismiss 2+]
F I
yasta sa.sin uka.t uka.x
so then that drive up 233
I
ana.ga.ni.m> Sa.fla.ray.
drive down 233
I
‘So, "We're getting ready to leave, ready now, dismiss us,"
so saying then that "Drive (the animals) up, drive them
down," has to be said also.
('So, they announce their departure and ask permission to
leave, and then the order must be given to drive the
animals back up or down (wherever they came from).')
These translations are tentative, in view of my unfamili-
arity with the events described and the somewhat tele-
graphic nature of the description, at least to someone
569
unfamiliar with their cultural setting. (Translation
of grammatical structures without a knowledge of the
cultural meaning of the events described is hazardous
at best.)
The following example has /-sina:n/ allomorph
of -sina:
Asint uta.pa.n.s jani.raki.w jayta.ji.s
hacienda house no leave
mun.ka.rak.itu.ti ,
want 3+] 2p stay there 273
S I
uf.ja.rap.it> sa.sinain...
23
I
'The hacienda house he did not want to leave to me,
"You will stay there, caretake it for me", saying
(‘He did not want to give the hacienda house to me,
but instead asked me to stay there and caretake it
for him.') (Achocalla)
In certain contexts, especially when the subject
of the main verb (sa.jfia) and the embedded verb are the
same person, the sentence indicates that the subject
is thinking of doing or wanting to do something. The
Future or Desiderative tense is used on the embedded
verb. Examples:
570
s.t"a.x.
‘"We can be buying," I said.'
buy 4+3
133 (‘I think we can buy it.')
S (Sitajara)
sa.S.ka.ya:t.wa.
Ip movie go Ile3 ~~ y33.
F RDK
'"T will go to the movies," I was saying.'
(La Paz/Compi)
("I was thinking of going to the movies. ')
sa.ja.:ta.
movie go 133 T33
F RDK
'"T will go to the movies," I said.'
('I was thinking of going to the movies.')
(Carangas; reported by Yapita)
Sometimes a verb other than sa.fia may be the
main verb of the sentence, with sa.fia occurring in a
subordinated form only, as in the following from a
story told by Vasquez:
sa.s
. yana. tayna.
thread put }+3 133 try 33
F F RIK
'"I will put the thread through, I will put it through,"
saying, she tried.'
("She tried to thread the needle.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco;
Hardman et al. 1975:1.402)
57]
sa.sa.w aka marka.naka.n sar.naga.s.k.t"a.
study 1-3) city go around 133
F S
‘"I will study," saying, I am living in these cities. '
(Socca)
(‘Wanting to study, I've continued to live in these
cities.')
7-4.44 sa.fia with -ipana ~ -i
This occurs infrequently. It is sometimes used
as a comparative (Hardman et al. 1975:3.235), especially
by missionary-instructed persons; such use has occurred
only once in this research, in a reworking by Vasquez
of a Bertonio (1603b) example (which had neither sa.fia
nor -ipana).
Cristobal Colona.x tagi.t s.ipan aka uraqi.ru
all this land
jut.i.
come 353
S
‘Christopher Columbus was the first to arrive in this
land.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
A variant s.ipna also occurs in La Paz, but s.ipana is
more common. Examples:
- - yag'a aru.x aru.wa - Chinu.t — s.ipna,
other languages —
(continued )
7-4.45
572
Kuriyanu.t s.ipna , Turkisa.t s.ipna.. .
. . Other languages are (al1) languages - (whether)
speaking of Chinese, speaking of Korean, speaking of
Turkish . . . ' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, in Hardman et al.
1975:3.xxi)
K"'it s.ipan.s waw chur.tama.
who baby give 23
bs)
‘Who could have given you the baby?' (a rude question
asked of a young mother in Calacoa)
Srta. Lucy s.ipan.xa
Tearn
mun.t"a> s.ipan.xa , na:.xa allux kusi.s.t"a.
want 13 Ip very happy 133
S
S
‘When Miss Lucy said "I want to learn Aymara", I
was very happy.' (Salinas)
- kawk'"a.t.s t'ij.tata.n.tam u jan s.ipan.xa
where hurt 2>3 no
)
kawk"a.t.s sint us.tam...
3>2
S
- . . where did it hurt you, or else where does it
hurt the most . . . (Compi)
The particle iyaw plus sa.fia
The particle iyaw 'yes' may be embedded with sa.fia
to mean 'agree'. In the usage of persons active in
573
institutionalized religion it means ‘to believe in, have
faith', and the phrase iyaw sa.fia may be used to translate
"faith'
7-4.46
or 'belief'.
[yaw Sa.ta.w Sara.tayn S.i.w.
~~ go 333
RIK
‘Agreeing, she went on her way, they say.' (Juli)
Jesucristo tat.itu.ru iyaw Sa.m.
father 2>3
I
‘Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ.' (La Paz, Baptist church)
Jiwasa.x iyaw s.tan uka jiyaw sa.fia.
4p +3
S
‘We accept that belief.' (La Paz, Baptist church)
Sa.fia 'to make a noise'
Some sa.fia embedding may mean 'to make a noise. '/9
Pa:rinu.ki.w juta.s.k.i.x s.i.w sa.s.
godfather come 33 say boom boom = say
S
‘The godfather returned, they say, "Boom boom!" saying. '
('The godfather returned, they say, exploding firecrackers. ')
(Huancané)
574
On the other hand, sa.na embedding may be used
to convey a visual rather than an auditory image, as
in the following:
Wich'inka.s sSa.sa.w anu.x
tail rigid rigid say dog
g'ipa.p nayra.p jal.i.
back forth run 33
S
"His tail "stiffly stiffly" saying, the dog ran back
and forth. '
(‘Jauntily wagging his tail, the dog ran back and forth.')
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
7-4.47 sa.fia in storytelling
The first example given for sa.na embedding
(7-4.41) was from a story, and the other types of
embedding mentioned above occur in tales as well as
in conversation. Complex embeddings especially charac-
teristic of storytelling style involve frequent use of
=sa subordinator (less often -sina and variants or
-ipana), sa.fla with 3+3 Remote tenses or 3+3 Non-
Involver, and the plain s.i.w, all together.
Asiru.raki.:n s.i.w tawaqu.mp parl.iritayna.x ,
snake 3-3 = 353â€~—Ctsé*=g ir | talk 3+3
Ss S RIK
uka.x Sara.w.x.iritayna.w s.i.w
go 323 333 mark a>]
RIK s (continued)
575
Sa.Sa.w S.iritayna.x S.i.way.
353
RIK
‘There was a snake, they say, who talked with a young
woman; (before) he went out, they say, "Mark me" saying
he said, they say.'
('There was a snake who talked with a young woman; before
going out, he asked her to mark him.') (Juli)
sa.sa.w sawj.iritayn
now oven heat up 23 7 333
I RIK
S.i.w gamaqi.ru.
3>3 ~«= fox
S
'"Now heat up the oven," saying she said, they say, to
the fox.' (Calacoa)
Niyasta: awis.ta.:ma.1] Ssa.san sSa.tayn pisaqa.x.
ready tell 133 323 partridge
F RIK
‘Well then, I'l] tell you," saying said the partridge.’
(Jopoqueri )
Uk"ama pa:rin jut.ipan.x s.ipan.x
then godfather come ;
s.ipan.x
now what that
s.i.sti - jani.w na uka.yr.xa - jani.w
“337 no Ip that
S
uka.yr.xa - isu si taw taw isu si taw taw>
(continued )
576
sa.Sa.w Sa.tayn S.i.w.
333 343
RIK S
‘Then the godfather having arrived, "Boom boom" saying,
"Boom boom" saying, "Now what is that ‘boom boom' said--
I don't (like) that, not that--(nonsense syllables)
saying he said, they say.' (Huancané)
('When the godfather arrived, he exploded firecrackers,
and the groom became very much alarmed.') (Huancané)
Uk"ama.x wali.raki.sa.: , awir g'ana.pi.y sa.rak.(i)
thus well clear 343
sa.sa.xa.y jis.ch.i.x.
how NI 343 NI 3>3
F S
'So then "Fine, let's see, it's clear," they said,
"How will they get along?" saying, they said.' (Huancané)
7-4.5 Negation
Negation may affect most of the syntactic processes
already described. It usually requires the presence of
the negative particle jani or the reduced form ni. The
latter is more prevalent in Salinas and Calacoa but also
occurs elsewhere, especially in ni.kuna ‘nothing’ and
ni.k"iti 'no one', acting like a prefix (the only one
in the language, if one discounts /si-/ and /ji-/ on sa.fia).
ni may also occur on the interrogative verb kama.cha.fia,
as in the following sentence from Jopoqueri:
577
Pisaga.sti yasta ni.kama.cha.fi.s yati.tayna.ti.
partridge ~ how know 333
RIK
"And then the partridge didn't know what to do.'
jani occurs in several derived forms: jan.ja~
jan.jama 'I don't think so' (literally ‘like no'), with
the noun/independent suffix -jama; jani.ra ~ jani.ray
(the second from Sitajara) ‘not yet'; jani.kucha ‘better
not' and jan. kucha!4 ‘or if not'; and jani.ch ‘isn't
that so?' (with -cha alternate question suffix). One
form that occurred only in Calacala was jana: ‘isn't
that so?'.
7-4.51 Negation of basic sentences
Basic sentences were discussed in 7-3. The
basic negative statement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.432)
consists of jani plus -wa absolute; -ti sentence suffix
where -wa would be in an affirmative sentence; and
-xa optionally on other words in the sentence. Example:
T'ant'a.x jani.w ut.j.k.i.ti. 'There is no bread.'
bread exist 3+3 (La Paz/Compi)
S
A basic negative statement may be changed to a negative
yes/no question by removing the -wa on jani and replacing
it by the -ti from the verb, as follows:
578
T'ant'a.x jani.t ut.j.k.i ? ‘Isn't there any bread?’
bread ~ 333 (La Paz/Compi)
S
A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information
question without any verbal inflection retains the
interrogative as an indefinite, verbalized and suffixed
with -sa, and adds jani plus -wa, resulting in a -sa/-wa
sentence:
Kuna.s uka.xa ? (Uka.x) jani.w kuna.:.k.i.sa.
what that 343
S
'What is that? (That) isn't anything.' (La Paz/Compi)
A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information question
containing an inflected verb consists of jani plus -wa;
the interrogative with -sa; and if the verb is repeated,
it takes -ti.
Kuna.s ut.j.i ? Jani.w kuna.s (ut.j.k.i.ti).
what 3+3 “353
S S
‘What is there? There isn't anything.' (La Paz/Compi)
Kun.s mun.ta ? Jani.w kun.s mun.k.t.ti.
what want 2>3 “|+37
S S
'What do you want? I don't want anything.' (La Paz/Compi)
579
All other negative sentences or phrases may be
derived from these basic sentences. !°
(Negative forms
of the inflected verb sa.fia 'to say' were given in
6-4).
7-4.52 Incompletive and completive verbal derivational
suffixes with the negative
In the examples above, the verbs contain the
incompletive verbal derivational -ka- in the stem. In
La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Socca, Sitajara, and Calacoa
the verb or verbalized noun in a negative statement
usually has the incompletive -ka-. The completive -xa-
sometimes occurs instead (or in addition), but less
often. In Salinas, Jopoqueri, Calacala, and Morocomarca
the incompletive or completive suffixes are more often
absent with the negative.
The following all occurred in Salinas.
=
_ts
=
mun.k.irijt.ti. ‘I wouldn't like to.'
=a33 =
D-1
=
ats
=
:
mun.t.ti. "I don't want to.'
|>3°
=
ade
=
mun.j.t.ti. "I wouldn't like to.'
~|s3 ~~
S
580
at. k.irijt.ti.
=T33 0=
D-1
Ni.w at.j.t.ti. 'I can't.'
pletely ca
S
at.t.ti.
|o3_
The dialects where the incompletive occurs less
often, have it on nouns verbalized with -ka- or -:- with
the Simple tense, but not if verbalization is followed
by a Remote tense. Examples:
Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti. ‘It's not here.' (Jopoqueri)
~ here “343
S
Jani.w juma.taki.:.k.i.ti. ‘It's not for you.' (Salinas)
2p “HRS
S
But (with -ra instead of -wa on jani),
Jani.r juta.ni.fi.ma.:.:n.ti. ‘You should not have come
come 2p 393°†— yet.' (Morocomarca)
RDK
The meaning differences between forms with and without
581
the incompletive are often lost in translation, but the
following pair shows one contrast:
dJani.w yat.t.ti. ‘I don't know.' (Jopoqueri)
]=3_
S
Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. ‘I don't know yet.' (Jopoqueri) !6
137
S
Dialects that usually have -ka- on the negative
do not have it with the Future tense used as a polite
command.
Jani.w parla.nta.ti. ‘You are not going to talk.' (Juli)
233
F
7-4.53 Permutations of basic negative sentences
The basic negative sentences may be changed by
replacing -wa by another sentence suffix, replacing -ti
by -xa.ya, or dropping the final vowel on jani.
7-4.53.1 Replacing -wa by another sentence suffix
7-4.53.11 -wa --> -lla ~ -ya
Ni.11 kun.s s.ka.fiani.ti. ‘We won't tel] them anything. '
~ what say 453 (Salinas)
F
582
7-4.53.12 -wa --> -sa linker 'but, however'
Jani.s jut.k.i.ti.xa ... "But he hasn't come... .'
- 343 (Huancané)
S
Jani jank'a.s pur.k.i.t.
fast — 333
S
‘But they weren't arriving fast.' (Sitajara)
Kuna.t.s jani.s uwij.sti puri.ya.n.ta.xa ?
why â„¢~ sheep arrive 2+3
S
‘But why didn't you bring the sheep?’ (Juli)
Jani.ra.raki.s juta.fi.ma.:n.ti.xa.
come 2p 33
RDK
‘But you shouldn't have come yet!' (Salinas)
7-4.53.2 Replacing -ti by -xa.ya
Jani sar.chi.:.xa.ya q"aru.ru.x.
go NI 143 tomorrow
F
‘Won't I leave tomorrow?’ (rhetorical question) (La Paz/Compi)
(Because of -chi NI on the verb, there is no -wa
in the sentence.)
583
7-4.53.3 Morphophonemics of jani
The final vowel of jani drops in noun phrases and
when modifying nominalized verbs; in negative information
questions and answers thereto; with the Imperative; and
with verbs subordinated with a sentence suffix, uka,
or sa.nma embedding.
7-4.53.31 Negative noun phrases or nominalized verbs
These are derived from the basic negative state-
ment. When modifying the head noun in a noun phrase,
jani loses its final vowel, except that when modifying
an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. The
following occur generally unless otherwise noted.
jan jayu.ni ‘without salt’ (‘no salt-haver') -ni possessor
ni. kuna ‘nothing' kuna '‘what'
jan uka.x ‘not that’
jan ufi.j.iri ‘someone who hasn't taken good care of some-
— thing (a place) left in their charge‘
('nonwatcher' )
un. ka.fia
jan ‘not to look' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
ufia. Fla
jan ufi.ja.fia.taki ‘so as not to see, for not seeing’
584
dan ufi.ja.sa.x ‘not having seen' (La Paz/Compi)
jan ufi.ja.san.xa ‘not having seen' (Jopoqueri)
jan pur.iman ‘your not having come' (Salinas)
jan wal.t'a.w.xa.tayna ‘he felt i11' (‘not-good') (Juli)
343
RIK
ni may also be used before a noun that is not an inter-
rogative, in reduplicative phrases meaning ‘neither
nor', as in the following:
Ni juma.s ni naya.s sar.ka.fiani.ti.
— 2p Ip go 4+3
F
nN
‘Neither you nor I will go.' (-sa lister on the pronouns)
This ni is homophonous and apparently identical in func-
tion with Spanish ni ‘neither, nor'; it may be a Spanish
borrowing or merely a point at which the two languages
converge, or both.
7-4.53.32 Negative information questions and negative
answers thereto
Examples (from La Paz/Compi):
Kuna.s jan ut.j.k.i ? ‘What isn't there?’
what “~~ exist 33
S
585
Ni kuna.s (jan ut.j.k.i.ti). ‘Nothing isn't there.’
— 333 (i. e., ‘nothing is
S missing')
Kun.s jan mun.k.ta ? ‘What don't you want?'
want 23
S
Ni kun.s (jan mun.k.t.ti). ‘There's nothing I don't want.’
—_ 133
S
Kuna.t.s jan jut.ta ? ‘Why didn't you come?'
— 2+3
Ss
Kuna.t.s jan jut.k.ta ? ‘Why didn't you come? (you had
—— 2>3 promised to)'
S
The Morocomarca source insisted that the vowel
of jani must be retained in negative information ques-
tions, e. g.
Kuna.t.raji jani awis.ista.sti ? ‘Why didn't you let
notify 2>1 me know?'
S
7-4.53.53 Negative with Imperative
Jan lura.m.ti. 'Don't do that.' (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
~~ 2>3 Sitajara, Calacoa, La Paz)
I
7-4.53.
586
Jan lur.m.ti. ‘Don't do that.' (Juli)
~— 273
I
Juma.x jan sar.ka.m.ti , jupa.w sara.ni.
2p ~~ go 2>3 3p go 333
I F
‘Don't you go, he's going to go.' (Juli)
34 Negative verb subordinated with sentence
suffix, uka, or sa.fia embedding
Jum jan mun.k.s.ta.xa , Maya.w Sara.:.
2p _-want 273 Ip go 133
S F
'If you don't want to (go), I'll go.‘ (Juli)
Jan pa.ni.:.k.irist.x Sar.irist.pi.y.
couple 1+3 ~ go
D-1
'If I weren't married, I'd go.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Jan juma.s sara.nm muna.s.ta.ti uka.x na: sara.:.
————— — _— LOC eee
2p go want 233 Ip go 1-3
F
‘But if you don't want to go, I'l] go.' (Jopoqueri)
< Ina.mpi.s jan jiki.s.x.sna.ti > sa.sa.
perhaps —~ meet 453
D-1
'"Perhaps we'll never meet again," saying.' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
587
7-5 Summary and Conclusion
Syntactic and morphosyntactic variation in Aymara
is slight. Morphemes showing some variation in phono-
logical shape are the particles, the independent nonfinal
and final suffixes, and some of the nominalizing (subordi-
nating) suffixes: the little-used -wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi and
the more common -sina (and variants) and -ipana (and
variants).
The final suffix inventory varies a little from
One dialect to another. The suffix -ka has been found
only in Calacala and Morocomarca. The vowel lenath
allomorph of -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator does not occur
in La Paz, Socca, or Jopoqueri. The disclaimer -m (and
variants) has occurred only in Huancané and parts of
La Paz.
Morphosyntactic processes are essentially the
same in all dialects. The southern group of dialects
(Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca) plus Huancané
in the north have a four-member subordinating paradigm
of which the 3+3 -ipana (or variants) is the sole member
in other dialects; in some parts of La Paz even -ipana
is falling into disuse. The use of -xa topic/attenuator
as a subordinator of verbs appears to be more common in
La Paz dialects than in dialects that make greater use
of -sina or -ipana subordination.
588
There is some variation in the semantics of the
subordinators -sa, -sina (and variants) and -ipana
(and variants), and in use of the final suffix combina-
tion -ti.xa as a subordinator, but regional patterning
(if any) of this semantic variation is yet to be deter-
mined.
589
Notes
"this may be a Spanish loan. According to Bello
(1847:36), there was an archaic interjection guay ~ gua
that persisted in certain countries of Latin America,
as in the expressions
uay la mujer! ‘Wow! Look at that woman.'
E
Guay lo que dice! ‘Wow! Did you hear what she
said!'
Bertonio (1603b:51) also reported this interjection and
a number of others identical or similar to contemporary
Aymara ones.
a suffix phonemically /-qa/ did occur once in
a text from Calacala, instead of the -ka which usually
occurred.
Ma: suma (ma)cha.ta.t.ga .. . ‘very drunk'
very drunk —
It may be that this was an instance of Quechua -qga, but
if not, it needs further analysis.
Sway. xaru.:.tawi and way.xaru.: have /:/ allo-
morph of the verbal derivational suffix -ya- ~ -:- causa-
tive. In way.xaru.:, the causative on the final /u/
of -xaru- merges with /u/ realization of -i 3+3 S tense
by a morphophonemic rule whereby a verb stem /u/ over-
rides a following /i/ (see 4-3.22.11).
41 k"ari.k"ari or k"ari.s.iri is an evil spirit
in human form (usually that of a Catholic priest) who
is believed to cut out the fat of his victims.
"These are written as two words to show their
structure. One of them, upu upu, occurs with juncture
(phonetically a glottal stop) before the repetition of
the root.
6 _ipi sometimes occurs on nouns after vowel-
length verbalization, which may reduce to plain vowel
(see 4-3.22.13). An -iri also occurs frozen in certain
verb tenses (see 6-3.34.22 and 6-3.37).
590
7 Questions with kuna.taki.s were originally thought
to require an answer with -fa.taki, rather than -iri,
but -iri is usually preferred in my data. See 7-4.21.23
for -fha.taki subordination.
8the verb ma(n)g'a.fia may mean 'to eat' or ‘to
feed' depending on context and verbal derivational suf-
fixes occurring in the stem.
"The two paradigms with and without -na on the
(optional) pronoun occur for all grammatical persons
in La Paz/Compi.
MOcubjects of verbs subordinated with -ipana,
etc., lose their final vowels except in Morocomarca.
Veiga linker and -sa interrogative/indefinite
are treated as two suffixes by Hardman et al. (1975).
They are here treated as one because it is not always
possible to separate the functions.
les panish syntactic linkers and emphatics enter
Aymara freely, like other loanwords. The greatest number
occurs in the speech of persons (especially men) who are
bilingual in Aymara and Spanish, but some also occur
in the speech of monolinguals.
Ve or sounds made by inanimate objects the verb
ta- is used instead of sa.fia, according to the following
example from Yapita (La Paz/Compi):
Punk"u.x tulx t.i.w.
door 333
'The door slammed.' ('The door went "thud".')
According to Yapita there is no general term for ‘sound'
in Aymara; a number of onomatopoeic words are used (see
Appendix B).
Min present-day Aymara -kucha occurs only on
jani. Evidence from Bertonio (1603b:277) suggests it
may have been an independent nonfinal suffix in his time,
as he showed it in a verb stem between the root and the
inflection, but it may instead have been a noun root,
verbalized and then inflected.
591
15) ike -ti, -wa (or another sentence suffix re-
placing it) may occur on a form other than jani in a
negative sentence; see the examples under 7-4.53.
or or another example of the contrast of presence
and absence of -ka- with the negative, see 7-4.53.32.
CHAPTER 8
VARIATION IN SEMANTICS
8-] Introduction
A discussion of variation in Aymara semantics must
be based on an examination of what Hardman (in press a)
calls the linguistic postulates of the language: categori-
zations recurring at different levels of grammar and re-
flected in cultural norms. An understanding of their nature
and pervasiveness is needed in order to describe certain
differences in their manifestations in different dialects
(for example, in selectional restrictions on verb subjects
and complements) especially to show differences between
Missionary, Patr6én, and Radio Aymara on the one hand, and
other Aymara dialects on the other (see Chapter 9).
Regional semantic variation in the noun and verb
systems includes instances of one form with different mean-
ings cross-dialectically, and conversely, cases of different
Aymara forms occurring in different dialects with apparently
the same meanings. At the present state of research, which
relies heavily on translation, decisions as to what constitute
592
593
‘same' and ‘different’ meanings within and across dialects
are at best tentative and at worst may be wrong, lacking
sufficient input from native speakers. The evidence in this
chapter concerning such meanings is therefore to be viewed
with some skepticism.
Aymara metaphor has not as yet been investigated
cross-dialectally, but certain characteristics based on
the evidence of a few dialects may be noted.
8-2 Linguistic Postulates
All regional dialects of Aymara share certain lin-
guistic postulates common to the Jaqi languages. As identi-
fied by Hardman (1972a) the most important of these are (1)
four grammatical persons (the fourth includes speaker and
addressee), (2) distinction of human/nonhuman, and (3) speci-
fication of data source (distinction of directly and indi-
rectly acquired knowledge). These three postulates are
marked throughout Aymara language structure, in morphology,
Syntax, and semantics, and reflected in cultural norms.
During four hundred years of contact with Spanish, an
Indo-European language, it might be expected that Spanish
postulates would make inroads into Aymara. In Chapter 9
evidence of such inroads is given with respect to Missionary,
Patrén, and Radio Aymara, translation dialects spoken by cer-
tain native speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in Spanish.
The Aymara of other bilingual and monolingual speakers shows
594
relatively little influence of Spanish postulates, however.
A few exceptions are noted below. A section on optional
marking of plural in Aymara is included after a discussion
of the postulates.
8-2.1 Four-person system
The four-person system is manifested in personal
pronouns and possessive suffixes (5-2.3 and 5-3.24) and in
verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3). It is intimately bound
up with the distinction of human/nonhuman (8-2.2) and with
the expression of courtesy in Aymara. The fourth person
is often used in the context of eating or drinking. For
example, polite ways to tell someone that dinner is ready
would be
Mang'a.si.fiani. ‘Let's eat, you and I.' (La Paz)
eat 4+3
F/I
Almus.t'a.wa.tana. ‘Let's eat lunch.' (Calacoa)
junch 4+3
F/I
Similarly, if one wishes to ask for a drink of water one
must use the fourth person, including the addressee even
if he or she is being asked to provide the water.
595
Uma.ma.y wax.t'a.si.fian, mam, uma.t par.j.itu.w.
water 2p invite 4-3 water Tack 3>1
F/I S
'Please let's you and I invite (someone to have some of)
your water, ma'am, I'm thirsty.' (La Paz)
(‘Please let me have some water.')
An example of the fourth person used in the context of drink-
ing even when the addressee is not or was not involved in
the action, is the following, describing the serving of
chicha:
May.ni.r may.ni.r may.n.ir sSiwr.tan...
another another another serve 4-3
S
'One by one by one we (you and I) serve them. . . ' (Sitajara)
Another example involving eating was given by Tschopik (1948:
110). A condor says to a fox who has challenged him to a
duel
+, . . rr
Jiwa.ta.chapi.ru.sti manqg'a.nta.si.nani.wa.
one who is dead and eat 4-+3
F/I
‘And the one who is dead you and I will eat.'
What is meant is that the winner of the duel will eat the
_ loser.
596
Bertonio (1603b:194, 195) said, concerning the 4p
possessive suffix,
. the particle sa, although . . . it means
inclusion . . . for politeness or friendship
may be used even when the item belongs only to
one of the two persons who are talking
Bertonio gave these examples.
*Ut.sa.ru ma. tana. ‘Let's go to my/our/your house.'
house 4p go 4+3
F/I
aka yapu) awki.sa.n.k.i. 'This field is our/my/your
this field father father's.'
Bertonio's translations of these two examples are rejected
by La Paz speakers, even when the examples are rendered into
contemporary Aymara. If Bertonio's translations were cor-
rect, they imply that the fourth person was used even more
in the expression of courtesy in Tate 16th century Juli than
in contemporary dialects so far encountered.
Hardman has pointed to a related phenomenon in
Aymara, the overmarking of the second person (Hardman et al.
1975:3.32-33). (For an example of this overmarking in sa.fia
embedding see 7-4.4.)
In spite of the importance of the four-person system
in Aymara, there is evidence of its incipient erosion in
some dialects. In Sitajara, Ip and 4p possessive suffixes
fall together, and the 4p suffix falls out, in the speech
of certain persons (see 5-3.24). The first and fourth
597
persons also fall together in certain verbal inflectional
suffixes in Sitajara.
Ip and 4p falling together as subject:
1+3 and 4+3 F for sa.fia: /sa.ni.wa.nh(a)/ (1>+3)
Tp and 4p falling together as complement:
3>1 and 354 I: /-itpan/ (3+1)
3>1 and 3+4 D-2: /-irijsta:na/ (324)
3+1 and 354 S for sa.fia: /s.itu/ (3-1)
As may be seen above, in most cases the form with 4p falls
out, leaving the form with Ip to do duty for both.
In Huancané, Ip and 4p have fallen together as com-
plement in 3+1 and 3+4 I /-itp(a)/, the 3+1 form now being
used for both. The same seems to be happening in Morocomarca
with 3>1 and 3+4 D-2, as at first the 3+1 form, /-itasp"ana/,
was given for both 3+1 and 3+4.
8-2.2 Human/Nonhuman
This distinction is manifested in interrogatives,
demonstratives, and personal pronouns; in noun reference, in
certain noun suffixes, and in the subjects and complements of
verb roots, stems, and themes.
8-2.21 Interrogatives, demonstratives, personal pronouns
Of the five Aymara interrogative pronouns k"iti ‘who'
is human, and the rest, nonhuman. gawg"a ‘how much/many'
plus the suffix -ni possessor/enumerator refers to human
598
beings (8-2.24).! Derived forms of kawki ‘where’ that are
unmarked for human/nonhuman and gloss ‘which’ are
kawki.ch"api and kawk.i:ri.-
Demonstratives may be used to modify human nouns,
e. g. uka chacha.x 'that man’. As a syntactic summarizer,
a demonstrative may refer to a human noun, as in
Ma: sifturit irpa.ni.tayn uka.mpi jagi.cha.si.way.x.i.
one young lady bring 3-3 That marry 373
RIK
S
'He married the young lady that he had brought.' (Compi)
Some speakers would prefer to use the third person pronoun
jupa instead of uka in the above sentence. Otherwise, demon-
stratives are generally used as pronouns only to refer to
nonhuman nouns.
Uka.x misa.wa. ‘That is a table.'
Uka.x waka.pa.wa. ‘That is his cow.'
When the reference is human, a personal pronoun is used.
Jupa.x wawa.Xa.w. ‘He/she is my child.’
3p child ip
Using a demonstrative instead of a personal pronoun in the
above context is perceived as rude. When derision or insult
is intended, a demonstrative may be used.
599
Uka.xa.y yat.chi aliq..
that know NI other
'That one may know, anyone (might) . . .' (Sitajara)
Personal pronouns are used only for human beings or
anthropomorphized animals, or very occasionally, for domes-
ticated animals, as in the case of an old lady talking to
her only companion, a cat.
Juma.s jagi.:.sma... ‘If only you were human (could
2p people 2>+3 talk) . . .' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
D-1
8-2.22 Noun reference
Certain nouns in La Paz Aymara (and presumably
elsewhere) are basically nonhuman; others, basically human.
Examples of nouns or noun phrases that are always nonhuman
in reference are muxsa 'Sweet-tasting'; nayra.p g"ipa.p
‘back and forth' (e. g. a dog running back and forth); and
jach'a ‘'big' and jisk'a 'small' except when they occur in
the noun phrases jach'a tansa 'tall' and jisk'a tansa
‘short'.
A noun which sometimes has human, and sometimes
nonhuman reference, is suma, which has a range of meanings
including ‘good, nice, tasty, delicious, very, nicely'.
In Calacoa and Jopoqueri it means ‘beautiful, pretty’; in
Socca it is used in these meanings as well as the others.
The following examples are all from La Paz:
600
Nonhuman reference:
Wali suma.w. "It's very good/delicious. '
Suma chayru.wa. ‘It's delicious soup.'
soup
Aka.x suma ch'iyar laq'a.sa.:.
This black earth
'This is good black earth.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.266)
suma aru ‘good language, proper speech'
sum kanka.fia ‘to fry well’ (8-2.23)
Human reference:
Suma Awki 'God' ('good father’, an archaic
expression)
suma aru.ni ‘well-spoken person'
suma jaqi ‘good person, of good character, nice'
Suma jaq mama.wa. ‘She's a nice lady. '2
suma kankana ‘of good character, good-humored’ (8-2.23)
The following examples occurred in the Peruvian
dialects indicated.
suma ufi.naqa.s.iri ‘good-looking, having a good
appearance’ (Huancané)
suma_ k'aj.k.iri ‘very bright' (Socca)
601
suma.ki.y is.ch'uk.t'a.p.x.ita:ta ‘you will listen to
Tisten 2>1 me nicely’ (Socca)
F
In La Paz the verbalized noun suma.cha.fia ‘to pacify,
to make amends, to decorate (e. g. a house)' takes a human
subject. The noun suma verbalized with -pta- takes an ani-
mal subject, and probably also a human subject; see the
example given for jagi, below.
Use of suma alone (that is, not in one of the noun
phrases given above) to modify a noun having human reference
is usually perceived as obscene and/or derisive in Bolivia,
as in the popular song Suma Tawagu 'Nice (?) Girl' (i. e.
‘tasty dish'). There is some evidence that such an expres-
sion is not necessarily obscene in other dialects, suma
kullaka ‘good sister' being acceptable to a speaker from
Socca; however, he may have been influenced by Missionary
usages (se 9-6.12).
Certain nouns in Aymara always have human reference.
One is jayra ‘lazy person.' Another, of much greater im-
portance in the language, is the noun chosen by Hardman to
designate Aymara and its sister languages: jaqi. This
means ‘human being, person, people’ in all the Jaqi languages.
In Aymara the noun jaqi used alone usually refers to the
Aymara people specifically. One speaker from La Paz rejected
*Quechua jaqgi. However, some speakers extend the term jaqi
to other races or ethnic groups in such noun phrases as
602
jang'u jaqi ‘white people', and the phrase suma jagi ‘of
good character' may be applied to non-Aymara persons who
are judged to merit the designation.
Another meaning of jaqgi is ‘adult, married person',
as is shown in the derived verb jagi.cha.fia ‘to marry’,
'to make or cause person(s)'. Personhood in Aymara society
is fully attained only upon marriage.
Probably through a process of semantic identifica-
tion with the Spanish noun hombre, which means both
'man(kind)' and ‘human male', the noun jaqi is sometimes
used by bilinguals to mean ‘male human being, man’.
Naya jagqi.xa Qalaqala.t.wa. ‘I'ma man from Calacala.'
Ip
(Yo soy hombre de Calacala.) (Calacala)
Ma: jaqi.w juta.tayna. 'A man (not known to me)
a come 343 came. '
RIK
(Habia venido un hombre. ) (La Paz/Compi)
These examples show how the Spanish gender distinction (one
of the Spanish linguistic postulates) may affect the Aymara
of bilinguals. Nevertheless, the native Aymara meaning of
jaqi also persists in the speech of bilinguals and mono-
linguals alike. In this meaning the noun jagi is the epitome
of humanness. Its semantic opposite, the nadir of nonhuman-
ness, is anu 'dog'. If one does not behave like jaqi, one
603
is behaving like a dog. The dichotomy is illustrated in the
following, a La Paz retort to an insult.
K"iti.ta.sa - anu.ta.t jagi.ta.cha?
who 233 dog 2-3 person
S S
Jag.jam parla.m jan an.jam parla.m.ti.
person like speak not dog like speak 2>+3
I
‘Who are you - a dog or a person? Talk like a
person, not like a dog.’ (La Paz/Compi)
The above is rude, using the unadorned Imperative. So is
the following:
Anu.r jagu.ni.m. 'Throw it to a dog.’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
dog throw 23
I
The above sentence is a retort to someone who is throwing
stones or otherwise being deliberately annoying; it means
'Go do it to a dog instead of to me.'
The following is commonly said by wedding godparents
to the couple for the stability of whose marriage they are
responsible:
Jaq ufi.ta.sa.w sar.naga.:ta. ‘Live (by) watching real
people looking at go around 2+3 people.’ (La Paz/Compi)
F (Yapita 1975:1-2)
(‘Behave the way you see real people behaving.')
604
When one partner in a marriage does not want to be
reconciled with the other, someone may comment as follows:
Anu.s nuwa.si.sin suma.pt.i.sa. (La Paz/Compi
dog fighting make up 333 (Yapita 1975:3)
S
‘Even dogs make up after fighting. (Why not people?) '
The above is a strong rebuke. If the errant spouse still
refuses to attempt a reconciliation, he or'she will hear
the ultimate condemnation.
Kuna.r uf.ta.t sar.naq.ta.xa,
anything look at go around 273
S
jaqi.tak p'inga, anu.tak unra.
people same dog honor
‘How stupid you are.
You are a shame to the human race,
an honor to dogs."
(La Paz/Compi) (Yapita 1975:3)
Bertonio (1603b:94) cited a sentence using a ver-
balized form of * anugara ‘dog’ meaning ‘insult, make fun of'
+
Uma.ta.na anugara.ch. tama.
drunk dog 32
S
‘As you were drunk he made fun of you (treated you
like a dog).'
605
In spite of the jaqi/anu distinction, the Aymara
generally treat their dogs humanely, as they do all useful
domestic animals; one might say they behave like jaqi toward
them. One calls one's dog by name to go herd sheep.
Tumaykaris, juta.m! Iwis anaki.iani.
come 2>3 sheep herd 493
I F/I
‘Come, Tumaykarisa! Let's you and me herd the sheep.'
(Hardman et al. 1975:1.205)
The addressee is the dog, Tumaykarisa, and the fourth person
inflection includes the dog as well as the human speaker.
One may also say to a dog
Aka.x mang'a.ma.w. "Here's your food.'
this food 2p
However, one does not use the same forms in speaking to a
dog as to a human being. The first of the above two sen-
tences would be rude if addressed to a person; the second
would be insulting. In the first case the unadorned Impera-
tive juta.m 'Come!' would be avoided by using politive
independent and final suffixes and/or by substituting
the Future for the Imperative.
Juta.ki.:ta.pi.y. ‘Please (you will) come.‘
come 2+3
F
606
And as indicated in the discussion of uses of the fourth
person (8-2.1), a polite way to tell someone that dinner is
ready is to say
Mang'a.si.fani. "Let's eat, you and I.'
eat 4+3
F/I
The jaqi/anu distinction affects the semantics of
other nouns. One of these is awki, an archaic term for
‘father'. As noted above, it occurs in the noun phrase
suma awki as a respectful term of address or reference for
God. In other contexts, awki has acquired canine connota-
tions. For example, to use it in inquiring about the health
of someone's father is rejected as implying the father is a
dog. That is,
Awki.ma.sti? ‘And (how is) your father?'
2p and
implies the rude expression
Anu awki.ma.sti? ‘And (how is) your (SOB of a) father?'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Another context, in which awki refers to a real dog's father,
is a jingle said while holding up a puppy's front legs to
make it dance on its back legs.
607
Tunka paya.n awki.ni, ma: sap tayki.ni...
10 2 owner 1 only mother owner
'It has 12 fathers, only one mother . . . ' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
(The jingle refers to the fact that a dog has any number of
possible fathers.)
8-2.23 The noun kankafia
The noun kankafia ‘essence, nature, being, power'
does not occur by itself, but only as the head of a noun
phrase and only when modified by another noun referring to
3
the Deity or a human being. It is to be distinguished from
the homophonous kanka.fia 'to fry’. Examples of kankafia are
Dios kankata ‘divine essence, Being of God' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
jaqi kankafia ‘human nature’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also
Bertonio 1612:2:120)
jayra kankafia.pa ‘their being lazy' jayra ‘human lazi-
ness' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
quilgi.n kankafia.pa.mpi.x ‘their being wealthy’
uerto Acosta)4 quilgi.ni ‘rich person’
uta.n kankatia ‘the power of being a landlord’
uta.ni 'house-owner'’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
When modified by warmi ‘woman' the meaning is somewhat
disparaging.
608
Warmi kankafia.x jani.w wali.k.i.ti.
woman being no good 33
S
'To be a woman alone is not good.' (La Paz/Compi)
Warmi kankafia.pa.mpi.x Jura.p.x.i.w.
woman being do 373
S
‘In spite of their being women they did it.'
(La Paz/Compi)
Noun phrases in which kankafia is modified by nonhuman nouns
are usuaily rejected.
*jang'u kankafia ‘to be white’
This meaning is instead expressed by verbalizing the noun
jang'u ‘white’.
jang'u.:.fia ‘to be white'
If jang'u modifies a human noun, such as jaqi, the noun
phrase is acceptable to some speakers.
janq'u jaq kankafia ‘to be white people, White Power'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
609
As indicated previously, suma 'good' occurs with
human reference when modifying kankana.
suma kankafia.mpi ‘with good humor’ (La Paz/Compi)
This is to be distinguished from the phrase
sum kanka.fia ‘to fry well' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
In this, suma is the zero complement of the nominalized verb
kanka- ‘fry'.
8-2.24 Noun suffixes
The noun suffix -ni possessor/enumerator is unmarked
for human/nonhuman when it occurs as possessor.
Uta.x punku.ni.w. ‘The house has a door.'
Jupa.x uta.ni.w. ‘She's a house-owner. '
r
However, when it occurs as enumerator, -ni is always human. >
On the interrogative gqawg"a ‘how much/many':
Qawg"a.ni.sa? ‘How many people are there?’
610
On numbers 1 to 10 and multiples of 10:
Pusi.ni.wa. ‘There are four people. '
Tunka pusi.ni.wa. ‘There are forty people.'
On the nonhuman quantity nouns tagi ‘all', wal.ja
‘much, many’, and juk'a 'few':
taqi.ni ‘all (the) people'
wal.ja.ni ‘many people’
juk'a.ni 'few people'
The personal possessive suffixes for Ip, 2p, and 4p
all refer to human possessors. The third person is unmarked
for human/nonhuman.
uta.n punku.pa ‘the door of the house’
Sp
jupa.n uta.pa "his house'
(The -n in the above examples is the possessive suffix -na.)
611
8-2.25 Subjects and complements of verb roots, stems,
and themes
As indicated in 6-3, verbs in Aymara are inflected
for tense, subject person, and complement person, in nine
unitary suffixes for each tense. (Defective verbs created
by verbalization with -ka- or -:- take only four inflectional
suffixes, all with 3p complements.) In these tense/person
suffixes (as in the case of personal possessive suffixes) 3p
subjects and complements are unmarked for human/nonhuman,
while 1p, 2p, and 4p subjects and complements are human or
anthropomorphized. A complement expressed in a tense/person
suffix may be further specified in a sentence by a noun
marked by one of the Aymara complement/relational (case)
suffixes (5-3.31). These nouns are referred to by these
suffixes as -ru, -ta, -mpi, -na, or -taki complements. Some
verbs also select other nouns which are marked with case
suffixes but do not reflect complements expressed in the
tense/person suffixes; these case-marked nouns are called
relationals. In addition to selecting subjects, complements,
and relationals, most verb roots and stems select zero
complements (5-3.33).
Aymara verb roots and stems (roots plus derivational
suffixes) belong to covert classes according to the semantic
features of the subjects, complements, relationals, and zero
complements they may take. The human/nonhuman distinction
612
is reflected in these semantic features, as is to be ex-
pected of such an important linguistic postulate in the
language. Investigation of other semantic features of
Aymara has only just begun. Among those tentatively identi-
fied so far, in addition to human/nonhuman, are distinctions
of animate/inanimate (or moving/nonmoving), animal/nonanimal,
plant/nonplant, and humanly processed/unprocessed.
There is apparently no set hierarchy of features;
rather, they cut across each other. Nonhuman may subsume
animate and inanimate, but animate may subsume human, animal,
and moving natural phenomena such as fire, sunlight, hail,
and clouds. Inanimate may subsume plant, humanly processed
agricultural products or manufactures, or nonprocessed non-
moving matter such as rock, earth, or places. Human may
subsume a distinction of human persons vs. human body parts
or secretions (e. g. blood, urine) and conditions affecting
them (e. g. cold, sunlight). Illustrations of these dis-
tinctions are given below. They remain working categories
pending further refinement as Aymara semantic studies pro-
ceed.
One instance in which the human/nonhuman distinction
is overriding with respect to verb stems and themes concerns
the behavior of the nominalizing suffix -fia (7-4.21.2). This
suffix is unmarked for human/nonhuman on verb roots. All
roots may take it, regardless of the semantics of their
613
subjects or complements. However, certain verb stems and
verb themes that require a nonhuman subject reject nominali-
zation with -fia because on them -fia implies a human subject.
Examples of stems and themes that reject -fia are given below.
The selectional rules for the semantic features
of verb subjects and complements are very complex, changing
according to the verb root and the verbal derivational suf-
fixes occurring in a verb stem. Although investigation of
these rules was not formally undertaken for this study,
examples are given to illustrate the interplay of semantic
features and to suggest directions for future research.
Verbs which usually require a human subject include
verbs of carrying or moving specific shapes and consistencies
of objects (zero complements) by various means (Tate 1970)
and the general carrying verb apa.fia 'to take, carry’ (shape
and consistency of object and manner of carrying not speci-
fied). In its basic form this verb takes a human subject
but not a human complement. It may take a human complement
when a nonhuman noun with the complement/relational suffix
-ta occurs as a relational (instrumental) in the sentence.
*(Naya.x) (juma.r) apa.:ma. (Not possible)
Ip 2p ae
(Naya.x) (juma.r) awtu.t apa.:ma.
Ip 2p -ru. car -ta Il-2
F
614
'I will take you by car.'
The verb apa.fia plus the Class 1 verbal derivational
suffix -rpaya- implies a human subject and complement:
apa.rpaya.fia 'to leave someone’. However, when the Class 1
suffixes -su- and -ta- are added to the root apa-, the new
stem takes the moving natural phenomenon qinaya ‘cloud’ as
subject; it will not take a human subject nor the suffix
-fla.
Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. ‘Clouds gathered. ' (La Paz)
3>3
S
Another carrying verb, irpa.fia 'to take a person’,
requires both a human subject and a human zero complement
in La Paz.
(Naya.x) (jum) irpa.:ma. ‘I will take you.'
1s2
F
In Salinas irpa.fia may also take a domesticated animal as
zero complement. In La Paz the derived verb irp.xata.fa,
with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -xata-, still
requires a human subject but may take a human or nonhuman
zero complement. Examples:
615
um irp.xata.fia ‘to direct water through a canal (if it
water — is going the wrong way)' (La Paz/Compi)
jum awtu.ru.w irp.xata.fa ‘to put you in a car (if
ap car OO you're sick and can't move)
and take you somewhere’
(La Paz/Compi)
(An animal may be substituted for the person in the last
example.)
In classifying noun features it is necessary to
recognize metaphoric usages whereby an apparently nonhuman
noun is used where a human noun would be expected. The
derived verb irpa.ra.fia ‘to take away, remove physically,
as punishment', with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix
-ra-, may take a human subject and a human or animal zero
complement. For example, a customs agent (human subject)
may take away someone's dog (animal zero complement). Meta-
phorically human, the law may take children (human zero
complement) from one parent and give them to the other
parent. (These examples are all from La Paz/Tiahuanaco. )
The verbs achu.fia (La Paz) and puqu.fia (La Paz and
elsewhere) take a plant subject and no zero complement.
ach.u.
a "Potatoes grow/are produced. '
pug.u. ( (La Paz) (Calacala)
~~ 343
S
Ch'ugi.w
616
When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix -ya- is added to
achu- or puqu-, the verb takes a human subject, the original
plant subject then turning into a zero complement.
Ch'uq achu.y.t.wa. ‘I grow potatoes.' (La Paz)
133
S
There is a homophonous verb achu.ita ‘to carry in the
mouth' that requires an animal subject. The derived stem
ach.ja.tata- ‘to bite', with the Class 1 derivational suf-
fixes -ja- and -tata-, also requires an animal subject and
therefore does not take the nominalizer -fia. It can take a
human -ru complement.
Anu.w (naya.r) ach.ja.tat.itu. ‘The dog bit me.’
dog Ip 3>1 = (La Paz)
S
The base verb mang'a.fa 'to eat' permits a human or
animal subject and an edible zero complement, but no human
-ru complement. The derived verb stem mang'a.tata- with the
Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -tata-, permits only an
animal subject and does not take -fia, but like ach.ja.tata-
it also can take a human -ru complement.
617
ch'uq mang'a.fia ‘to eat potatoes' (La Paz)
chug mang a.na
Anu.w (naya.r) mang'a.tat.itu. ‘The dog bit me.'
dog Tp ——=— 3+ (La pazi
S
Two other verbs glossing ‘to bite', both also with
-tata- in the stem, may be substituted for ach.ja.tata- or
mang'a.tata-.
Anu.w fiaxfia.tat.itu. 'The dog bit me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Anu.w ttat"a.tat.itu. ‘The dog bit me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
3+]
S
The verb t"at"a.tata.fia may take a human subject when used
metaphorically, meaning ‘to snap at someone, to bite some-
one's head off'.
Certain verb themes built on nouns verbalized with
=pta- require a nonhuman subject and do not take the nomi-
nalizer -fia. Examples are ch'iyara.pta- ‘turn black’,
muxsa.pta- ‘turn sweet', and uma.pta- ‘melt, turn to liquid’.
When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix -ya- is added,
the new stems permit human and nonhuman subjects and zero
complements, and will take the nominalizer -fia.
618
ch' iyara.pta.ya.fia ‘to cause to turn black, to
blacken'
muxsa.pta. ya. fia ‘to sweeten’
Nina.x ch"ullunk"ay una pta. uma. pia Ya. tayna.
fire ice 3+3
RIK
'The fire melted the ice.’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
The natural phenomena nouns lupi ‘sunlight' or inti ‘sun’
may be substituted for nina in the foregoing sentence.
The verb jiwa.fia 'to die' may take an animal or human
subject without the addition of any Class 1 suffixes to the
root, but not a plant subject; and it has no complements.
The following examples from La Paz/Compi have the Class 2
suffixes -si- and -ka- with the Non-Involver -chi and the
final suffixes -chi- plus -m:
Iwisa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. ‘Maybe the sheep died.’
sheep die NI
Jupa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. ‘Maybe he/she died.'
3p
*Ch'ugi.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the potatoes died.'
potato
Another noun accepted as subject in the above pattern is
‘Nina. x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. ‘Maybe the fire died out.'
Nina.chi.m jiwa.s.k.chi. ‘Maybe the fire died down.'
Nina.chi.m jiwa.ra.s.k.chi. ‘Look out, the fire may
die out.'
(The last example has the Class 1 suffix -ra- in the stem.)
The addition of the Class 2 suffix -ya- to the root
jiwa- does not change the semantics of its subjects but
allows it also to take (formerly) living zero complements.
Juyp"i.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. ‘Hail killed the sheep.’
hail sheep 323
RIK
Qamaqi.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 'The fox killed the sheep.’
fox sheep 343
RIK
Jupa.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. ‘He/she killed the sheep.'
3p sheep 323
RIK
In La Paz/Compi, if the Class 1 suffix -su- is added
to the root jiwa- the new stem may take a plant subject but
not a human or animal subject.
Ch'ugi.x jiw.su.s.k.chi.chi.xa. ‘Maybe the potatoes
— Ni died.’
potato
Ch'ugi.x jiw.s.u.x. ‘The potatoes died.'
323
S
620
Jawasa.x jiw.S.u.x. - ‘The beans died.'
beans
Ayru.x jiw.S.u.w. ‘The plants died.'
plant
Addition of the Class 2 suffix -ya- to the stem jiw.su- per-
mits an animate subject, and turns a former plant subject
to a zero complement. In the following example, also from
La Paz/Compi, the new subject is juyp"i ‘hail':
Juyp"i.chi.x pangar jiw.su.ya.s.k.chi.
hail flower NI
"Perhaps the hail killed the flowers."
When a verb already has a human subject and a non-
human zero complement, the addition of -ya- to the root cre-
ates an agent (usually human) expressed in the verb inflection
complement. If the agent is also expressed by a noun in the
sentence, it will be marked by either -ru or -mpi complement/
relational suffix (see 5-3.31).
um wayu.fa ‘to carry water (in container
with handles) '
Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m. ‘Have Johnny carry the water.'
2>3
I
Mama.ma.mpi.y wayu.ya.m. ‘Have your mother carry the
water. '
621
(In these contexts, as noted by Hardman, -mpi occurs when it
is desired to show respect for the person who is to be the
agent.)
The Class 2 suffix combination -si- plus -ka-
(-s.ka-) implies a human or anthropomorphized subject when
it occurs on interrogatives and demonstratives that have
been verbalized with -ka-.
Kawki.n.ka.s.k.i.sa? ‘Where is he/she?'
~~ 343
S
Aka.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa.y. ‘He was here.' (referring to the
373 dog Tumaykarisa; Hardman et al.
RDK 1975:1:205)
Without -s.ka-, the interrogative or demonstrative plus -n.ka-
implies an inanimate, nonmoving subject.
a
Kawki.n.k.i.sa? feet
"Where is it?'
Kawk"a.n.k.i.sa?
Aka.n.k.i.wa. ‘It's here.' (La Paz)
333
S
In asking the location of a domestic animal, or even a per-
son, it is common to use an inflected verb, instead of kawki
plus verbalization, e. g.
622
Asnu.x kawk"a.n.s mang'a.s.k.i?
donkey where eat 3>3
S
‘Where is the donkey feeding?'
K"a: pampa.n mang'a.s.k.i.
that
'He's feeding over on that pampa [flat place].'
(La Paz/Compi)
The suffix combination -s.ka- on a verb or verb
theme nominalized with -:- instead of -ka-, does not imply a
human subject.
Aka.:.s.ska.tayna.w. ‘Here it is.' (La Paz/Compi)
33
RIK
The Class 2 suffix -rapi- beneficiary occurs in
stems which take human subjects and human -taki complements,
and may also take a human -ru relational. There is also
usually a zero complement.
(Juma. Jupa) (ype. r) (n aa taki.w) ch'uq chura. rap. ita:ta.
2p potato “Give 2>1
F
"You will give him potatoes on my behalf.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
The Class 2 suffix -raga- victimary occurs in stems
which take human subjects and human -na complements;
623
relationals may also occur, and the zero complement is a
possession of the -na complement.
Juma.n wutilla.m jala.q.ta.ya.raq.tam.
2p bottle 2p knock over ~~ 3-2
S
'Hde knocked over your bottle.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Some derived verbs based on nouns verbalized with
the Class 1 suffix -ja- have unrealized subjects but take
human -ru complements and ingestible -ta relationals. The
verbs may take the nominalizer -fia only when they are stated
with their -ta relationals; -ru complement nouns are usually
not expressed. Examples:
mang'a.t ~ maq'a.t awt.ja.fia (*awt.ja.fia) awti ‘'drought'
Mang'a.t (79a. r) awt.j.itu. ‘I'm hungry.'
food ac 2 (all dialects)
uma.t awt.ja.na
Uma.t awt.j.itu. ‘I'm thirsty.’ (Jopoqueri,
water Morocomarca )
uma.t p"ar.ja.fia (*p"ar.ja.fia) p"ara ‘'dry'
Uma.t p"ar.j.itu. ‘I'm thirsty.' (La Paz)
624
uma.t wafi.ja.na (*wafi.ja.fia) wafu 'dry'
Uma.t wan.j.itu. ‘I'm thirsty.' (Calacoa, Sitajara,
Bertonio 1603b)
Another verb that takes a human -ru complement and
may have an unrealized subject is jat.ja.fia 'to weigh upon,
to sadden'.
Jat.j.itu. ‘It saddens me/weighs me down/weighs on me.'
133
S ‘It's heavy.' (La Paz/Compi)
Certain verbs with subjects that are human body
parts or conditions affecting them, answer the ques-
tion
Kuna.s kama.ch.tam? "What ails you?'
what how 3-2
S
The examples, all of which are believed to take -fia nomi-
nalizer, are from Hardman et al. (1975:1.181-184, 2.119)
unless otherwise noted.
Malig'a.w ch'aja.nt.itu. "My throat is hoarse. '
throat HY
S
625
Tiaya.w k'at"ati.y.itu. ‘The cold makes me shiver. '
cold
Puraka.w k'ich.itu. ‘My stomach has cramps.'
stomach
Lupi.w lup.j.itu. 'The sunlight makes me hot.'
sunlight
Iki.w pak.itu. 'I'm sleepy.’ ('Sleep overcomes
sleep me.') (Jopoqueri)
T"aya.w tiay.j.itu. ‘The cold chills me.'
cold J
Ampara.w t'uk.utu. 'My arms are stiff.’
arm
P'igi.w us.utu. ‘My head aches."
head —
There are also verbs that may take both human per-
sons and human body parts, or conditions affecting them, as
subjects. With person subjects they may take inanimate zero
or -ru complements but they usually do not take human comple-
ments; with body parts or conditions as subjects they may
take human complements, in which case they answer the ‘What
ails you?’ question. Examples:
626
puri.fia ‘to arrive’
(mark)
Person subject: Jupa.w pur. i.
3p (marka.r) x3
town
‘He/she arrived (in town).' (La Paz)
Condition subject: Iki.w pur.itu.
sleep = =— 31
S
‘I'm sleepy.' (La Paz)
Iki.w puri.w.j.itu.
'I'm sleepy.' (Calacoa)
Iki.w pur.t.itu.
'I'm sleepy.' (Sitajara)
Ch"uxu.w pur. itu.
urine
'I need to urinate.' (La Paz)
gari.fa ‘to tire'
Person subject: Qari.ta.ki.t.wa. .
—— 133
S
'I'm very tired.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
627
Qar.j.t.wa.
'I'm tired.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Body part subject: Kayu.naka.w sar.naga.t gar.j.itu.
feet walk 3-1
S
'My feet are tired (tire me) from walking.’
(Hardman et al. 1975:2.119)
Unrealized subject: Qar.ja.s.k.itu.w.
3+]
S
‘I'm tired.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.355)
sara.fia ‘to go’
(mark)
Person subject: Naya. x sara.:.
'p (marka.ru.w) _
town
'I'll go to town.' (La Paz)
Body part subject, body part -ta relational:
Wila.w nasa.t sar.itu.
blood nose ~~ 3+]
S
‘I have a nosebleed.' (‘Blood from
nose goes to me.' (La Paz)
628
sar.ta.fia ‘to get up'
Person subject: Jupa.x sar.t.i.w.
3p “~~ 33
S
'He got up.' (La Paz)
Body part condition subject, condition -ta relational:
Jinchu ch"ig"acha.w t'aya.t sar.t.itu.
ear ache cold ——~ 3+]
- §
'My ear aches from the cold.' ('Ear ache
from cold gets up to me.') (Hardman et al.
1975:1.181-182)
A verb that may take a human -ru complement with
either a human person or bodily condition as subject is
katu.fia 'to grab’.
Person subject, human -ru complement:
Jupa.x (naya.r) kat.utu.
ae |
S
'He/she grabbed me.' (La Paz)
Condition subject, human -ru complement:
Rumarisu.w kat.utu.
rheumatism 31
'T have rheumatism.' (Hardman et al.
1975:1.181-182)
A verb that may take a human or animal subject with
or without a human complement is ma.kata.fia 'to go across or
in front of'.
Human subject, human -ru complement:
Naya.x maliku.r ma.kat.t.wa.
Ip chief ~ ~— ]+3
S
'l went before the chief.' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco; inspired by Bertonio 1603b:272)
Human subject, place zero complement:
Jawir ma.kata.m.
river 23
I
‘Cross the river.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco;
inspired by Bertonio 1603b :272)
630
Animal subject, human -ru complement:
Kusi.kusi.x ma.kat.istu.
spider 3-4
S
'Spiders crawled over us.' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
Most of the above examples are from La Paz. Evi-
dence of dialectal variation in the semantic features of
verb subjects and complements is still scanty, but a few
examples may be given. In La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, and
Morocomarca the verb wawa.cha.fia means ‘for animals to bear
offspring'. In Jopoqueri, Sitajara, and Salinas the verb
is also used for human beings, with the general meaning ‘to
bear offspring’. Everywhere, however, derivatives of the
verb usu.fia 'to be i17' (such as usu.ri.:.ta.:.fia,
usu.r.ta.Si.fia, and us.xa.fia) are commonly used for ‘to
be pregnant, to bear a child' (human subject).
In Juli ik.nug.t.xa.si.fia means ‘for a human being
to be born'. The corresponding verb in Jopoqueri is
jiki.nugu.si.fia. Metaphorically they may mean ‘to be
founded' taking as subject an organization, for example.
In La Paz the usual verb meaning 'for a human being to be
born' is nasi.fia, from Spanish nacer. The corresponding
native Aymara verb yuri.fia ~ yawri.fia still persists in Juli
631
and parts of La Paz department but yuri.fia is considered to
be Missionary or Radio Aymara by some speakers (see 9-6.2).
8-2.3 Directly/Indirectly acquired knowledge
(data source)
This postulate is expressed by verbal inflectional
suffixes (6-3), the reporting verb sa.fia (6-4 and 7-4.4) and
certain final suffixes (7-2.22). Its cultural importance is
conveyed in a saying found in almost all Aymara communities
(see 7-4.22.1 and Appendix D), which may be translated as
"Having seen, one must say “I have seen."
Not having seen, one must not say "I have seen."'
Closely bound up with this postulate is the cultural impor-
tance of learning by watching the behavior of respected
people, as reflected in the expressions noted in 8-2.2 with
reference to the human/nonhuman distinction.
Jaq uii.ta.sa.w sar.naqga.:ta. ‘Live (by) watching
people watching go around 2>3 real people. '
F
Kuna.r uf.ta.t sar.naq.ta.xa. ‘You go around looking
anything watching go around at anything.’ (How
2>3 stupid you are.) (La
S Paz/Compi)
In Aymara society, children are expected to learn by observa-
tion and in a very short time; they are expected to dis-
criminate, both qualitatively and in terms of who did and
632
said what and to whom. This expectation is reflected in the
language.
The Simple, Remote Direct Knowledge, and Remonstra-
tor tenses are used when (usually visual) direct experience
on which to base a statement (or question) is available to
the speaker, hearer, or both. The Future, Imperative, and
Desiderative tenses are used for projections vouched for or
desired on the basis of directly acquired personal knowl-
edge. The Remote Indirect Knowledge tense indicates non-
presence of the speaker at the event(s) discussed and second-
hand acquisition of the information, possibly accompanied
by surprise or change of a former opinion. Compound tenses
with the Inferential express conjecture based on evidence
from personal experience, while compound tenses with the
Non-Involver imply inability to vouch for information be-
cause of factors beyond one's control.
The reportive verb sa.fia places the speaker in the
role of reproducing what someone else said. Varying de-
grees of directness or indirectness of acquisition of the
information may be expressed by the verb sa.fia as well as
within the quoted statements themselves.
The final suffixes -wa absolute and -pi reiterator
of known information are the strongest of the direct knowl-
edge markers. They often occur softened with the politive
-ya, but this does not detract from their absoluteness.
633
The interrogatives -sa and -ti elicit answers with -wa or
-pi even if no information is available.
Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. 'T don't know.' (general)
no ~ know 1-3
S
On the other hand, the final suffix -xa or its variant is
nonabsolute, often tentative. The limited final suffix
-chi- and the disclaimer -m are the strongest indirect
knowledge markers, the former very similar in both phonologi-
cal shape and semantics to the Non-involver suffix -chi. In
fact, the final suffix combinations -chi.xa and -chi.m have
occurred only with -chi Non-involver on the verb, although
the latter often occurred without -chi.xa or -chi.m in the
sentence.
Combining direct knowledge tenses with direct knowl-
edge final suffixes reinforces the directness. The final
suffixes -wa and -pi do not co-occur with the Non-involver,
the most indirect of the tense markers.
At this stage of research no regional variation in
this postulate has been noted, but there is variation with
respect to Missionary Aymara (see 9-6.13).
634
8-2.4 A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural
In Aymara the distinction of singular/plural is not
a postulate as it is for the Indo-European languages.
Plural may be optionally indicated by the noun suffix -naka
and/or the verbal derivational suffix -p-, as noted in
5-2.3, 5-3.25, and 6-2.26. The present section focuses on
examples that show the optionality of number marking in
Aymara.
8-2.41 Plural in translation, no
plural marking in Aymara
Juma.raki na.raki, juma.raki na.raki,
2p and Ip and
uka.x kuna.s? Kayu.w.
that what foot
"You and I, you and 7,
what is that? Feet.’ (Calacoa riddle)
Wawa.j pirti.si.y.itu.
child Ip lose 3+]
S
'She made me lose my children." ‘(Socca)
Yapu.sa.taki.wa.
field 4p
'Tt's for our fields.' (Salinas)
635
drink 253 this chicha drink 2>3
I I
ch'ama.tayi> sa.s uka.t uma.nt.iri.w.
strength that drink
''Drink chicha, drink this chicha, for strength,"
so saying they drink.’ (Sitajara)
The following example has a subject consisting of
two nouns conjoined:
Uk"a.ru.x awk tayka.raki.w puri.n.iritayn.
then father mother and arrive 33
RIK
'Then the father and mother arrived.’ (Juli)
The second in the following minimal pair (contrast-
ing the phonemes /ch'/ and /ch/) implies more than one per-
son as subject.
Ch'ara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. '(The rain) might get your
wet NI 353 clothes wet.' (La Paz)
D-1
Chara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. 'They may cross thighs. '
thigh (obscene) (La Paz)
636
8-2.42 Conjoined nouns as subject, plural
marked on verb
Tata.j mama.ja.w jark'a.si.p.x.itu.
father Ip mother prevent ~ Sl
S
'My father and mother don't let me.’ (Juli)
+ . g'amagi.mpi k'usillu.mpi jig.xata.si.p.xa.tayna . . .
fox monkey meet ~ 333
RIK
' . . a fox and a monkey met . . . ' (Pacajes; LaBarre
1950:42)
8-2.43 Plural marked only on subject
Alp"irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. "There are alferados.'
alferado ~— 333 (Sitajara)
S
Uka.t uka piwuna.naka.x ya uka chicha.mpi-.x
then that worker
tunu.ri.w. 'Then those workers are strengthened
strength with that chicha.' (Sitajara)
Juma.naka ufi.ch'uk.ista.wa. ‘You (pl.) are looking at me.'
- 2>1 (Salinas; translated from
S Spanish)
K"iti.naka.s pur.ta.ni.w.x.i? ‘Who (pi.) arrived?’
who arrive 323 = (Calacoa)
S
637
Uk"a.ma.ki.w kuwintu.naka.ja.x .. . inas jan
thus story ~ Ip maybe no
wali.k.ch.i.ti. ‘That's the way my stories (are)...
good 33 perhaps not very good.' (Huancané)
S
Kuna p"utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s .. .
whatever photo come out
"Whatever photos may come out... ' (Corque)
8-2.44 Plural marked only on verb
A subject, complement, or relational noun without
-naka but translating as plural may occur with -p- on the
verb.
Subject:
Alp"a sSa.p.x.t na.x. "We say alp"a.' (Sitajara)
alfalfa say 1+3 Ip
S
- al.ja.si.p.k.t"a naya.x. ‘We buy .. .' (Calacala)
buy —~ 123 Ip
S
Complement:
. Na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it. ‘Dismiss us .. .'
Ip dismiss ~ 2+] (Sitajara)
I
Jani.w k"iti.ru.s aru.s.ta.si.p.xa.nta.ti.
no anyone tell ~ 2>3
F
‘Don't [you sg.] tell anyone else.' (Salinas)
638
Wak liw.t'a.ya.ni.p.xa.:ta.
cow feed ~ 2>3
ete F
‘You [sg.] will feed the cows.' (Calacoa)
Relational:
Yapu.pa.t juta.p.x.i.x.
field 3p come ~ 393 -
S
'She's coming from her fields.’ (Juli)
It is common for -p- to occur on the verb when a
subject and/or complement is unexpressed by a noun in the
sentence, but appears in plural form in translation. The
suffix -p- may refer to the persons involved in the action,
the extent or intensity of the action itself, or both.
puqu.ya.si.p.k.t"a ‘we produce’ (Calacala)
~ 433
S
sara.si.p.k.ta ‘you [p].] are going' (Jopoqueri)
~ 43
S
May.ni.t may.ni.t pari.t'a.p.xa.m.
other talk — 2-3
I
‘You talk one by one.’ (Calacoa)
639
am. tu.ni.p.xa.mama ‘we will remember you' (Juli)
~ ]+2
F
amtu.ni.p.x.ita:ta ‘you will remember us' (Juli)
~ 2>1
F
Juma un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. ‘You are looking at us.'
2p â„¢~ 2+] (Calacoa; translated from
S
Tu nos estas mirando.'You [sg.] are looking at us.')
Kuwintt'a.p.xa.mama. 'I'1] tell you a story." (Huancané)
_ 1-2
F
Srta. Lusi.xa ak.ja.ta.:ma.ta aka.ru.x
Miss Lucy unexpectedly here
wisita.p.x.itu. 'Miss Lucy unexpectedly visited
visit ~ 31 us here.’ (Salinas)
S
Sometimes one verb may have -p- while another with
the same subject does not.
Uka.t uka.x chich.x lur.i.xa - k'usa.si.p.k.i
then that chicha make 3+3 make chicna 3-3
S S
wali sum. ‘Then they make chicha,they make
very well chicha very well." (Sitajara)
Uka.t.x uma.nta.p.x.i uka.t wulpi chur.i.x
then drink ~— 3+3 then hit give 33
S S
wal trawaj.i.x. "Then they drink, then they
well work 373 hit hard, they work hard.'
S (Sitajara)
Wal sara.naga.s.k.i - wali sara.naqa.si.p.k.i.x.
well get along 3-3 well get along ~ 343
S S
'They get along fine - they get along fine.' (Sitajara)
Jani.ray.s wali.:.wa.x.t.ti.x. Wal (lla)k"ichu.si.-
no and improve 133 very be sad
S
ta.p.x.i. ‘I haven't gotten any better...
~ 333 I've had a lot of trouble.’
S (Sitajara)
In the immediately preceding example -p- acts more
as an emphatic or intensifier than a plural. This is also
true in the following sentences:
Puri.t.ma.taki p"uya.p.t.wa. "For your coming I cooked
arrive 2p cook —1+3 (a lot).' (Morocomarca)
S
Tuk.t'a.si.p.x.ch.i uk charang. ‘He was playing the
play ~ 343 charango (a lot).'
S (Juli)
It is possible of course that in the first example above
more than one person was involved in the cooking and that in
641
the second the speaker refers to the audience for which the
charango was played.
8-2.45 Plural marked on complement and verb
In the following examples plural is marked on the
complement and the verb; there are no subject nouns or
pronouns in the sentences.
Na.naka.ru.x sSirwi.p.x.it. "You serve us." (Sitajara)
Ip serve 21
I
Uka.ta.raki na.naka.r arma.si.si.p.k.itasma.
then lp forget ~ 2>1
D-1
'Now then, don't you forget us.' (duli)
Kuna p"utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak
any photo come out those
apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y.
send ~ 2>1
F
"Please send me/us any photos that come out.' (Corque)
8-2.46 Plural marked on subject and verb
When translating from Spanish, bilinguals usually
mark a plural subject with -naka and the verb with -p-, as
in the following examples, all translations from Spanish:
642
Juma.naka uii.ch'uki.s.ka. p. Stes X.
2p ~— look at
S.
‘You [p1.] are looking at me.' (Calacoa)
Na.naka.x chik.t'a.si. p.k
Ip ask
i
‘We are asking.' (Salinas)
yuPa nak sara. p.xa. ta. Bae ta mama.pa.x k"atu.r
3p ~~ + go 3p market
sara.:n.wa. ‘After they had left, their mother went
go 333 to market.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; inspired
RDK by Ebbing 1965:185)
Kuilaka.nak.fa sar.xa.p. Ae i. 38
sister ~ Ip go ~
vs
"My sisters left.' (Morocomarca)
Juma.naka.x na.r un.kata.p.itta.
2p Ip ~~ 2+]
S
‘You (pi.) are looking at me.' (Sitajara)
This pattern may occur in the speech of monolinguals, as in
the case of the following from Tschopik (1948:113), but it
is not very common.
*Jupa.naka.sti inti.ru.xa kun.sa kama.cha. p. k.iri. payne. ti.
3p sun nothing do
RIK
"And they had done nothing to the sun.' (Chucuito)
643
8-3 Semantic Variation in Roots and Suffixes
Apart from variation in the manifestations of lin-
guistic postulates (although not in the postulates them-
selves), there is some variation inthe meanings of roots,
suffixes, and stems across dialects. The same root, stem,
or suffix may have one meaning in translation in one dialect,
another in another; or the same meaning in translation may
be expressed by different lexical items or suffixes from one
dialect to another. As already noted, relying on transla-
tions to establish 'same' or 'different' meanings is unsafe;
identity or difference of meanings must ultimately be decided
by native speakers working within the language.
8-3.1 Noun system
8-3.11 Closed classes of noun roots
The verbalized interrogative Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? has
Slightly different meanings in different dialects (see 5-
2.12). The syntactic linkers kuna.layku.ti.xa (built on the
interrogative kuna) and uka.mpisa (built on the demonstra-
tive uka) are discussed in 9-5.
The positionals chika and ch'ina have slightly
varying meanings, as do some of the temporals (see 5-2.5,
5-2.6, and 5-4).
644
The word jup"a, which is the 3p pronoun in Moroco-
marca, means quinoa (a grain) in La Paz where the 3p pronoun
is jupa as it is in most dialects.
Some kinship terms vary in meaning across dialects.
Only a few will be mentioned here. The term sullka means
‘younger daughter’ or ‘younger' in most dialects. However,
in Vitocota these meanings are rendered by p'uru. The noun
achachi means ‘grandfather’ or ‘old man’ in Calacala and
Calacoa, but in La Paz it signifies ‘dirty (unwashed) old
man, stupid old man'. The terms tatala (M) and mamala (F)
are used in Vitocota by a mother addressing a son or daughter.
In Sitajara they are used to refer to people from the alti-
plano (the department of Puno), otherwise known as the suni
people. In Tiahuanaco tatala is an insulting term for
‘father’.
8-3.12 Open class of noun roots
8-3.12.1 One form in Aymara, different meanings
in translation
These are listed in alphabetical order. There may
be some phonological variation in the root.
jiwa ‘ugly’ (Chucuito, Socca, Puno)
‘beautiful, pretty, nice' (La Paz)
‘dead’ (Morocomarca)
Jiwa uta.naka.ki.sa.: ‘What nice houses!' (La Paz)
"Houses of the dead!'
(Morocomarca )
jirwa ~ jiwra
jirwa
k"usa
k"usi
k'acha
k'acha.ta.ki.
pachpa
quli
645
‘quinoa’ (Socca, Puno)
‘quinoa, dried corn, cornstalk'
(Sitajara)
‘quinoa’ (Calacoa)
‘dried corn or dried wheat' (Morocomarca)
‘quinoa’ (Morocomarca)
3p pronoun (elsewhere)
‘quinoa’ (La Paz)
3p pronoun (Morocomarca)
‘tasty’ (Calacoa, Huancané)
"pretty, nice’ (La Paz)
‘beautiful’ (Chucuito, Puno)
‘pretty' (Calacoa)
'pretty' (Sitajara)
‘slowly' (Huancané; similar forms have
this meaning in La Paz, Morocomarca,
and Sitajara. See 8-3.12.2.)
‘all, completely’ (La Paz, Salinas,
Calacala, Calacoa)
‘cloudless sky' (Morocomarca; probably
metaphorical)
‘same’ (La Paz)
‘afterwards’ (Salinas, Corque)
‘right there' (Sitajara)
‘dear’, as in quli mama ‘dear lady'
(Juli, Huancané; not used in La Paz,
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
646
quta 'lake' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, La Paz, Juli)
'well full of water' (Calacoa)
suma ‘beautiful, pretty’ (Calacoa, Socca,
Jopoqueri)
‘tasty, delicious’ (nonhuman), ‘kind,
good' (human) (La Paz)
suma.ta.ji 'slow(ly)' (Salinas)
suma.t'a.ki 'slow(ly)' (Jopoqueri)
thaya ‘cold' (not ‘wind!) (Calacoa, Morocomarca,
San Andrés de Machaca)
"cold wind' (La Paz; wind is by defini-
tion cold)
wayra '‘wind' (Jopoqueri, Salinas; not used in
Calacoa or Compi)
warya ~ wayra 'wind' (in parts of La Paz)
8-3.12.2 One meaning in translation, different forms
in Aymara
‘all, completely’ liju (La Paz, Calacala, Calacoa)
liju ~ lliju (Salinas)
limp"“u (Morocomarca)
tagi (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Calacala, Sitajara; does not occur
in Calacoa)
tagpa ~ tagip (Morocomarca)
‘asthma' k'ap"allja (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Naya.x k'ap"allja.ni.t.wa. ‘I have
asthma. '
xarsa (Vitocota)
Jupa.x xarsa.ni.w. ‘He has asthma.'
‘belt’
(faja)
'chicha' (fermented
‘cloud'
"comb'
'dog'
‘family'
‘fast,
in a hurry'
647
p"aja (San Andrés de Machaca)
t'isnu (Morocomarca; worn only by women
in San Andrés de Machaca; term not used
in Sitajara)
wak'a (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, San
Andrés de Machaca)
yapisa (Jopoqueri, Salinas; term not
used in Sitajara)
corn drink)
k'usa (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Sitajara)
k'usa (Calacala)
wifiapu (Sitajara)
ch'iwi (Jopoqueri)
qinaya (Compi)
qinayu (Huancané)
chaxrafia (La Paz/Compi; ‘like a broom')
sanu (La Paz, Calacoa)
saxrafia, tika (Huancané)
anu (La Paz, Morocomarca, Juli, Sitajara,
alacoa)
anugara (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara,
Huancané, Vitocota)
p'amilla (La Paz; < Spanish familia)
yump"i (Vitocota)
anchicha (Sitajara)
anchita (La Paz)
apura (Sitajara, Jopoqueri; < Spanish
apurar)
648
jank'a (Sitajara)
jank'a.ki (La Paz)
laga (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Socca)
lijiru.lla (Ilave, according to Huancané
source; < Spanish ligero)
luku (Calacoa)
ma:ji (Salinas, Morocomarca)
ma:ki (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
mak.maki (Calacala)
mak"i (Calacoa)
'fat' lik'i (La Paz, Juli)
Tank"u (Salinas; in La Paz, means 'thick',
e. g. wool)
lunku (Calacoa)
'fat-taker' k"arik"ari (La Paz)
k"ari.s.iri (Juli, Huancané, Calacala,
Morocomarca)
lik'i.ch.iri (Salinas) ('fat-maker')
'flower' kalawina (Calacoa; < Spanish clavel)
pangqara (La Paz; this and similar forms
unknown in Calacoa)
p"aq"ara (Morocomarca)
p"anqalli (Jopoqueri)
t'ika (Salinas; considered Quechua by
Jopoqueri speaker)
‘fox! atux antunu (Salinas)
lari (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
‘girl’ (little)
"grinding stone for
"hail'
"hat'
"hen'
649
gamaqi (La Paz, Huancané, Socca, Sitajara,
Calacoa, Salinas)
tiwla (Morocomarca)
tiwula (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Socca,
Salinas)
lulu (Socca, Jests de Machaca, San Andrés
de Machaca)
mimilla (Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b)
imilla (elsewhere)
grain'
iyatia (Juli)
iyafia ~ iyawjatia (Jopoqueri; term not
used in Sitajara or Salinas)
kutatia (Morocomarca)
panhara (Sitajara)
q"una (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Morocomarca)
chijni (Huancané)
ch*ijch"i (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
ch"ixni (Vitocota)
ch"ulluqa (La Paz/Compi)
ch'utgq"u (Juli)
k'ulu (Jopoqueri)
sumiru (Sitajara;
< Spanish sombrero)
surmiru (La Paz;
atallpa (Sitajara)
wallpa (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca)
*atawalpa (Bertonio 1603b:23)
‘Tung'
‘much, too much'
‘pretty, beautiful’
‘quinoa’
‘rooster'
650
chuyma (Salinas, Juli)
samasama (Jopoqueri)
ulmuna (La Paz, Sitajara; < Spanish
pulmon
alluxa (Salinas, Jopoqueri; not used by
Some La Paz speakers because of homophony
with allu 'penis' plus -xa final suffix)
ancha (La Paz/Compi, Jopoqueri, Salinas)
ayncha (Corque)
muspa: (Salinas)
wakita (Jopoqueri)
wal.ja (La Paz, Morocomarca)
jiwa (La Paz, Huancané)
kusa (La Paz)
k"usa (Socca)
k"usi (Calacoa)
k'acha (Sitajara)
k'ach"a (Salinas)
suma (Calacoa, Socca, Jopoqueri)
jiwra (Sitajara, Calacoa)
jiwra ~ jirwa (Socca)
jupa (Morocomarca)
jup"a (La Paz/Compi, Huancané)
juyra (Jopoqueri, Salinas) |
pisqi (Sitajara)
chanka (Calacoa)
ch'uru (Sitajara)
651
gallu (Salinas; }
——— < Spanish gallo
k"allu (Morocomarca;
k'ank'a (La Paz, Jopoqueri)
ququrichi (Huancané)
wallpa (Huancané)
‘slow(ly)' aski.ta.ki (Calacoa)
jarita (Achocalla)
k'acha:.ta.ji (Morocomarca)
k'acha:.ta.ki (Sitajara)
k'acha.ta.ki (Huancané)
k'acha.t"a.ki (Morocomarca)
k'ach"ita (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
suma.t"a.ji (Salinas)
suma.t"a.ki (Jopoqueri)
‘ugly, disgusting’ axtafia (Juli)
jaxtata (Sitajara)
djiru (Salinas; < Spanish feo ?
djiwa (Socca)
Haxtafia (Salinas)
fiaxu (Jopoqueri)
p"iru (Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa,
San Andrés de Machaca; < Spanish feo ?
‘wind' ch'isi (Huancané)
suqi (Calacoa)
t"aya (La Paz; also means ‘cold')
652
wayra (Jopoqueri, Socca, Salinas; term
not used in Compi)
warya ~ wayra (parts of La Paz)
‘young woman' palachu (Calacala, possibly other parts
of Potos7)
tawaqu (elsewhere)
‘worm' sik"a (Morocomarca)
Tag"u (Calacoa)
lag'u (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajara)
8-3.13 Noun suffixes
8-3.13.1 One form in Aymara, different uses (and/or
meanings in translation)
-n.jama ‘like in/on' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
uru.n.jama ‘like in daytime'
p"axsi.n.jama 'like on the moon'
‘'through' (Calacoa, La Paz/Compi)
uta.n.jama ‘through the house'
‘every’ (Bertonio 1603b:231)
+ . ' \
uru.n.jama ‘every day
-pacha ‘self', on Ip naya ~ na (Juli, La Paz,
Calacoa; not used elsewhere)
nay.pacha ‘myself'
‘all, same' (everywhere)
653
8-3.13-2 One meaning in translation, different
forms in Aymara
Diminutives: -cha (Calacoa, Huancané)
-~Ila (Huancané, Sitajara, Corque,
Jopoqueri, Salinas)
-ita, -itu, -situ (everywhere but
Calacoa)
‘through' -:k"a (Morocomarca)
uta.:k"a ‘through the house'
-na.ma (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
uta.na.ma ‘through the house’
-:ma (San Andres de Machaca)
uta.:ma ‘through the house’
-n.jama (Calacoa, Compi)
uta.n.jama ‘through the house'
-ra (Jopoqueri)
uta.ra.n ‘through the house'
‘(the one) which’ -chapi on aka, uka (Huancané)
-ch"api on kawki, may.ni (Jopoqueri,
Sitajara)
-ch"ap.iri (Sitajara)
-i:ri on demonstratives (La Paz, Huancané)
-i:ri on kawki (La Paz, Huancané, Socca,
Jopoqueri )
-iri on kawki (La Paz)
-n.iri ~ -n.i:ri on kawki (La Paz, Juli)
= p.iri on kawki (Socca, Morocomarca)
zyp-iri on kawki (Morocomarca)
654
8-3.2 Verb system
8-3.21 Verb roots and stems
Some variation in the semantics of verb subjects
and complements due to different occurrences of verbal
derivational suffixes on a root has been discussed under
8-2.25.
The following examples from Morocomarca illustrate
the meaning changes that may occur within one dialect when
different verbal derivational suffixes (in this case the
Class 2 suffixes -wiya- and -xa-) are substituted on a
verb root (in this case chura- ‘'give').
Chura.:.wa. ‘I am going to set a quota.’
1+3 (Voy a poner una cuota.)
F
Chura.wiya. :.wa. "I will give to/reach out
143 to him/her.' (Le voy a alcanzar. )
F
Chur. xa. :.wa. 'I will give it to him/her. '
133
F
Across dialects there exist sets or families of
verbs built on the same or related roots. One such set is
built on the noun/verb root aru ‘word, language, speech,
speak' or the derived frozen verb stem arusi-. In many
dialects today aru.fia exists only as a noun, ‘cock's crow'.
655
(In Huancané, however, wallpa ar.ta is 'cock's crow'.) The
Spanish loan verb parla.fa 'to speak' has been adopted al-
most everywhere. Verbs built on aru or arusi- have a variety
of derived meanings.
ar.s.t'a.fia
ar.su.nia
ar.s.xa.fia
ar.t'a.fia
ar.t'a.wiya.fia
arusi.fia
arus.naga.fna
arus.ta.fa ~ arus.t'
arus.tata.fia
arus.t'a.si.fia
ar.xata.na
ar.xaya.fia
‘to speak' (San Andrés de Machaca)
'to say’ (Salinas)
‘to speak' (San Andrés de Machaca)
‘to decide; to babble, be barely able
to speak' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
*tto reveal’ (Bertonio 1603b:301)
‘to babble' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
'to yell' (San Andrés de Machaca)
'to call' (Salinas)
‘to scold, protest, speak against some-
one' (San Andrés de Machaca, Tiahuanaco,
Compi)
*1t0 speak' (Bertonio 1603b:87)
‘to speak i11 of someone' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco, also Bertonio 1603b:327;
La Paz uses parla.si.fia more often to
convey this meaning)
a.wiya.fia '‘tongue-twister'’ (Salinas)
'to say to someone' (Salinas)
'to agree’ (Huancané)
‘to declare oneself in favor of' (San
Andrés de Machaca)
'to speak to' (San Andrés de Machaca)
656
The following roots and stems, which are phono-
logically and semantically similar to each other, may con-
stitute another related set.
ama:.fa ‘to esteem, appreciate, love, want’
(Sitajara)
* jamawa- ~ amawa- 'want, love’ (Bertonio 1603b:244,
1612:2.227)
am.ta.fia 'to remember' (Huancané, Calacoa,
Jopoqueri)
to think, decide’ (La Barre 1950:43)
am.ta.si.fia 'to long to restore, to wish to bring
TO back' (La Paz/Compi)
am.t.t'a.si.fia ‘to agree’ (Huancané)
amtu.si.fia 'to remember’ (Juli)
am.t'a.jia "to remember’ (Calacoa)
am.t'a.si.fia ‘to remember' (Sitajara)
amu.ki.fia ‘to be quiet' (La Paz)
amus.t'a.fia 'to be quiet' (Calacoa)
* amuta- ‘remember, think' (Bertonio 1603b:77)
amutu.:.fia 'to be mute' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
amuya.vfia ‘to think, be careful' (La Paz, Sitajara)
‘to warn' (Salinas, Jopoqueri)
muna.fia 'to esteem, appreciate, love, want’
(everywhere except Sitajara)
*muna- ‘love, want’ (Bertonio 1612:2.227)
As indicated in 6-2 (and in examples in other chap-
ters) a stem consisting of the same root alone or of the
same root plus derivational suffix(es) may gloss differently
657
from one dialect to another, although meanings are usually
fairly close (see 8-3.21.1). On the other hand, across
dialects the same Spanish example was translated sometimes
by a stem with different derivational suffixes, and some-
times by a different root altogether (see 8-3.21.2). In the
case of verbs for agricultural practices or activities re-
lated to the preparation and preservation of agricultural
products, similarity or identity of Spanish gloss may ob-
scure real differences in meaning which may be uncovered in
Future research. Apart from this, Aymara is rich in
verbs for processing agricultural products which are very
cumbersome to translate because the processes do not exist
outside Aymara culture. The following are examples of two
such verbs from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:
jamu.rpaya.fia ~ mamu.rpaya.fia
‘To select from a pile of ground-up freeze-dried
potatoes large pieces that have failed to be ground into
small enough pieces (to be ground again); to select by
rinsing (enjuagar).'
gawi.fia
"To put oca (apilla) in the sun for three days,
taking it in at night (if not, it will freeze), then to cook
it in the morning, then to put it on the roof to freeze; the
result is "Aymara ice cream."'
658
8-3.21.1 One form in Aymara, different meanings
in translation
ati.fa
chuk.t‘'a.si.fia
jala.na
jara.fia
jik.xata.na
juta.na
kirki.na
k'asa.fna
'to send water through a canal‘ (Sitajara)
‘to be able' (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Moroco-
marca, Calacala)
'to block a door (e. g. of a corral) with
small stones to keep animals from getting
out' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio
1603b:217)
‘to sit down (e. g. in a chair)' (Jopo-
queri, Salinas)
‘to squat' (La Paz)
'to fly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
‘to run' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:271)
‘to untie' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to throw out' (La Paz/Tarata)
‘to get' (San Andrés de Machaca)
‘to meet, find' (La Paz/Compi, Calacala)
‘to arrive’ (Salinas)
‘to come' (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa,
Juli, Huancané)
'to sing' (Salinas, Jopoqueri)
‘plant for making plato pacefio’ (La Paz)
‘for adults to cry' (Jopoqueri, Moroco-
marca)
‘to sing very loudly' (Calacoa)
‘to yell' (Sitajara)
k'iya.fia
parla.fia
puqu.fia
puri.na
p"ichu.rpaya.fia
p"icha.rpa:.na
q"ulli.iia
tuki.fa
tunu.ra.na
tulu.ra.fna
659
‘to grind red peppers or salt with a
small round stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to grind corn with a rocking stone
(batén)’ (Salinas)
‘to chat' (Salinas)
'to speak' (elsewhere)
‘to grow, produce’ (plant subject)
(Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa)
‘to ripen’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, La Paz/
Compi)
‘to come’ (Salinas, Sitajara, Calacoa)
'to arrive’ (La Paz, Salinas, Jopoqueri,
Calacala, Huancané, Socca)
'to card wool, removing dirty particles’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to untie' (Salinas)
‘to dig a field before planting’ (escar-
bar) (Jopoqueri)
‘to plow (with team of oxen)’ (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
‘to inflate, to faint’ (Socca)
'to stretch out the legs' (La Paz/Compi)
‘to turn numb, hard' (La Paz/Compi)
"to feel strengthened' (Sitajara)
‘to feel strengthened' (Socca)
A set of phonologically similar verb roots with
shifting meanings across dialects is the following:
660
ch"ik"a.fia 'to lead an animal with a rope' (Jopo-
queri)
jik"a.fia ‘to drive one little animal alone' (Jopo-
queri)
'to take (a horse) on a rope, behind or
in front of one' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
sik"a.wa.fia ‘to take (a cow)' (Calacoa)
8-3.21.2 One meaning in translation, different
forms in Aymara
8-3.21.21 One Aymara root, different suffixes
Only a few examples will be cited, as use of differ-
ent suffixes may depend more on stylistic than on semantic
criteria in many cases. In most dialects Spanish aprender
'to learn' was translated as yati.qa.fia, built on yati.fia
‘to know'. In Calacoa yati.qa.fia means ‘to learn from
another', while yati.nta.fia means ‘to learn by oneself’.
Whether this distinction is also made elsewhere but was
simply not mentioned is not known at this time. In Salinas
and Morocomarca aprender was rendered in Aymara as yati.fia.
Another example occurred with Aymara translations of the
Spanish escuchar ‘to listen'. In most places this is rendered
as is.t'a.fia, the base verb isa.fia occurring infrequently
if at all. In Morocomarca ‘to listen' is isapa.iia, which
corresponds to modern Jaqaru and to the Aymara of Bertonio
(1603b:77); the /pa/ is apparently a frozen suffix in Aymara.
661
Two other examples in context may be given:
‘Go throw it to a dog.'
Anugara.r jaqu.ni.m. (Vitocota; non-ironic)
Anu.r jag.xaru.ya.ni.m. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; non-ironic)
Anu.r jagu.ni.m. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; ironic, e. g.
dog i ‘Do it to a dog! (not to me)'
The expression which in Vitocota is a simple request to
throw a dog a bone, to a Tiahuanaco speaker sounds like an
ironic retort (see 8-2.22). To convey a straightforward
request to throw food to a dog, a Tiahuanaco speaker adds
the derivational suffixes shown, among them the causative
-ya- which sets the 2p subject at a greater distance from
the dog complement.
Another example occurred in a folksong in which
a dove is warned to hide from a hawk. As rendered by a
speaker from Jopoqueri, it contained the inflected verb
im.t'a.s.xa.m ‘hide yourself'. A speaker from La Paz/Compi
preferred ima.nta.s.xa.m in the same context. To the
Jopoqueri speaker the first version was more like an order
and more forceful and hence to be preferred.
‘to
‘to
"to
‘to
‘to
"to
.21.22 More
be abte'
arrive'
come'
cry
662
than one Aymara root
ati.na (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Calacala)
puyri.fa (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa
< Spanish poder
ira.nta.fia (Calacala, Salinas)
makâ€"ata.fia (Huancané)
juta.fia (Salinas)
puri.fia (elsewhere)
juta.fia (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa,
Jul7; also Bertonio 1603b:81; not used
in Sitajara)
jawti.fia (Calacoa)
jawuti.tia (JesGs de Machaca)
puri.fia (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas)
jacha.fia (adults or children) (La Paz,
Salinas, Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa)
k'asa.fia (adults) (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
parts of La Paz)
dig or hoe before planting’ (escarbar)
be thirsty’
junu.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
llamayu.fia (La Paz, Juli, Huancané)
q"ulli.fia (Jopoqueri)
uma.t p"ar.ja.fia (La Paz)
uma.t waf.ja.fa (Sitajara, Calacoa;
also Bertonio 1603b:279)
uma.t wafia.fia (Socca, Calacoa)
663
‘to fall' jala.nta.fia (Morocomarca)
jala.q.ta.fia (La Paz, Sitajara)
jaqux.t'a.fia (Jopoqueri, Sitajara)
tinki.fia (Sitajara)
tinku.tia (La Paz, Salinas)
tink"a.fia (Calacoa)
‘to fly' tayu.tia (San Andrés de Machaca)
tuyu.na (La Paz/Compi; also ‘to swim')
jala.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
wala.fia (Calacoa)
‘to go' jasta.fia (La Paz/Compi)
maqa.fia (Achocalla)
sara.ftia (La Paz. Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajyara, Calacoa)
t'iju.fia (JesGs de Machaca)
T'iju.ma.y yugalla. 'Go away, boy.'
273 (Véte muchacho.)
I
‘to grind' iya.tia (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; not used in
Sitajgara or Salinas; means bataén ‘rock-
ing stone' in Juli)
wayk' iya.t.t'a.si.fia 'to grind red
peppers†(Corque)
iy.ta.fia (La Paz/Compi)
k'iya.fia 'to grind red peppers or salt,
with a round stone’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco);
‘to grind corn with a batén' (Salinas)
siwar piga.fia 'to grind barley with a
rocking stone’ (Huancané)
‘to grow, produce'
'to
‘to
‘to
‘to
‘to
irrigate'
set out (e. g.
plant’
be quiet’
run'
664
q"una.na ‘to grind corn into flour on a
long stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
t'iki.na (Sitajara)
achu.fia (La Paz)
puqu.fa (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa)
ati.fta (Sitajara)
ch'axch'u.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
k'ayu.fa (Sitajara)
k'ayi.fia (Calacoa)
qarpa.fa (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
q"ich'a.fa (La Paz/Compi)
sigi.fia (Sitijara)
poles)'
ch'ak.kata.ta.fia (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
lip'.kata.ta.fia (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
p"at.kata.ta.fia (Calacoa)
llaxi.nta.fia (Corque)
Tlax.xa.fia (Achocalla)
sata.fia (elsewhere)
ampa.cha.fia (Juli, Calacoa)
amuki.fia (Juli, elsewhere; not used in
Calacoa)
jala.fia (La Paz/Compi, La Paz, Tiahuanaco)
jal.t'a.fia (Calacoa, Juli)
al.ta.fia (Sitajara)
tani.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala)
"to sing'
‘to sit'
"to sprout'
4to thank'
665
t'iju.fia ‘to run over the ground’ (San
Andrés de Machaca)
t'ij.ta.fia (Juli)
kanta.fia (La Paz;
< Spanish
cantar)
kant.t'a.si.wa.fia (Sitajara;
kirki.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
k'asa.fia 'to sing very loud' (Sitajara)
q'uchu.fia 'to sing hymns' (La Paz)
wirsu.fia (Calacoa < Spanish verso ‘verse’')
chuk.t'a.jfia (Jopoqueri)
chuk.t'a.si.fia (Morocomarca, Salinas,
Jopoqueri, Calacala, Sitajara)
qunu.si.fia (Juli)
qun.ta.si.fia (La Paz, Juli)
ut.t'a.fia ‘to stay' (La Paz, Huancané,
Vitocota)
ut.t'a.si.fia (Calacoa)
ali.nuqa.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
ali.ra.ni.fia (Salinas. Calacoa)
al.su.si.fia (Sitajara)
yapu ch'ilk"i.fia (Salinas)
jil.su.ni.fia (Salinas, Morocomarca)
mist.su.fia 'to come out' (La Paz/Compi)
juspajara.fia (La Paz; < Spanish
Dios pagara
"God will
yuspara.si.fia (Huancané; repay')
‘to think’
666
yusulupay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; < Spanish
Dios se lo pague
'May God repay you.'
amuya.tia (La Paz)
lup'i.ftia (La Paz, Jopoqueri)
‘to wait for someone’
‘to weed'
8-3.22
Verbal
iffas.t.a.fa (Morocomarca, Calacala)
urias.t'a.tia (Calacoa)
ufias.t'a.wa.ftia (Sitajara)
ansiya.fia (Corque)
suya.fia (La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa)
wanqi.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
wang.t'a.fa (Salinas)
qura.tia (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, San Andrés
de Machaca)
qura.ta.fia (La Paz/Compi)
qur.su.fia (Achocalla, La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
gur.ta.fia (Achocalla)
t"aru.fia, t"aru.ra.fia (La Paz/Compi)
inflectional suffixes
Falling together of certain verbal inflectional suf-
fixes involving the fourth person was noted in 8-2.1.
Structural homophony in verbal inflections (one
form with several meanings) is rather limited in Aymara.
The following examples may be noted:
667
/- sna/ 1+2 S (Huancané)
4+3 S (Morocomarca )
4>3 D-1 (everywhere except Calacoa)
/~ ma/ 12 S (Salinas)
2>3 I (Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacala)
/-tan(a)/, /-:tan/, /-:tna/
4+3 F (Calacoa, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)
4+3 RDK (elsewhere)
On the other hand, in certain tenses there is con-
siderable variety in phonological shapes that express the
same tense/person meaning. Numerous examples were given in
6-3.
8-4 Metaphor
Investigation of metaphor in Aymara was not really
attempted for this study. The following comments and ex-
amples involve nouns mainly, since metaphorical use of verbs
requires manipulation of verbal derivational suffixes in ways
usually beyond the nonnative's grasp (either receptively or
productively).
668
Hardman et al. (1975:3.34) pointed out that posi-
tionals are often used as metaphors for time. I have chosen
to consider g"ipa ‘after, behind' as both a positional and
a temporal. Other examples of this overlap are layra ~ nayra
‘eye, before, in front of', pacha ‘space, time’, and chika
‘halfway, middle’ (see 5-2.5 and 5-2.6).
Metaphor in Aymara involves moving lexical items
from one semantic category into another, e. g. from human
to nonhuman. The following humanizes an inanimate object,
a chair, here the unspoken subject of the verb jaws.a.fia
‘to call’.
Ak.sa.r mama, wali jaw.s.tam, ut.t'a.si.fani.
'This way, ma'am, (the chair) calls you, let's sit down.'
i. e. ‘Make yourself comfortable, let's sit down.' (Vitocota)
(This same expression may be used in La Paz/Tiahuanaco, sub-
stituting qun.ta.si.fiani_ for ut.t'a.si.fiani.)
Metaphors involving the use of human or animal terms
for inanimate objects or plants are common, e. g. the use
of ch'ina 'ass, human posterior’ to mean ‘base, bottom' (of
a cup or pot) in Compi. The following are names of varie-
ties of potatoes identified by Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco):
669
aja.w.iri imilla ‘ajawiri girl’
ch'iyar imilla "black girl!
djang'u imilla 'white girl’
k"uchi gallu ‘piglet’
ptifu chara ‘p'ifiu leg’
q'illu k'awna "yellow egg'
runtu ‘egg' (Quechua)
sani imilla ‘sani girl'
waka laxra ‘cow tongue'
yugall ch'ugi "boy potato’
Two more potatoes have names of 1) another vegetable, and
2) an inanimate object:
g'illu sapallu ‘yellow squash'
wislla p'aki ‘bent serving spoon' (cucharén
doblado)
In fact, the only potato name cited that is not metaphoric,
apart from the generic term ch'uqi, is quyu.
One of the commonest metaphors in Aymara is chuyma.
It is usually translated 'heart' (coraz6n), but most speakers
will explain that the anatomical organ it represents is
actually the lung (bofe) or diaphragm. The anatomical term
for heart is lluqu. As a metaphor, chuyma always occurs with
human reference. A common phrase is taqi chuyma.t ‘whole-
heartedly, sincerely’ (de todo coraz6n). The noun chuyma
670
also occurs in the following expression from La Paz/
Tiahuanaco:
wal chuym
Juma. xX jar.j.ista.
pol ee ge
2p chuyma.x wal
S
'You untied my heartstrings.' (Me desataste el coraz6n.)
This means ‘You made me forget my troubles.' Another ex-
pression, from La Paz/Compi, is chuym ut.t'a.si.fa, ‘to seat
the heart', which means ‘to resign oneself, to accept circum-
stances one can't change', as inthe following sentence:
Kama.cha.raki.:ta.x - niya uka.:.chi - chuym
what do 2>3 already that NI
F
ut.t'a.ya.s.xa.k.chi.:ta.x.
seat NI 233
F
'What (else) can you do - it's already happened (and it
was beyond your control) - resign yourself to it.' (La
Paz/Compi)
The derived noun chuyma.ni, with the possessor suffix
-ni, means ‘wise, mature person’ in La Paz, and as such is
usually reserved for older people. In Socca chuyma.ni may
refer to younger persons as well, conveying the ideas of
emotional maturity and good character expressed in La Paz
by suma jaqgi.
671
The following is from Tschopik (1948:113):
‘aka ipi chuyma.ni jagi.naka.xa
this people
‘these ignorant people’
Tschopik's translation is 'these demented people', but since
ipi glosses as ‘stupid’ (sonso) in Sitajara today, the above
gloss seems preferable.
A few other noun metaphors involving the use of a
nonhuman or nonliving noun used to refer to a human or ani-
mal are given below in alphabetical order.
ch‘ uxiia ‘green' Metaphorical: 'rebel' (human)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
pang'alli ‘flower’ Metaphorical: the llama, ‘flower
of the altiplano'. According to
legend the gods threw flowers on
the pampa and they turned into
llamas. (dJopoqueri)
t"ant"a "rags' Metaphorical: ‘poor, good-for-
nothing person'
t"ant"a masi.ja ‘poor fellow
Tike me' (Huancané)
A metaphorical use of the noun/verb root t'ullku
is ‘in a hurry'. The verb t'ullku.fia means 'to twist' (La
Paz/Tiahuanaco).
672
The following phrases and sentences illustrate other
metaphors involving nouns and verbs.
Achaku.ma.w jal.ta.ni. ‘Your mouse will run." (La Paz/
mouse 2p run 3+3 Tiahuanaco)
F
(You'11 be hungry. ')
Chamga.mp chayru.mp jir.t"api.ta.:.wa
salad soup mix 333
RDK
‘It mixed salad and soup.’ ('The meeting was very
disorganized and confused.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Iki. t"al.t"ap.i. "He/she shakes the bed.'
bed shake 343 (‘youngest child') (La Paz)
S
Iskuyla.x ampara.naka.ma.n.k.i.w.
school hand 3>3
S
‘The school is in your hands.' (‘The school is your
responsibility.') (La Paz/Compi)
Jayp'u.:.ta.x.t.wa. ‘I'm evening.' (‘I'm done
evening 133 for, finished.') (Socca)
S
k"unu.t t'aya.t isi.ni. ‘dressed in snow and cold'
snow cold dress (‘poverty-stricken’) (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
8-5 Summary and Conclusion
Regional semantic variation in Aymara is relatively
slight. As might be expected, nearby dialects tend to share
673
lexical items and meanings, some of which do not occur else-
where, but there are instances of widely separated dialects
having lexical items with similar or identical meanings
and usages. No one dialect shows a significant number of
lexical items different from those of other dialects.
Some variation in meaning relates to connotation.
Forms which are innocuous in one dialect may be negatively
loaded in another. Impressionistically it seems that La
Paz dialects may have a greater propensity for irony than
dialects of some other places, but this impression may be
the result of greater familiarity with and easier access
to data from the La Paz area than to that from other areas.
The study of Aymara semantics beckons for the future.
Among the many possibilities for investigation is research
into terms used in agriculture and related practices in
different parts of the Aymara world to determine exactly
what is meant by them. It is also to be hoped that with
the growing attention being given by Aymara linguists to
semantic studies (for example the work of Juan de Dios Yapita),
the semantic distinctions governing selectional rules for
verb subjects and complements will be clarified and appropri-
ate labels assigned them in Aymara.
674
Notes
lin Huancané q"awg"a occurred with human reference
when suffixed with a personal possessive, e. g.
Q"awg"a.ma.sa? | 'How many of your people?’
2p
Elsewhere this would mean ‘How many of yours [nonhuman]?'
2The phrase suma jaqi is not much used in Socca,
Weee may fees uses jaqi alone or the derived noun chuyma.ni
see 8-4).
3an alternate analysis of this form would be as a
sequence containing a noun suffix -ka (possibly related to
the -ka that occurs finally on nouns in Morocomarca and
Calacala), followed by -na possessive/locational plus -ka-
verbalizer. Or /kanka/ could be analyzed as a unitary
verbalizing suffix -kanka- which occurs only on human nouns
and is always followed by the nominalizer -fia. Further in-
vestigation will, it is hoped, resolve the matter.
41 small amount of data was collected in Puerto
Acosta (province of Camacho, department of La Paz), near
Lake Titicaca just below the Peruvian border.
oni is ambiguous out of context on the numbers 11
to 19, 21 to 29, etc., glossing as human enumerator, non-
human possessor, or unmarked possessor, e. g.
tunka.maya.ni ‘11 people’
10 1 '11 [ten having one] things or
animals'
‘having 11 things or animals'
CHAPTER 9
MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA
9-] Introduction
Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara are trans-
lation dialects not specific to any one region. That is,
they are the result of translation from Spanish (or
English) into Aymara, sharing a tendency to impose Spanish
(or English) categories and patterns, both grammatical and
cultural, upon Aymara. Missionary and Patr6n Aymara have
their roots in the 16th century; Radio Aymara is a later
development. As indicated in 2-4.12, until very recently
all materials published in Aymara were of the Missionary
-or Patrén varieties.
Missionary Aymara, identifiable by its idiosyn-
cratic use of certain syntactic linkers and lexical items,
by weakening of the human/nonhuman and data source postu-
lates, and by a rigorous marking of plural, occurs in
sermons, translations of religious texts, and several
published grammars of the language, as well as in the
everyday speech and storytelling of persons active in
institutionalized religion. |
Patro6n and Radio Aymara overlap Missionary to some
extent. Patrén Aymara, which occurs both in writing and
675
676
in speech, is heavily Spanish-influenced in syntax and
has an impoverished lexicon of suffixes. Radio Aymara is
used by radio announcers translating orally directly from
Spanish scripts. It is characterized by Spanish syntactic
patterning and by a superabundance of Spanish loans, with
the Aymara sometimes reduced to final suffixes. A number
of announcers are now consciously trying to make their
translations less literal, however, seeking to interpret
the sense rather than gloss word for word.
As noted in 3-3.3, the entry of Spanish loanwords
into Aymara, which occurs in all Aymara dialects, is
nothing new. Some early Spanish loans (certain roots and
stems, diminutive suffixes, and expressions of thanks)
have been completely adapted to Aymara phonology (Aymarized)
and are perceived by monolinguals and bilinguals alike as
natively Aymara; others are more or less adapted to Aymara
phonology according to the degree of the speaker's control
of Spanish and attitude toward Aymara. A rather large
number of loans may occur even in the speech of mono-
Tinguals if they wish to show familiarity with the
prestige language, Spanish; in that case loans may alter-
nate with native Aymara doublets, as occurred in the
speech of an elderly monolingual woman in Tarata, Peru.
(A definition of Aymara monolingual may here be attempted:
a person who produces grammatical sentences only in
Aymara, although possibly using a rather extensive Spanish
677
lexical component.) It was also observed in the course
of this research that bilingual Aymara men talking to
each other in Aymara in La Paz used Spanish syntactic
linkers (like entonces '‘then') with great frequency but
did so only rarely when talking with monolinguals in rural
communities. The whole matter of Spanish loans in Aymara
deserves more study, taking into account situational
factors like the presence or absence of listeners who have
a greater command of Spanish (or English) than of Aymara.
The point I wish to make here is that a large number of
Spanish loans in a dialect does not in and of itself
necessarily imply a corresponding weakening of Aymara
grammatical processes or linguistic postulates or an im-
poverishment of the native Aymara lexicon.
Nevertheless, it is true that Missionary, Patré6n,
and Radio Aymara are generally characterized by a high
proportion of Spanish loanwords in Spanish phonology,
tending toward inclusion of whole Spanish phrases or even
sentences, or full-fledged code-switching. The tendency
to keep or try to approximate the Spanish phonology of
loanwords (when these are recognized as such) evidently
reflects, in some persons, the view that Spanish is
inherently superior to Aymara--a view fostered consciously
or unconsciously by most writers of Missionary and Patré6én
grammars (see 2-3 and 2-4.11) and accepted by adherents
of certain religious sects (see 10-2.7). In contrast,
678
bilinguals literate in Aymara and Spanish, who consciously
promote the development of Aymara literature, deliberately
Aymarize Spanish loans, both in speech and in writing,
as for example Istarusunirusa (from Estados Unidos ‘United
States') and winus tiyas (from buenos dias ‘good morning').¢
In the following sections the three dialects will
be discussed with respect to phonology, morphophonemics,
morphology, morphosyntax and syntax, and semantics. It
should be kept in mind in reading this chapter that it is
primarily an analysis of Missionary, Patr6én, and Radio
Aymara as spoken in the city of La Paz and (for Missionary
Aymara only) in Compi, department of La Paz; and of
published sources of Missionary and Patrén Aymara (see 2-4.11),
most of which probably also reflect La Paz usages. For
Radio Aymara, only recorded (spoken) texts were used;
for Missionary, both recorded and published written texts;
and for Patrén, published written texts only. The analysis
is based on interpretations and revisions of the texts
and on additional examples provided by Vasquez (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco) and Yapita (La Paz/Compi). Vasquez furnished
most of the initial interpretations and revisions of
published texts (for example, Ebbing 1965, Paredes Candia
1963, Wexler 1967, and the Aymara catalogues). Yapita
reviewed some of these as well as the recorded texts. The
chapter is thus a contrastive study of the three trans-
lation dialects and the two La Paz dialects, from the
679
point of view of the latter. A more definitive study
would require further analysis of the three translation
dialects by Aymara speakers from other dialect areas,
with additional data from different areas.
9-2 Phonology
From the point of view of speakers of other Aymara
dialects (especially, those who are monolingual in Aymara),
Missionary, Patrén, and Radio Aymara tend to be spoken
with a Spanish accent (albeit the Spanish is itself Andean,
reflecting to an as-yet-undetermined extent a substratum
of languages native to the area). The components of this
accent include a tendency to produce the five cardinal
Spanish vowels and intonation patterns associated with
that language. Pronunciation is often perceived as overly
precise and slow, except in the case of radio delivery
which may be considered overly clipped and staccato. (To
what extent these perceptions are due to phonological
factors, and how much they are influenced by morphology
and syntax, are questions needing further investigation. )
As noted in 2-4.11, all published Missionary and
Patr6n texts use the five Spanish vowels. Most confuse
the velar and postvelar occlusives and fricatives and the
plain, aspirated, and glottalized occlusives. Even if
these phonemes are distinguished, the writing systems
680
often fail to keep them apart or use cumbersome means to
do so, as in the case of the velar fricative written j and
the postvelar fricative written jj. When these cluster,
as frequently happens, unwieldy and ambiguous sequences
like jjj or jjjj can result whose disambiguation requires
the use of hyphens, as in the following example from
Herrero et al. (1971: 1969): paj-jjeta ‘pay me'. In the
Yapita phonemic alphabet this word would be unambiguously
rendered as pajxita.
9-3 Morphophonemics
Missionary, Patrén, and Radio Aymara observe
regular vowel-dropping and -retaining rules as do other
dialects, except that stylistically-conditioned final
vowel dropping occurs less often in Missionary and Patron
Aymara than in other dialects. Stem-final vowel restora-
tion with stress thereby occurring on the antepenultimate
vowel (see 4-3.33) occurs frequently on verbs, usually
with the Imperative 2+3 suffix, in radio advertisements
or announcements urging listeners to buy something or be
present at an event, as in the following examples:
al.t'a.si.pini.ma 'be sure to buy'
buy 2>3
I
yati.ya.si.p.ka.rak.tama ‘they are notifying you'
notify 32
S
681
An example of the pattern with 4+3 Simple tense occurred
in a Baptist sermon in La Paz.
. . kun.jam.s sdr.s.tana... '. . . how we are getting along'
how go 43
S
The antepenultimate stress pattern also occurs on examples
given in the Patr6én Aymara catalogues, such as the following
verbs with 273 Imperative:
tsdra.ma "go'
*q' {pi.ma ‘carry on (your) back'
tapd.ni.ma ‘carry’
*irpd.ni.ma ‘take a person'
These Patrén Aymara forms are interpreted by most native
speakers as rude orders, according to Vasquez and Yapita (see 9-4).
9-4 Morphology
As we have already seen, in Aymara some suffixes
are used as softeners and politives: certain noun and
verb derivationals (e.g. diminutives on nouns and the
suffix -t'a- on verbs), independents, and the final suffix
-ya, alone or in combination. From the point of view of
other speakers Missionary and Patr6én Aymara usually fail
682
to use enough politives with the Imperative and Future
tenses. That is, they tend to use forms like those at
the end of 9-3, which would be appropriate for a parent
speaking to a child, among brothers and sisters, between
spouses in certain circumstances, or between a buyer and
seller who do not know each other. Between adult friends,
compadres, a seller and buyer who know each other, and
among family members, forms with politives are the norm,
e.g. sara.ma.y ‘please go' with -ya final suffix.
According to Yapita and Vasquez, the drills pro-
vided by Herrero et al. (1971-2) sound like orders, some
less brusque than others, but orders nevertheless, because
they lack politive suffixes. Yapita and Vasquez indicate
that use of such forms by persons in authority, such as
a Catholic priest or a Protestant minister, is perceived
by many Aymara speakers as evidence of a more or less
arrogant assumption of superiority. Compared to Missionary
and Patrén Aymara, Radio Aymara uses more of the verbal
derivational and independent suffixes, although not of
-ya politive,° and is therefore perceived as more courteous.
The passive in Spanish is often translated in
Missionary Aymara by the verbal derivational suffix com-
bination -ya.si-, consisting of -ya- causative followed
by -si- reciprocal/reflexive, as in the following example
from a Baptist sermon:
Jesucristo Tat.itu.ru iyaw sa.m uka.t.wa
Lord yes say 2>3 then
I
683
g'ispi.ya.si.:ta juma.sa familia.ma.sa.
save 2p family 2p
escape
Missionary meaning: 'Put your faith in the Lord Jesus,
and you will be saved, you and your household' (Acts
16-31, New English Bible)
Non-Missionary meaning: ‘Agree with the Lord Jesus
Christ, and you and your family will cause yourselves
to escape.’ (La Paz/Compi)
A non-Missionary revision of the latter part of
the sentence is the following:
. juma.s familia.ma.s uka.t salva.ta.:.ni.
2p family 2p then save 33
F
‘then you and your family will be saved.'
(La Paz/Compi)
The verb salva-, from the Spanish salvar ‘to save',
here has the resultant nominalizing suffix -ta followed
by verbalization and the Future tense. This appears to
be closer to the sense of the English.
9-5 Morphosyntax and Syntax
Some final suffixes are used differently in Mis-
sionary and Patr6n Aymara than in other dialects. For
example, the absolute suffix -wa tends to occur most often
on verbs. In a Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red
Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a) -wa occurs once on the negative
684
particle jani but otherwise always on verbs. This is not
the case in other dialects. As indicated in Chapter 8,
frequent use of -wa, especially with verb tenses already
implying direct personal knowledge, increases the personal
knowledge connotation (see 9-6.13).
Some nominalizing subordination occurs in all
dialects; however, the Sebeok story has very little.
Spoken Missionary texts and the stories recorded by Wexler
(1967) use normal levels of subordination by nominalization
although they tend not to use uka as resumator.
Certain syntactic linkers used in Missionary Aymara
are composed of native Aymara roots and suffixes but have
different meanings in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere.
The following are the most common:
Missionary Non-Missionary
kuna. layku,ti.xa "because' not used
uka.mpi.sa ‘but’ ‘with that'
Perhaps more than any other one feature, use of kuna. layku.-
ti.xa stamps a speaker as having some association with
missionaries, usually Protestants, although the term has
been adopted by some Catholics. It occurs in the conver-
sation of members of religious sects, but it did not occur
in the Baptist sermon analyzed for this study, the Spanish
loan porque being used instead. The expression kuna.-
.xa is built on the interrogative kuna ‘what’
layku.ti
plus the
layku.sa
'Why?!?2'
suffix -layku ‘on account of'. The query kuna.-
is an incredulous, complaining question, like
To persons who do not use the Missionary term,
kuna.layku.ti.xa retains some of the heavy semantic
freight
of kuna.layku.sa, injecting a jarring note into
sentences like the following:
Jupa.naka.x jik.xata.si.waya.p.x.i kuna.layku.ti.xa
3p meet 333. =~
S
wali suma t"ugq.ta.wi.naka.w.. .
very good dance
Missionary meaning: ‘They met together because
of the very good dancing. '
Non-Missionary meaning: 'They met together--Why?!?--
There were very good dances.’
Jupa.naka.t ma: juk'.ita disculpa may.xa.p.x.ta
3p a little pardon ask 133
S
kuna. layku.ti.x na.naka.x uras.pacha.x
Ip sometimes
pant.xa.s.iri.:.p.x.t.w.
make mistakes 133
S
Missionary meaning: ‘We ask them to pardon us
because we sometimes make mistakes.'
686
Non-Missionary meaning: ‘We ask them to pardon
us - Why?!? - We sometimes make mistakes.'
The above examples were both said by a 20-year-old Baptist
male speaker. A non-Missionary dialect speaker would omit
the kuna.layku.ti.xa, subordinating one part of the sen-
tence to the other by juxtaposition as in the following:
Uniwirsira.r sara.: liyi.itia.xa.w. (La Paz/Compi)
university go 1-3 read Ip
F
I'll go to the university because I have some reading
to do/to do some reading I have to do.' (La Paz/Compi)
An example of Missionary Aymara use of uka.mpi.sa
is the following from Wexler (1967:144):
*Maria, uta.sa.x wali suma.wa, uka.mpi.s cocina.sa.x
house 4p very nice ———— _ kitchen 4p
k'anu.wa.
dirty
Missionary meaning: ‘Maria, our house is very nice, but
the kitchen is dirty.'
Non-Missionary meaning: Maria, our house is very delicious,
besides that, the kitchen is dirty.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
As the above shows, the non-Missionary meaning of uka.mpi.sa
is conjunctive rather than disjunctive. In any case it
is not much used. Vasquez perceived it as a mistaken
rendition of uka.mpi.n.sa ‘in spite of that'. Other
687
Aymara translations of ‘but' in addition to uka.mpi.sa
are uka s.ipan.sti 'so saying’, which is cited by Ebbing
(1965:198) and consists of uka ‘that’ followed by the verb
sa.fa 'to say' with the subordinator -ipana and the final
suffix -sti; and the Spanish loan pero 'but', often
Aymarized as piru, which occurs in many Aymara dialects
even among monolinguals.
In addition to occurring on kuna.layku, the final
suffix combination -ti.xa also occurs frequently in
Missionary Aymara on other interrogatives serving as
indefinites (and glossing as relatives in English or
Spanish): kawk.n.iri.ti.xa ‘the one where/in which',
kun.jama.ti.xa ‘whatever', k"iti.ti.xa '‘whoever', and
gqawg"a.ni.ti.xa ‘however many'. Examples (from Compi):
Intrik.xa.:.wa anchit urasa.na sifiura kawk.n.iri.ti.x
turn over 133 now hour lady who —
F
jupa.x pirmit.itu ma: ratu parl.t'a.na.taki
3p permit 3>1 a while talk
S
ak.sa tugi grawasyuna.t.
here around recording.
'I will now turn over (the microphone) at this time (to)
the lady who permitted me to talk a while on this re-
cording.'
Juma.x kun.jama.ti.x s.ista.xa ...
2p whatever 2>1
S
"You, as you said tome... .'
688
In these sentences the interrogatives with -ti.xa are not
followed by uka resumator. In non-Missionary Aymara -ti.xa
occurs infrequently, as a subordinator of verbs and demons-
stratives. It may also occur on interrogatives, but when
it does it is usually ordered first in a sentence and
followed later by uka resumator, as in the examples given
in 7-4.24.
An example of code-switching in which Spanish all
but submerges the Aymara is the following sentence, again
from the Baptist sermon referred to earlier:
Yo creo que jani.w hermana.naka.s.
I think that no ~ sister ~~
'T think not, sisters.'
The only Aymara in the above sentence is the negative
particle jani with the absolute final suffix -wa (reduced
to w) and the Aymara plural suffix -naka, which is followed
by the Spanish plural -s. The meaning conveyed is some-
what stronger than the above translation would imply, due
to the presence of -wa; a closer approximation would be
"No, sisters, I know it's not so.’
Although successive embedding in noun phrases is
possible in Aymara (see 7-4.2), it is not very common.
It occurs with more than usual frequency in a story told
by a Protestant minister from La Paz (Wexler 1967:454-456).
689
Two noun phrases have three nouns each, two have four, and
one has five, as follows:
+. .
tiwula.n pisi chuyma.:.ta.p
fox lack wisdom 3p
"the fox's stupidity'
+. -
tiwula.n wawa.naka.pa.n jiwa.ra.ya.ta.pa
Tox child 3p die 3p
‘the murder (one by one) of the fox's children’
+ : .
wal.ja suma . aru wawa.naka.ni
many beautiful wheat- child haver
colored
"haver of many beautiful wheat-colored children'
twallata.n suma paru wawa.naka.p
beautiful wheat- child 3p
colored
‘the lake bird's beautiful wheat-colored children’
Tuka pisi chuyma puyri tiwula.x
that lack wisdom poor fox
‘that poor stupid fox'
The high incidence of embedded noun phrases may
be attributable to the influence of English-speaking
690
missionaries, since English makes greater use of noun
phrase embedding than Spanish does. In other respects,
however, the story does not appear to follow Spanish or
English word order. In fact, it shows a rather high
incidence of all kinds of subordination, with a more
intricate manipulation of Aymara grammatical processes than
occurs in most foik tales recorded for this study. For
this reason, before high incidence of noun phrase embedding
can be ascribed to English influence, further analysis of
texts is needed.
On the other hand, Patron and Radio Aymara yield many
obvious examples of Spanish word order transferred to
Aymara. The following is the introductory sentence of the
Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a:
54):
+ . a
Ma: uru ma: warmi sa.tayn imilla.pa.ru
one day a woman Say 3-3 gir p
RIK
< Apa.m aka manqg'a awicha.ma.ru, jich"a usu.ta.:.s.k.i.w.>
take 2+3 this food grand- 2p now Sick 333
I mother S
‘One day a woman said to her daughter, "Take this food
to your grandmother, she's sick now."'
In Aymara zero complements (such as aka mang'a ‘this food')
usually precede the verb. The above sentence and the whole
story from which it is taken are also unusual in the absence
of -xa final suffix (the teller of the story is identified
as being from La Paz, where use of -xa is the norm), in the
occurrence of the final suffix -wa only on verbs (and once
on the negative), and in the use of very few verbal
derivational suffixes.
The following example is from a radio announcement
of a dance rehearsal for an impending festival. It contains
an Aymara phrase translated word for word (or suffix for
word) from Spanish and two untranslated Spanish phrases.
careful no go be 373 meeting and
practica sdbado diecinueve de agosto taqi.ni.s
practice Saturday 19 of August all
sara.nta.si.p.ka.:ta.wa.
go 2>3
F
‘Be careful of not going (be sure to go), there will be
a meeting and rehearsal Saturday August 19, all of you go.'
The Aymara uka.t.rak jan sara.fna.mpi translates the Spanish
cuidado con no ir. The suffix -mpi translates con ‘with'
and uka.t.rak translates cuidado 'careful'. The following
is a suggested revision by Yapita, to eliminate direct
transtation from Spanish:
692
Uka.t.rak jan sara.si.p.ka.sma.ti. (La Paz/Compi)
careful no go 2-3
D-1
'Be careful of not going (be careful not to miss it).'
This uses the Desiderative tense which, with -raki independent
suffix, conveys the cautionary 'be careful’.
Radio Aymara has developed distinctive phrases for
indicating the time, such as the following, which also
shows influence of direct translation from Spanish:
Llatunka minutu.naka.ki.w. p"alt.xa.rak.i Jlatunka
nine minute lack 343
S
arum urasa.taki.
night hours for
‘And it's only nine minutes before nine p.m.'
This sentence reflects the Spanish Nueve minutos faltan para
las nueve horas de la noche, ‘Nine minutes are lacking for
nine o'clock in the evening,' except that, instead of the
more commonly used Spanish loan for nine o'clock, las nuywi
(las nueve), it uses the native Aymara number Ilatunka 'nine'
plus aruma 'time after dark and before dawn' followed by
the Spanish loan urasa (horas). Removing the plural suffix
-naka on minutu (superfluous on a noun preceded by a number)
and the direct Spanish translation urasa.taki (-taki
693
translating para 'for'), the sentence is reworked by Yapita
as follows:
Liatunk minutu.mpi.x las nuywi.:.ni.w. (La Paz/Compi)
nine minute with nine 3>3
F
‘In (with) nine minutes it will be nine o'clock.'
9-6 Semantics
9-6.] Linguistic postulates
9-6.11 Four-person system
Since the 16th century the first and fourth grammati-
cal persons have often been confused by nonnative speakers
of Aymara. Anomalies such as Na.naka.n Awki.sa stil]
occur today as the first words of the Lord's Prayer, ‘Our
Father'. Na.naka.n is the exclusive 1p possessive, ‘our
but not your', while Awki.sa has the inclusive 4p posses-
Sive on the noun awki 'father', meaning ‘father of you and
me The whole phrase Na.naka.n Awki.sa is therefore a
semantic impossibility, ‘our-but-not-your father-of-you-
and-me'. However, merely correcting the phrase to Na.naka.n
Awki.xa, with the 1p possessive suffix -xa on awki, does
not improve matters, inasmuch as the hearer would then
feel excluded: ‘our father but not yours.' Using the 4p
for both, Jiwasa.n Awki.sa avoids exclusivity but might
be objected to on the ground that 'Our Father' in the con-
text of the Lord's Prayer is addressed to God and that
694
therefore the exclusive Ip plural is appropriate, rather
than the inclusive 4p; God cannot be our father and simul-
taneously His own (unless, perhaps, He is being addressed
as the Trinity). The real problem, however, according to
Yapita, is that in Aymara, God cannot be humanly possessed.
Therefore, a term preferred by some Aymara speakers as a
term of address or reference for God is Suma Awki ‘Good
Father', as in
Suma Awki yanap.ta.ni.p.xa.k.ita.y.
help 2+]
I
‘Good Father, help us.' (La Paz/Compi)*
An example of another typical confusion of the
first and fourth persons is the following from Tarifa
(1969:127):
*Na .naka lura.p.xa.nani.
1p do +3
F
Here, the pronoun subject is 1p but the subject conveyed
in the verb inflectional suffix is 4p, resulting in the
contradictory message ‘We (not including you) and you will
do it'.
The following sentence from one of the Patrén
Aymara phrase catalogues fails to use the 4p to include
695
the 2p hearer in what one proposes to do, as a form of
courtesy.
+
Uka uma chur.ita par.j.itu.wa.
that water give 2-1 thirst 3>17
I S
The above sentence is supposed to mean Un poco de agua ddme,
tengo sed ('Give me a little water, I'm thirsty'). It is
not particularly polite in any case, but the effect in
non-Patro6n Aymara is closer to ‘Gimme that water, can't you
see I'm thirsty?' As we saw in 8-2.2, a polite request
for water would use the 4p, including the addressee in the
invitation even if he or she is being asked to provide the
water.
In the following example from Wexler (1967:144)
rudeness results from using the 2p instead of the 4p as
subject of the verb inflection, thereby implying that the
addressee is a dog (a nonperson):
*Aka.x mang'a.x José, mang'a.n mun.ta.ti?
here food eat want 2° 3
S
The intended meaning is a matter-of-fact announcement
that dinner is ready, but the impression conveyed is bad-
tempered, something like ‘Here's food, José, will you shut
up and eat it?'
696
9-6.12 Human/nonhuman
Certain Missionary and Patron usages result from
failure to take into account the human/nonhuman postulate.
The following type of sentence occurs frequently:
*Uka.x wawa.xa.wa. 'That is my child.' (Ross n.d.:9)
that child Ip
As indicated in 8-2.21, use of a demonstrative as a pro-
noun referring directly to a human being is avoided unless
rudeness is intended. This does not appear to be true of
Missionary Aymara, but such sentences as the above are
nevertheless perceived as rude by non-Missionary speakers.
Certain nouns are used without reference to the
human/nonhuman distinction in Missionary and Patr6én Aymara.
For example, in these two dialects the common nouns jach'a
'big' and jisk'a 'small' are used to refer to anything,
human or nonhuman; the requirement that the noum.phrases
jach'a tansa ‘'tall' and jisk'a tansa ‘short' be used for
human reference is not observed. Similarly, the usual
restrictions on the noun suma 'good, tasty, very' do not
apply. Use of suma to modify a human noun directly is not
perceived as obscene, suma tawaqu being used to mean ‘nice
girl' and the verbalized form Suma.:.ta.wa, ‘You're nice.'
To Yapita, another anomaly results from attempted meta-
phoric use of suma laxra ‘delicious tongue' (i.e. a meat
697
dish) for 'fine language,' in the title of the Tarifa
grammar (1969).
Another noun used generally for human and nonhuman
in Missionary and Patr6n Aymara, but only for nonhuman
reference in other dialects, is muxsa 'sweet'. In Mission-
ary and Patr6n Aymara it may mean either 'sweet-tasting' or
‘sweet(ly), pleasant(ly),' with reference to food, activi-
ties, or people. A typical sentence is that cited by
Ebbing (1965:79).
*Musxa Virgen Marfa.taki muxsa q'uchu.fani.
sweet for sweet sing 4:3
F/I
The intended meaning is ‘Let's sing sweetly for the sweet
Virgin Mary,' but the non-Missionary meaning is ‘Let's sing
sweet-tastingly for the sweet-tasting Virgin Mary.'
Certain other nouns used only for humans in other
dialects are used for nonhumans in Missionary and Patrén
Aymara. These include jut'u, which Paredes Candia (1963:
35) indicated could be used to refer to small objects, but
according to Vasquez it is a term used to address a human
adversary who is smaller than oneself. The noun g"uru
‘bad, vicious' is used by Wexler (1967:21) to refer to a
dog; in other dialects it is used to refer only to people.
The derived noun jamasa.ta ‘in hiding from' is used by
Ebbing (1965:91) to refer to sheep used as a metaphor for
people, as follows:
698
*awat.iri.p jamasa.ta oveja.naka.x manq'a.p.x.i.wa.
shepherd 3p hiding sheep eat 333
S
‘Hiding from their shepherd, the sheep ate.'
According to Yapita, in Aymara culture sheep are encouraged
to eat, and would in no case be considered capable of
guile; their use as a metaphor for people is therefore not
appropriate.
In Missionary, Patron, and Radio Aymara, translation
often results in what in other dialects would be violations
of Aymara selectional restrictions on verb subjects and
complements (refer to 8-2.25). For example, in the Baptist
sermon already referred to, the following sentence occurred:
Ma: ejemplo hermana.naka.s usku.:na, no?
an example sister put 333
RDK
This is intended to mean ‘He was an example, wasn't he,
sisters?’ The Spanish noun ejemplo, associated in Spanish
with the verb poner ‘to put, place' as in poner un ejemplo
‘to give or be an example,' may take either concrete or
abstract complements. But the verb the speaker chose to
translate poner is usku.fa ‘to put a small object in some-
thing' (e.g., a key in a keyhole), which in non-Missionary
Aymara takes a nonliving, concrete zero complement. The
meaning of the sentence outside of the Missionary context
is therefore something like 'He put an example (a small
something) in something. '
699
In non-Missionary La Paz Aymara the verb atipa.fia
takes a human subject and human complement, and means ‘to
defeat or overcome an adversary'. In Missionary Aymara it
is extended to take nonliving complements such as sin and
death.° The derived form atip.ja.fia is also similarly
used in Missionary Aymara, although in other dialects it
means ‘to defeat and then to escape'. The following
example is from the Baptist sermon already referred to:
Pas.ir lecciona.n.xa yati.ya:tan.wa Cristo.xa
last lesson Jearn 4+3
RDK
jucha.ru.s jiwa.fia.ru.s atip.ja.ta.pa.ta.
sin death defeat 3p
The intended meaning is ‘In the last lesson we learned
about Christ's overcoming sin and death.' In non-Mission-
ary Aymara the sentence implies Christ defeated someone
and then escaped.
The following occurred in a radio announcement.
It illustrates failure to abide by selectional restric-
tions with respect to verb subjects:
. niya.ki.xa.y fiesta.w jak'a.cha.si.n.ka.rak.i.
already close 33
S
The intended meaning of this is '. . . and the fiesta is
already almost here', i.e., is nearing in time. The
700
implication, however, is that the fiesta is moving physi-
cally closer, since the verbalized noun jak'a.cha.si.n.ka-
takes a physically moving subject. A preferable verb in
this instance, according to Yapita, would be puri.fia ‘to
arrive', which can take a human or nonhuman = nonliving
subject (see 8-2.25).
The following is also from a radio announcement.
The Spanish reciban sus saludos ‘receive your greetings'
is translated word for word (although the word order is
changed), giving the following:
- arum.t'a.naka.ma katu.g.t'a.sf.p.xa.ma.
greeting 2p receive -
Normally the verb katu.q.t'a.si.fia means 'to receive an
object' rather than something nonliving and immaterial like
greetings. (The above expression is also odd in that the
zero complement, arum.t'a.naka.ma, retains the final vowel
even though it occurs before the verb.) Yapita suggested
as a preferable substitute for the above:
Arum.t'a.ni.p.x.tam. 'They greet you.’
3+2
S
In the following example there is no problem with
the reference of subject or complement but the meaning
is distorted by too literal translation:
701
Fabrica Nacional de Tejidos Polones tuqi.n.xa
factory national of knitwear around
jich"a.w ya:mas Ultimos modelo.nak.wa
now even latest models
more
ap.s.t'a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i.
take 373
bring out S
'The Polonesa National Knitwear Factory is now having even
more up-to-date models brought out.'
The verb ap.s.t'a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i translates the Spanish
estén haciendo sacar ‘are having brought out'. In Aymara
this implies physically taking or bringing something out,
rather than producing, the derived meaning in both Spanish
and English. A better translation in Aymara would be
lur.ta.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i ‘they are having made’ (La Paz/
Compi). As a matter of fact, in the sentence just cited
the announcer, apparently dissatisfied with ap.s.t'a.ya.
si.p.ka.rak.i, added immediately after it p'it.t'a.ya.si.
p.ka.rak.i ‘they are having knitted’.
Yapita has pointed out (personal communication)
that radio announcers frequently use jiki.na ‘to meet,
to find' with an inanimate subject, to translate the
Spanish se encuentra ‘is found, is located’ as in
Kuriyu.x kalli Ayakuchu.n jik.xata.s.i.
post office street Ayacucho find 373
S
'The Post Office is found (located) on Ayacucho Street.'
702
To Yapita this is incorrect, the verb jik.xata.si.fia
requiring a living, moving subject. A correct way to ex-
press the meaning, he suggests, would be
Kuriyu.x kalli Ayakuchu.n.k.i.wa.
'The Post Office is on Ayachucho Street.' (La Paz/Compi)
Examples of correct sentences with jiki.fia or derived
forms would be
P"isi.x achak jik.xata.tayna.w. ‘The cat found a mouse.'
cat mouse find 373 (La Paz/Compi )
RIK
Jiki.si.fi.kama. ‘Until we meet again.’ (La Paz/Compi)
9-6.13 Directly/Indirectly-acquired knowledge
A third linguistic postulate which is weakened in
Missionary Aymara (though not in Patrén or Radio Aymara)
is the distinction of direct and indirect knowledge source.
Usually Missionary Aymara uses tenses and final suffixes
that imply direct personal knowledge, apparently as a
reflection of the Christian emphasis on acceptance by faith.
According to Yapita and Vasquez, use of such forms is
appropriate for eye-witness accounts, but their use in
stories or sermons telling of events the speaker could not
possibly have experienced personally is perceived as inappro-
priate and ludicrous.
703
The only indirect knowledge marker used to any
extent in Missionary Aymara (apart from 3>3 RIK used as a
surprisal) is the reportive sa.fia, employed primarily in
quoting Biblical texts. The following is an excerpt from
the Baptist sermon aforesaid, the subject of which was the
story of the doubting apostle Thomas:
. Si.wa s.i.wa
Said blessed Said blessed
Fod for said no seeing believe that
. it says (in the Bible) "Blessed" it says "Blessed for God"
it says "(are they who) not seeing, believe that."'
But in many other instances preachers and storytellers
associated with religious sects use the unadorned Remote
Direct Knowledge or Simple tenses, as in the following
from the same sermon:
Kawki.:.ri discipulo.pa.s hermanas jani cree.ka.:n.ti?
which disciple 3p sisters no believe 3-3
RDK
The Missionary meaning of the above is ‘Which of His
disciples, sisters, did not believe?' To Vasquez and
Yapita the sentence implies that the speaker and/or the
addressees were present on the occasion of Thomas' expression
of disbelief; it is as if the sentence contained the
704
additional reminder, ‘You remember, we were there and heard
him say so.' In non-Missionary Aymara the verb would have
the 3+3 RIK tense conveying indirect acquisition of the
information and sa.fia embedding would probably also be
used to increase the speaker's distance in time and knowl-
edge from the matter referred to. To Missionary Aymara
speakers, use of indirect knowledge markers apparently
implies disbelief, which is at all costs to be avoided.
The influence of this attitude extends to the telling
of folktales. Whereas 3+3 RIK suffixes (-tayna or -iritayna
or their variants) are very common in stories told by non-
Missionary speakers, the tense is almost entirely absent
in stories told by Missionary-trained persons. A few
-tayna's usually creep into Missionary-told folktales,
however, attesting to the strength of the direct/indirect
knowledge postulate in Aymara; although it may be suppressed,
it cannot be entirely eradicated.
As perceived by Vasquez, use of the Future tense
with implied personal knowledge in the following sentence
from Ebbing (1965:83) is ludicrous:
+ eo: re
Jucha.cha.s.iri.naka.x jani.w alax.pacha.r
sinner no heaven
manta. ka.ni.ti.
enter 353
F
The intended meaning is ‘Sinners will not go to Heaven’,
705
but the implication is that the speaker will personally
see to it that they don't. To avoid giving this impres-
sion, the following may be added.
. S.i.w Yusa.n aru.pa.n.xa. ‘so it says in God's word.'
says God's word
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
To Vasquez, another example using the Future also implies
a threat (Wexler 1967:368).
+ . . . .
Jupa.ti.x aymar jan yati.g.ka.ni.xa,
3p no learn 333
F
jani.w Wuliwya.r sar.ka.ni.ti.
no Bolivia go 3>3
F
‘If he doesn't learn Aymara, he won't go to Bolivia.
(I'1]1 see to it.)' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
9-6.14 Imposition of singular/plural
In contrast to failure to abide by Aymara linguistic
postulates is the imposition of the singular/plural distinc-
tion. The most obvious overmarking of plural is that
exemplified in the Baptist sermon referred to, in which
the preacher used the Spanish loan hermana ‘sister' plus
the Aymara plural suffix -naka plus the Spanish plural
suffix -s: hermana.naka.s ‘sisters'. Elsewhere, Missionary
and Patrén Aymara mark the plural both on nouns and verbs
with much more regularity than occurs in other Aymara dia-
lects.
706
As indicated in 8-2.22, the noun awki has acquired
association with dogs in such expressions as Awki.ma.sti
‘And (how is) your father?' To Vasquez, when the plural
suffix -naka is added to awki (or even to the noun tata
‘father') the insult is compounded, as in the following
(Wexler 1967:21):
*awki.naka.ni.:.ta.ti?
2>3
S
This is intended to translate the Spanish inquiry to a
child, ‘Do you have parents?', i.e., ‘Are your parents
living?' According to Vasquez such a question is culturally
incorrect, as it is not something one would usually ask a
person, even a child,directly. Secondly, awki ‘father' is
here misused to translate Spanish padre in the sense of
‘parent’. Finally, adding -naka to awki gives the meaning
"Do you have fathers?" which is like saying 'Does your
mother know who your father is?'
9-6.2 Other semantic peculiarities
There are other semantic peculiarities in Missionary
and Patrén Aymara that may not be attributable to failure
to recognize linguistic postulates but are nevertheless
offensive to speakers of other dialects. An example is
use of the noun yugalla, which has derogatory connotations
in most dialects unless it occurs followed by wawa ‘child'
707
as in yugall wawa ‘boy child, little boy.' Use of yugalla
as a term of address is especially resented, as in the
following (Ebbing, 1965:11):
*Juta.m yugalla.y! ‘Come here, boy!'
If said to an adult, this has much the same impact as the
sentence would have in English, even though the positive
suffix -ya occurs in the sentence. Said to a child, it
means something like 'Come here, you little bastard!' And
even when it is not used as a term of address, yugalla is
offensive. The sentence
*K"iti.s uka yugalla.xa? (Wexler 1967:263)
who that boy
intended to mean 'Who is that boy?’ to non-Missionary
speakers means instead something like 'Who's that poor
little SOB?'
The catalogues of Aymara phrases are full of
examples of this type. In one case a spelling error
changes what would be an impertinent question into a
silly one.
*Junt'a.ta.ma ut.j.k.i.ti? (Catalogo 1971:36)
pierce 2p exist 33
$
The intended meaning of this is 'Do you have a lover?'
But because of spelling errors, what is actually said is,
708
according to Vasquez, 'Do you have your pincushion?' The
intended meaning would be conveyed, rudely, by the
following:
Ui.t'a.ta.ni.:.ta.ti?
look 2->3
S
literally, 'Do you have someone you look at?'
The verb muna.fia 'to want, like, esteem' occurs
in a number of examples, such as the following (Wexler
1967:57):
tkun.s munta.ti2?/
As indicated by Wexler (1967), this means 'Do you want
something?’ but to Vasquez it has overtones of a suggestive
challenge. Another example is (Wexler 1967:345)
*Mun.ista.ti?
2>1
S
Intended to mean 'Do you need my help?', it actually
means, according to Vasquez, ‘Do you want/love/appreciate
me?' Vasquez indicates that the correct Aymara for asking
if someone needs help is
Yanap.t'a.:ma.cha? ‘May I help you?' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
172
F
This has the Future tense and the alternative question
suffix -cha.
709
Outside of Missionary or Patron Aymara the verb
muna.fia is not used with certain complements in certain
contexts. The following sentences (Ebbing 1965:28,29)
were rejected out of hand by Vasquez and Yapita
*Naya.x tata.xa.r mun.t.wa.
Ip father Ip 173
S
The intended meaning is 'I love my father', but the
meaning conveyed is incestuous. The following implies
sodomy:
*Naya.xX an mun.t.wa.
Ip dog 133
S
A more appropriate sentence for indicating that one would
like to get a dog would be
Naya.x an uywa.si.n mun.t.wa.
Ip dog raise 1?3
S
‘I would like to raise a dog.'
Other usages perceived as errors by Vasquez are probably
the result of mistaken translations or fanciful ety-
mologies, like the following from Paredes Candia (1963):
anu ch'ap"i
jamp'atu
tunta
710
Paredes Candia
‘dog excrement’
‘vagina’
‘potato starch'
(almidén de papa)
Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘dog thorn', medicinal
plant (Spanish amor seco)
"toad'
‘potatoes which have been
soaked in water, frozen,
fermented, and sun dried’;
an Andean staple food
In Missionary Aymara certain lexical items have
meanings different from those they have in other dialects,
usually resulting from generalized applications of terms
that have more specialized, or negative, meanings in other
contexts.
Some of these have already been mentioned in
earlier sections; more examples are given below.
Nouns:
aski
machaka
muntu jaqi
Missionary Aymara
"benefit, good, bene-
ficial’
“new', as in Machak
Testamentu ‘New
Testament '
"non members of one's
own sect'
muntu ‘world’ <
Spanish mundo
jaqgi ‘person, people'
Non-Missionary Aymara
same meaning, but used
only in certain set ex-
pressions (La Paz/Compi)
"new, unused' (e. g.
clothes) (La Paz/Compi)
Jich"a Testamentu
"New Testament’ (La Paz/
Compi )
taken as insult meaning
‘people of the Devil’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Nouns (cont. )
muntu) warmi
muntu chacha
Verbs
am.ta.si.fa
ir.naga.fa
711
Missionary Aymara
‘woman not a member
of one's own sect'
‘man not a member
of one's own sect'
‘to remember, recall
a fact'
‘to work' (general)
Non-Missionary Aymara
‘Devil's woman, prostitute’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
"Devil's man'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
'to long to restore'
(La Paz/Compi)
‘to work in the fields
in the morning! (La Paz/
Compi
(The above is not to be confused with ira.naga.fia 'to handle’,
which occurs in al? dialects.)
iyaw sa.fa
un. ja.si.f.kama
yuri. fia
‘to believe, trust,
have faith in; belief,
trust, faith'
‘until we see each
other (again) '
(Wexler 1967:21)
‘to be born' (also
used in Radio Aymara
for historical
accounts )
"to say yes, agree;
agreement! (La Paz/Compi)
‘until we see each other's
bodies' (La Paz/Compi)
usually replaced by
nasi.na < Spanish nacer
(see 8-2.25)
A final example of an expression used with a
different meaning in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere
is Yati.m, literally 'Know you (this).' The expression
occurs at the beginning of a story (Wexler 1967:455)
712
when one character is about to tell another how to go
about doing something. To Vasquez, the meaning of
the expression is closer to 'It serves you right!',
'IT told you so!', ‘'Tough!', or ‘Grin and bear it!';
it would be said to someone who has done something against
one's advice and is now complaining about the outcome.
Radio Aymara has a few specialized terms not
used in everyday speech, such as the verb atama.fia ‘to
announce a message'. The following is an example of the
way it would be used on the radio:
Jupa.x ma: papil gqillg.ta.ta jay.t'a.si.way.i
3p a paper write leave 33
S
sa.sina.
announce 2+] say
I
'He left a written message to be announced. '
('He left a written message, "Announce it for me,"
saying.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
9-7 Summary and Conclusion
Missionary and Patr6é6n Aymara differ from other
dialects primarily in their disregard of linguistic
postulates. Missionary Aymara, additionally, has cer-
tain distinctive usages. Radio Aymara closely reflects
Spanish syntax and lexicon. As perceived by Vasquez
713
and Yapita, Missionary and Patr6n Aymara are often
offensive as well as grammatically incorrect, while
Radio Aymara is more often perceived as merely incor-
rect. Whether the translation dialects are perceived
as substandard by a majority of Aymara speakers (that
is, to what extent the perceptions noted in this chapter
represent those of the Aymara community at large) remains
to be investigated. In any event, now that literary
production in Aymara and linguistic studies of the
language are being undertaken by native speakers, a
more lively and open discussion of what constitute
standard and nonstandard usages within and across dia-
lects may be anticipated.
714
Notes
‘There is some evidence that Aymara speakers who
are not active in institutionalized religion may occa-
sionally employ certain Missionary usages when talking
to or telling stories in the hearing of non-Aymara
persons associated in the speaker's mind with mission-
aries or other outsiders who are persons in authority.
For example, a source from Irpa Chico (Ingavi, depart-
ment of La Paz) not know to have any formal affiliation
with missionaries, in telling a folktale to H. Martin
(1969:72-74), used direct knowledge verb forms, although
he switched to indirect knowledge forms in midstream
(see 9-6.13). Yapita himself used kuna. layku.ti.xa
(see 9-5) in a tape-recorded greeting to Hardman in the
late 1960's, but indicates that he would not use it
today.
2This is done, for example, by Hardman et al.
(1975), who produced the only published grammar of
Aymara to date that does not reflect Missionary or
Patron usages.
3There are times when the use of -ya on an
Imperative would be inappropriate, as in amu.ki.ma.y.
If used to a baby it means 'please be quiet’, but if
used to an adult it is very insulting, being what a
rapist would say to quiet a victim (Briggs & England
1973:22).
4 Two fairly recent Protestant editions of the
New Testament in Aymara, published by the British and
Foreign Bible Society in 1941 and the American Bible
Society in 1954, use Alax.pacha.n.k.iri Awki.sa ‘Our
Father in Heaven' (with 4p -sa). TI heard Na.naka.n
Awki.sa used in a Catholic wedding ceremony in Bolivia
as recently as 1972, however. It is also still used
in Puno, according to J. Llanque Chana (personal
communication).
"An example of Missionary Aymara use with a
bodily condition as subject and with human complement
is
Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. ‘It (the headache) over-
333 comes her.' (Compi)
S
715
Salthough kusi.si.fia is usually translated as
‘to be happy', in La Paz/Compi Aymara it sometimes
connotes happiness at someone else'e expense or over
someone else's misfortune (Yapita, personal communica-
tion). Whether this is true in most dialects is not
yet known.
Tin this example -sa functions as an indefinite,
not as an interrogative.
CHAPTER 10
CONCLUSION
10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara
The foregoing chapters have examined regional and
social variation in Aymara grammatical structure. At this
point a return to the questions posed in 1-3.2 is indicated
to see what answers may now be given.
As has always been supposed, Aymara is clearly
one language. Regional and social variation exists but it
does not significantly affect intelligibility except when
certain utterances are taken out of context, primarily
because the phonemic inventory is uniform (except for the
velar nasal occurring in only two areas and in very few
morphemes) and secondarily because all dialects share a
basic set of morphophonemic rules and a basic inventory
of morphemes with the same or very similar meanings and
similar phonological shapes. Because of the nature of
Aymara morphophonemic rules, certain morphemes vary in
phonological shape within as well as across dialects.
As shown in cross-dialectal and intra-dialectal
phonological correspondences and in vowel-dropping or
-retaining morphophonemic rules, certain Aymara phonemes
are unstable. The most unstable are the sonorants (vowels
716
717
and voiced consonants), then the fricatives, then the
affricates and the velar and (to a lesser extent) the
postvelar stops. The most stable are the bilabial and
alveolar stops, but even the bilabial stop shows some
instability in one dialect, Calacala.
The morpheme class with the greatest variety of
phonological shapes of allomorphs both intra- and inter-
dialectally is the class of verbal inflectional suffixes
(person/tense suffixes). They vary not only because of
phonemic instability but also because of (1) preservation
or loss of different submorphemic recurrent partials,
(2) processes of analogy that may operate within a given
dialect, and (3) different patterns of merging what were
apparently four paradigms into two, the present Desiderative
and Remonstrator tenses. In all tenses and dialects the
same person/tense suffixes are the most variable: those
involving the 2p as complement (12, 3+2) and that involving
2p as subject, 1p as complement (2-1).
The closed class of roots having the most cross-
dialectal variation in inventory (that is, in number of
different phonologically dissimilar roots and stems) is
the temporal noun class. There is also considerable
variety in the inventory of open class nouns and verbs
referring to agricultural practices. As for morphosyntactic
processes, there is evidence of (1) an incipient merging
of the subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants),
718
and (2) variation in the incidence and usage of the sub-
ordinator -ipana, which in some dialects is a member of a
functioning four-person paradigm that has fallen or is
falling into disuse elsewhere.
While there is some cross-dialectal variation in
meaning or connotation of certain common roots and stems,
Aymara linguistic postulates are strong in ali dialects
except the heavily Spanish-influenced Missionary, Patr6n,
and Radio Aymara. The primary linguistic postulates (a
four-person system, a distinction of human and nonhuman,
and a distinction of direct and indirect knowledge) reinforce
the phonological and lexical unity already noted and make
for cross-dialectal comprehension even in the presence
of considerable lexical variation.
It is primarily on the basis of the phonological
shapes of a relatively few suffixes that Aymara dialects
may be grouped regionally. Incidence of certain morphemes
in a given dialect but not another and of differences in
meaning play a much less significant role in defining
regional groups, although they contribute to dialect
diversity and give the speech of each community its indi-
vidual stamp.
10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and Features
On the basis of regional patterning of certain
morphemes by shape of allomorphs, incidence, and meaning,
719
Aymara dialects fall into two major groups: (1) a northern
group of dialects located on or near Lake Titicaca and
including La Paz (the city and the department), and (2) a
southern group at a greater distance from the lake in the
departments of Oruro and Potosi. The intermediate dialects
of Celacoa and Sitajara in southern Peru southwest of
Lake Titicaca share some features with the northern and
some with the southern group; Calacoa has more northern
features, and Sitajara, more southern ones. (Figure 10-1
is a preliminary attempt to distinguish the three dialect
areas.)
Apart from the division into northern, southern, and
intermediate dialects, there is a distinction between a
central group of La Paz dialects and those on the periphery
of La Paz influence, whether to the north, south, or west.
(It may be that certain dialects located in La Paz depart-
ment north and east of the capital may also have to be
designated as peripheral when more is known about them.)
Huancané, a northern dialect sharing a number of features
with La Paz, is also peripheral in sharing certain non-
La Paz attributes with the southern and intermediate
dialects. (Figure 10-2 distinguishes.central from periph-
eral dialects.) In some cases features cut across regional
lines. For example, Morocomarca, in spite of its remote-
ness from La Paz, shares with it certain features lacking
in other northern and southern dialects.
v \
\, ‘\,
\
Lima *,
© Cachuy (Kawki)
°
Tope (Jaqaru),
. N mel OZ
SN G
punce gs
AREQUIPA WAA
ek NY. 7. Hes _
LENG
// Northern Aymara Dialects , ‘ Ds ~ Varad Lipp », B O L I V I A
Calatoa Oy iahuanaco
N\A, Southern Aymara Dialects : } Sitaj CLEP aN 7 SANTA
: Taree 1 Yv /s Ses Gy Liallagua o ‘“ ( CRUZ
Primary Aymara Sites For This Study OTacna /* RX: YQ aunt A" oO Carasi
; we WN woraue oO Nig Calica
Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study Arica — ON \ Morbedimaeds a 4.
REDD Lx PRO’ \.
Other Sites Where Aymara Or NSO i \
Another Jaqi Language Is Spoken L, Coipasaty \ SSR \
SAX Gitela Seid : cs
Garcia Mendoza ‘ {
Certain Other Towns Or Cities : Dita \ + 7 : / eal
Mentioned In Text { > Sait, Flats / Siam, -/ ex
: ICHUQUISACA vr
C, |
—-» International Boundaries &, \. Op
—:— Departmental Boundaries
O \
Sy \ TARIJA ! S&S
£’. ») [yr
Figure 10-1. Northern, Intermediate, and Southern Aymara Dialects
OcL
. \,
\, \,
Lima *
Y © Cachuy (Kawki)
“~, “mre (Jaqaru),
~“.
LA
; pret
feu
Voyt
_.- _—, S. /,
\ Huancssé@ Wir.
\ /
Sho 8
Voigt 7
= Central Aymara Dialects i : j wy
¢ us de Mach? aca
: ds /,
Peripheral! Aymara Dialects Lr 77 ot Gy de OU Y4,
STarata® OSL Sus ye (977A Liallagua On i
Primary Aymara Sites For This Study ae Oe ae Uf Voi Carasi
Lisi 4 BY
Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study cA Oe aN,
\
Other Sites Where Aymara Or
Another Jaqi Language Is Spoken
_. Ig 7 kat Mendoza
Certain Other Towns Or Cities LlicA O17 .
Mentioned In Text (Zs ere / ey
IC HUQUI SACA.
International Boundaries \
’o zw
: O S
Departmental Boundaries d
Figure 10-2. Central vs. Peripheral Aymara Dialects
LeL
722
In the following sections, features characteristic
of the northern, southern, and intermediate dialects and
of the peripheral as distinguished from the central dialects
are listed according to whether they occur in all dialects
in the group or only in some of them and whether they in-
volve phonological shapes and morphophonemics, incidence
of morphemes, or semantics. When a given feature also
occurs in a dialect outside the group, the name of that
dialect is indicated. Peripheral features of limited
occurrence are then listed, followed by features occurring
in both central and peripheral dialects and those cutting
across regional lines. Finally, cross-dialectal percep-
tions and attitudes toward Aymara language and culture
encountered in this study are described.
10-2.1 Northern group: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané
10-2.11 Features shared by all members of northern group
10-2.11.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics
10-2.11.11 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in 1p
possessive and 1*3 Future suffixes
10-2.11.12 /-mpi/ sole allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti
'with'
10-2.11.13 /-ka-/ sole allomorph of incompletive verbal
derivational suffix
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
10.2.
10-2
10-2.
10-2.
10-2
10-2
11.14
11.16
17.21
12
12.1
12.11
12.12
Preponderance of /sa/ forms in D-1 and D-2
tenses, and /iri/ forms of those tenses with
/k(s)/ or /s(k)/ (also Calacoa, Morocomarca)
Optional initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb
Sa.fia when inflected
/-sina/ or /-sna/ allomorphs of -sina subordinator
Incidence of morphemes
Temporals aruma ‘night, early morning' and
arumanti ‘'tomorrow' (also Calacoa)
Negative sentences usually accompanied by
/-ka-/ incompletive or /-xa-/ completive
verbal derivational suffixes on the verb
(also Calacoa, Sitajara)
Features shared by certain northern dialects
(not including La Paz)
Phonological shapes and morphophonemics
Variable morphophonemics of -na possessive/
locational noun suffix (Juli, Socca; also
Calacoa)
/-wa-/ allomorph of distancer verbal deriva-
tional suffix (Juli, Socca, Huancané; also
Calacoa)
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
12.
12.
12
12
12.
21
21.
21.
21
22.
23
24
1]
12
724
/-mama/ 1>2 Future (Juli, Socca, Huancané,
all of which also have /-:ma/)
Tolerance of final consonant clusters in cer-
tain Imperative inflections (Juli, Socca,
Huancané)
Incidence of morphemes
quli ‘dear, kind' (Juli, Huancané, Socca)
-chi NI plus 3+3 Simple used as narrative device
in stories (Juli, Huancané, Socca)
-iri plus 3+3 RIK used as narrative device in
stories (Juli, Socca)
-sa subordinator used only on sa.fia (Juli, Socca)
Southern group: Jopoqueri (and/or Corque),
Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala)
Features shared by all members of southern group
Phonological shapes and morphophonemics
Initial palatal or velar nasals in Ip possessive
suffix (Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala have
/n/; Jopoqueri has /nh/ as does Sitajara also.)
/-nti/ allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti
(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala also have
/-mpi/.)
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.
10-2.22
21
2]
21
21.
21
21.
2]
-13
14
15
21
31
725
/-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive verbal
derivational suffix, either as the sole allo-
morph or alternating with /-ka-/ by free
variation or morphophonemic rule
/-2i-/ or /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer
verbal derivational suffix
No initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.fia when
inflected
Incidence of morphemes
Negative sentences usually not accompanied by
presence of incompletive or completive verbal
derivational suffix on verb
Semantics
Use of certain verbs with meanings different
from those they have in northern dialects, for
example:
ati.fa 'to be able'
jala.na 'to fly'
pugu.fia ‘to grow, produce’ (also Calacoa, Sitajara)
(For northern meanings see 8-3.21.1.)
Features shared by certain southern dialects
10-2.
10-2.
22.
22.
22.
22
22.
.22
22.
22.
.22.
11
13
14
15
16
18
19
726
Phonological shapes and morphophonemics
Initial velar or palatal nasal in 173 Future
(Jopoqueri, Salinas; see also 10-2.41.15)
Shared or very similar allomorphs of D-1 and
D-2 suffixes, with a preponderance of /iri/
over /sa/ forms; /iri/ forms with /j/, not
/k/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas; also Sitajara)
/-pu/ allomorph of final suffix -pi (Jopoqueri,
Salinas; also Sitajara)
/-sana/ allomorph of -sina subordinator
(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala)
/kinsa/ ‘three' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)
/maq'a.fia/ 'to eat' (Salinas, Morocomarca)
/-tan(a)/ ~ /-:tan/ ~ /-:tna/ allomorphs of
4>3 Future (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala;
also Calacoa, which lacks /-fiani/ 4+3 F)
/ma:ji/ 'fast' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)
/-ji/ and /-ki/ allomorphs of -ki ‘just'
nonfinal independent suffix (Salinas,
Morocomarca)
Phonological shapes of a few morphemes found in
southern Aymara dialects are identical to the shapes of
727
those morphemes in the Quechua spoken in the area, for
example /kinsa/ ‘three', /rura.fia/ ‘to make’, (Morocomarca) ,
and /-nti/ ‘with, by', but such shared items are of minor
significance, given the fact that similar shapes of those
morphemes and several others are pan-Andean (Hardman,
personal communication). Only one instance of a possible
occurrence in Aymara of a Quechua suffix was noted, in
Calacala (see 7-2.22.11 and footnote 2). The present
evidence is that the Aymara spoken by Aymara-Quechua
bilinguals in areas where Quechua has the greater prestige,
remains remarkably free of Quechua admixture, perhaps
because of the diglossia mentioned in 1-1.1.
10-2.3 Intermediate dialects: Calacoa, Sitajara
As indicated above, Calacoa shares the following
features with the northern group: 10-2.11.14, 10-2.11.21,
10-2.11.22, 10-2.12.11, and 10-2.12.12. It shares the
following with the southern group: 10-2.21.31 (the verb
pugu.fia, not the others) and 10-2.22.17.
Sitajara shares the following with Calacoa and the
northern group: 10-2.11.22. With the southern group it
shares the features 10-2.21.11, 10-2.21.31 (puqu.fia),
10-2.22.12, and 10-2.22.13.
Calacoa and Sitajara share the following feature
concerning the incidence of a morpheme:
10-2.31 Nonoccurrence of temporal root g"ara (in free
728
or frozen form) that occurs in all other
dialects (but see 10-2.41.21)
Other features shared by Calacoa and/or Sitajara
are the peripheral features 10-2.21.14, 10-2.41.18,
10-2.41.19, and 10-2.41.21, and the cross-regional
features 10-2.51.31 and 10-2.52.
10-2.4 Peripheral (as distinguished from central) dialects
The following features, most of which involve
phonological shapes, do not occur in the two La Paz dialects
most thoroughly investigated until now: Compi and Tiahuanaco.
They do occur in certain other dialects already identified
as northern, southern, or intermediate.
10-2.41 Features shared by several dialects
10-2.41.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics
10-2.41.11 Voicing of prevocalic stops after homorganic
nasals
Northern: Huancané (optional)
Intermediate: Sitajara (optional)
Southern: Salinas (obligatory within morphemes,
optional otherwise; also occurs after
palatal lateral); Corque (optional)
10-2.41.12 Demonstrative /k"u/ ~ /k"u:/ ~ /k"uyu/
Northern: Huancané (also has /k"uri/)
Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca
729
10-2.41.13 Variable morphophonemics of personal possessive
10-2.41.14
10-2.41.15
10-2.41.16
suffixes
Northern: Huancané (preceding consonant by
three-vowel rule, preceding vowel otherwise)
Intermediate: Sitajara (consonant preceding 4p
-sa and all possessives after nominalizer
-ta; vowel otherwise)
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala,
Morocomarca (preceding consonant permitted
unless a stem-final consonant cluster
would result)
/-t"a/ allomorph of -t'a ~ -ta ‘of, from'
Northern: Juli, Huancané
Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca
(Juli, Huancané, Calacoa, and Jopoqueri also
have the unaspirated allomorph.)
Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar
nasals in three Future suffixes: 273, 3-2,
and 2>1
Northern: Huancané
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas (which also have
initial velar or palatal nasals in 173 F)
Four-member subordinating paradigm of which
-ipana is 3p
10-2.41.17
10-2.41.18
10-2.41.19
10-2.41.2
10-2.41.21
730
Northern: Huancané
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca
/-raji/ allomorph of -raki nonfinal independent
suffix
Northern: Huancané
Intermediate: Sitajara
Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala
(All also have /-raki/ in some environments. )
/-lla/ allomorph of -lla ~ -ya politive final
suffix
Northern: Juli, Socca
Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala
/-:/ allomorph of -xa final sentence suffix
Northern: Juli
Intermediate: Sitajara, Calacoa
Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca
Incidence of morphemes
Temporal g'alta ~ q"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow’
Northern: Socca (/q'alta/)
Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara (/q'alta/)
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca
(/q"alt'i/)
10-2.41.22
10-2.41..23
10-2.41.3
10-2.41.31
10-2.41.4
731
Noun suffix -chapi ~ -ch"api ‘the one which'
Northern: Huancané
Intermediate: Sitajara
Southern: dJopoqueri
Diminutive noun suffix -lla
Northern: Huancané
Intermediate: Sitajara
Southern: Corque, Jopoqueri, Salinas
Semantics
Falling-together of Ip and 4p in certain verbal
inflections
Northern: Huancané
Intermediate: Sitajara (aiso in personal
possessives)
Southern: Morocomarca
Morphosyntax
Peripheral dialects tend to use more different
kinds of verb subordination (see 7-4.2) than does La Paz,
where the most common verb subordinator is the sentence
suffix -xa.
10-2.42
Peripheral features of limited occurrence
Apart from the peripheral features that occur
fairly generally, there are certain features found in only
732
one or two peripheral dialects and having identical or
similar reflexes in present-day Jagaru. Such features are
(1) the velar nasal phoneme, which in Aymara occurs in only
two limited areas, Tarata (Peru) and Carangas (Bolivia);
(2) the Aymara diminutive noun suffix -cha, which corresponds
to the Jaqaru limitative and occurs in only two Aymara
dialects so far investigated, Huancané and Calacoa; and
(3) the 4+3 Future allomorph /-tana/ (and its reduced forms
/-tan/ and /-tna/), which is identical to the form of the
suffix in Jaqaru but persists as an Aymara allomorph of the
4+3 F suffix in only three dialects so far encountered,
Calacoa (where it is the sole allomorph) and Salinas and
Morocomarca (where it varies, apparently freely, with
/-nani/, the allomorph of 4*3 F found in other Aymara
dialects).
In this research certain Aymara variants cited by
Bertonio (1603b) were found only in Sitajara, for example
/mimilla/ 'girl', /marmi/ ‘woman', /-itta/ 2+1 Simple tense,
and ama:.fia 'to want'. (Elsewhere the equivalents are
/imilla/, /warmi/, /-ista/, and muna.fia.) Bertonio listed
full paradigms of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for what are here
called the D-1 and D-2 tenses. The present-day dialect
having the greatest number of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for the
two tenses (some of them different from those cited by
Bertonio) is Salinas, which also has other features that
mark it as one of the most distinctive Aymara dialects.
733
(Whether it is the most conservative will require a more
careful comparison of Jaqaru, Kawki, and Aymara dialects
than is possible here.) Some of the distinctive features
of Salinas are the following: (1) Use of only the aspirated
form of the noun suffix -t"a ~ -ta 'from, of', and of only
the allomorph /-nti/ of the noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti;
(2) a vowel harmony rule affecting both vowels of the suffix
-iri when it occurs on verb stems ending in /u/; (3) rules
obligatorily voicing stops after nasals and the palatal
lateral within morphemes and optionally otherwise; and
(4) a rule for the obligatory frication of the velar stop
before consonants, changing /k/ to /j/. The voicing rule
occurs sporadically in certain other dialects, and corre-
spondences of /j/ and /k/ occur elsewhere, but the rules
are obligatory only in Salinas.
10-2.5 Cross-regional features
The following features cut across the north/south,
center/periphery distinctions.
10-2.51 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics
10-2.51.1 /-nani/ sole allomorph of 4+3 F
Northern: Huancané, Juli, Socca, La Paz
Intermediate: Sitajara
Southern: Jopoqueri
10-2.51.2 /-:ma/, but not /-mama/ allomorph of 1+2 F
734
Northern: La Paz
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala
10-2.51.3 Morphophonemics of 2+3 I suffix /-m(a)/
10-2.51.31 Always requiring a preceding vowel
Northern: La Paz
Intermediate: Calacoa, Salinas
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas
10-2.51.32 Requiring a preceding consonant after /-ka-/
incompletive; otherwise a preceding vowel
Northern: Juli, Socca, Huancané
Southern: Morocomarca
10-2.51.4 | Nonoccurrence of /-:/ allomorph of -xa final
suffix
Northern: La Paz, Socca
Southern: Jopoqueri
(Notice also feature 10-2.11.14, which occurs in the
northern dialects, Calacoa, and Morocomarca. )
10-2.52 Incidence of morpheme: Optional occurrence of
verbal derivational -p- plural without a
following incompletive or completive suffix
Northern: La Paz (Hardman, personal communi-
cation)
Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara
Southern: Morocomarca
735
10-2.6 Cross-dialectal perceptions
There is a general belief among Aymara speakers
that the 'best' Aymara is spoken in La Paz. Apart from
that, Aymara speakers share the common human tendency to
prefer their own particular dialect over others. A woman
from Oruro indicated that the Aymara spoken in Oruro and
La Paz was legitimo, while that of Salinas was tosco
(coarse or crude). Speakers from Socca thought Tarata and
Sitajara Aymara sounded like baby talk, apparently because
of its velar nasals, and found Tarata Aymara ‘less developed’
than that of the province of Chucuito. They also termed
'archaic' a Sitajara usage dropping initial /lla/ and
found the occurrence of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.na in
other dialects ‘old-fashioned'. Similar attitudes could
probably be elicited elsewhere.
In addition to generally preferring their own dialect,
speakers tended to hear the features of that dialect in
other dialects, overlooking certain differences until they
were pointed out. For example, speakers from La Paz who
use only the longer forms of the distancer suffix -waya-
tended to hear a vowel /a/ in its occurrences in other
dialects, such as Socca, in which the allomorph /-wa-/
reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suffixes.
Speakers who usually used /-pini/ independent suffix tended
to hear /-puni/ as /-pini/ and vice versa. The native
speaker's virtual deafness to nonsignificant differences
736
in detail points up the need for collaborative research by
native and non-native speakers in’ studies of regional
and social linguistic variation.
10-2.7 Attitudes toward Aymara language and culture
From the evidence of this study it appears that
many Aymara speakers are ambivalent about their language
and culture. As pointed out by J. Llanque Chana (1974)
for Peru, negative attitudes are fostered by an educational
system unprepared to deal with language and cultural back-
grounds of students whose first language is not Spanish
and by the undeniable fact that acquisition of Spanish
makes the difference between living an economically and
socially marginal existence and entering the mainstream of
modern Peruvian life. The same factors prevail in Bolivia.
The most negative attitudes were found in Tarata and
Sitajara, Peru. In the former, few persons would even
admit to knowing Aymara, although eventually one was found
from a nearby town who seemed to enjoy speaking (and singing
in) the language. In Sitajara a very articulate elderly
monolingual woman, obviously a gifted talker, expressed
considerable bitterness against Aymara, as if its presence
in her brain were to blame for her failure to know Spanish.
A bilingual man in Huancané, a Seventh Day Adventist, ex-
pressed the belief that Aymara language and culture were
inferior to Spanish and that no useful purpose would be
served by teaching people to read and write Aymara.
737
Similarly, persons trained by missionaries in Bolivia
revealed a certain self-deprecation, as expressed in the
example in 9-5: 'We ask you to pardon us because we
sometimes make mistakes'. Yapita (1967) noted a ten-
dency to reject Aymara language and culture in Rosario
(province of Pacajes, department of La Paz), a community
that had been under Seventh Day Adventist influence since
1919.
Whatever their origin, such negative attitudes do
have an effect. In some communities where bilingualism in
Spanish and Aymara has existed for decades if not longer,
there is now a trend toward eventual disappearance of
Aymara, since young people under 20 no longer speak the
language although some still understand it. In Juli
children 12 and under in a family whose older members were
all bilingual neither spoke nor understood the language.
In farms on the outskirts of Salinas children still use
the language when helping grandparents with farm work, but
in town they use only Spanish.
Nevertheless, there is also ample evidence of deep
attachment to the Aymara language and pride in Aymara
culture. A wish to believe that Aymara is indeed the equal
of, if not superior to, Spanish probably contributed to
the positive reception given my statement of research
purposes during the course of field work. In explaining
those purposes, I alluded to certain basic anthropological
738
and linguistic notions, such as that Aymara is a language,
not a ‘dialect'; that it possesses a complex grammar, like
any other language; that it can be written, read, and used
as a medium of communication and instruction; that knowledge
of Spanish and Aymara structure facilitates teaching either
language to speakers of the other; and similar concepts.
With only one or two exceptions, these ideas found a ready
acceptance, as if they confirmed already-held assumptions.
Certain educated bilinguals are now articulating their
cultural heritage and seeking out its guardians in order
to reformulate it and bring it to public attention. The
work of Yapita and his associates in Bolivia, and of D. and
J. Llanque Chana in Peru, is in this vein.
The most positive attitudes toward Aymara are
found in and near the city of La Paz. Although La Paz
Aymara is taking in Spanish loanwords at an accelerating
rate, speakers revert to less Hispanicized usages when
talking to monolinguals or when visiting rural communities.
This happens even in the case of children who attend
school in La Paz, use Spanish among themselves and with
other children in the city, but speak Aymara on visits
to the Lake Titicaca communities where their parents and
grandparents still own and cultivate the land and where
Aymara is spoken by all ages. Aymara communities where
everyone is virtually monolingual reportedly still exist
in remote parts of the department of La Paz. Although
739
some communities may be losing Aymara, natural increase
due to population growth (as noted in the Peruvian census
of 1972) will offset this at least during the next few
generations, and its extinction is not in sight. The
Peruvian government's action in 1975 designating Quechua
an official language on a par with Spanish, to be used
interchangeably with Spanish in education, the courts,
and the like, has had repercussions among speakers of
other indigenous languages in Peru and in Bolivia, where
Peruvian developments have considerable influence. Among
Aymara speakers the Peruvian action vis-a-vis Quechua
has had the effect of fostering rising expectations of a
similar designation for Aymara, reinforcing the underlying
positive attitudes that exist.
10-3 Interpretation of Research Results and Their
Implications
In the absence of archaeological or historical
evidence concerning population movements and trade routes
or of a more complete knowledge of existing Aymara
dialects, interpretations of the data analyzed in this
study are somewhat speculative and raise more questions
than they answer.
The basic division between dialects near Lake
Titicaca in the Peruvian department of Puno and the
Bolivian department of La Paz and those farther to the
740
south in the Bolivian departments of Oruro and Potosi
implies a social/political split at some time in the past.
Such a split would account for the apparent lack of any
gradual shading of features from northern to southern
dialects, although a definite determination in this
respect must await further research in borderline areas
of southern La Paz and northern Oruro departments. Within
an area, existing similar usages may be reinforced by
trade. The intensive marketing and related travel that
occur around Lake Titicaca (Appleby 1976) are obvious
to any visitor. Similar movements associated with trade
also occur in the southern dialect area.
The evidence of a split between northern and
southern dialects does not disprove Torero's theory
(1-2.1) of a probable (gradual?) north to south expansion
of Aymara on the altiplano, since such an expansion might
have taken place before the split, but a simple southward
expansion does not account for the dialectal complexities
revealed by the present study, such as the existence of
(1) certain similar features in noncontiguous areas like
Tarata, Peru and Carangas, Bolivia, (2) features linking
peripheral as distinguished from central dialects or
crossing north-south, center-periphery lines, or (3)
features shared by certain Aymara dialects with contem-
porary Jagqaru and Kawki far to the north. These com-
plexities may be the linguistic reflection of equally
741
complex population movements associated with what Murra
(1968 and 1972) has identified as the pan-Andean pre-
occupation with controlling different ecological floors.
Populations speaking different dialects might have been
linked in one vertical archipelago, such as that controlled
by the Lupaca in the 16th century (1-2.2). Present-day
differences among the dialects of Moquegua, Tarata, and
Juli may reflect differences already existing in ancient
times, since Murra has pointed out that Pacaje colonies
were interspersed among those of the Lupaca (Murra 1968:
123), and that in any case colonies were of different
types, some consisting of subordinated local populations
and others of groups brought in from the political center
or elsewhere. Similarities in noncontiguous dialects
such as Tarata and Carangas may reflect descent from one
community some of whose members moved to a different
ecological level either voluntarily or as the result of
subordination or conquest (Murra 1968:121). The fact
that contemporary Aymara speakers in Tarata and Carangas
are apparently unaware of each others' existence as
speakers of dialects sharing certain features lacking
elsewhere, and the nature of the similarities themselves,
suggest that the separation occurred at an early date,
before the Spanish conquest. But all remains in the realm
of speculation at this point. Certain puzzling similari-
ties between the widely separated dialects of La Paz and
742
Morocomarca may result from more recent contacts, but
Since the examples for Morocomarca came from only one
source, that dialect needs further checking.
A different explanation than that of population
movements may account for similarities among dialects
distant from La Paz, whether to the north, south, east,
or west, and their differences from dialects in or close
to the Bolivian capital. Most of the features that
distinguish peripheral dialects from those of La Paz
are conservative in terms of the latter. That is,
peripheral features represent a survival of forms or of
complex morphophonemic processes that La Paz probably
once had but has since lost, such as stop voicing after
nasals and other voiced nonstop consonants, complex
morphophonemics of possessive suffixes and certain verbal
inflectional suffixes, the four-member -ipana subordinating
paradigm, and the native Aymara diminutive suffix -cha.
The hypothesis that La Paz dialects once had such forms
or processes is supported by the existence today of certain
relics like Tayk.s Mariya (5-3.24.4), Na.nak.n awki
(5-3.31.2), and s.ipna (7-4.44), but requires a convincing
explanation for their loss. In many cases it may be
attributable to Spanish influence, always stronger in
the capital city and areas accessible to it than in remote
areas. La Paz dialects conform more closely to Spanish
phonotactics in avoiding stop-nasal or stop-fricative
743
clusters that result in other dialects from operation of
the morphophonemic vowel-dropping rules La Paz has lost.
La Paz has no alternations of voiced and voiceless allophones
of stops; such alternations do not occur in Spanish,
where voiced and voiceless stops are separate phonemes.
(La Paz Aymara, like other Aymara dialects, does have
rules for voicing and frication of intervocalic velar
stops, but not rules for voicing without frication. )
In La Paz Aymara the diminutive suffix has been replaced
by Spanish loans.
Not all innovations fostered by La Paz can be
attributed to Spanish influence, of course. An example
of a usage that is on the way out because of internal
pressures within Aymara is the 4>3 Future allomorph
/-tana/(and its reduced variants). Only one contemporary
dialect, Calacoa, was found to use it to the exclusion
of the allomorph /-fiani/ found elsewhere, and only two
other dialects, Salinas and Morocomarca, were found to
use the /-tana/ allomorph at all, in apparently free
variation with /-fiani/. Elsewhere only /-fiani/ was heard.
The shift from /-tana/ to /-fiani/ may have arisen from
an avoidance of homophony of /-tana/ with (1) the 4+3
Simple tense suffix (although it requires a preceding
consonant), (2) 4+3 Remote Direct Knowledge tense allomorphs
that occur in certain dialects including La Paz, or (3)
certain allomorphs of the 3-3 Remote Indirect Knowledge
744
tense. The allomorph /-nani/ may have derived from the
nominalizing suffix -fia plus -ni possessor/enumerator
which are also used in all dialects (but without person
reference) to connote (future) obligation, e.g., sara.fia.ni
“going is necessary, one must go'. (Why this homophony
should be acceptable while the other is not is evidence
for the arbitrariness of language change.)
Whether or not they may now be changing under
La Paz influence, Aymara dialects have changed in the past
and are still changing in accordance with their own internal
processes. Analogous patterning within a dialect accounts
for certain idiosyncratic allomorphs such as /-ray/,
/-tay/, and /-y/ in Sitajara for morphemes which in other
dialects end in /ki/ or /ji/ rather than /y/, and the
allomorphs of 371 and 374 person/tense suffixes in Juli.
The future of these and other idiosyncratic features that
characterize individual dialects will depend on the extent
to which they resist, or yield to, innovations from within
and without.
That the dialects of La Paz should be influencing
others to change, rather than vice versa, is the logical
result of the economic and social power concentrated in
and near the Bolivian capital. The prestige of La Paz
is reflected in the general belief that the best Aymara
is spoken there, and this belief predisposes speakers
from other areas to adopt La Paz usages. Also, since
745
speakers of La Paz dialects hold the most positive attitudes
toward the Aymara language, La Paz usages are likely to
survive longer than those of places like Salinas, where
Aymara may disappear in the next generation. It therefore
seems likely that the influence of La Paz Aymara will
continue and that it may eventually supplant other more
conservative dialects. On the other hand, it is also
possible that positive attitudes toward Aymara emanating
from La Paz may encourage a revival of Aymara localisms,
thereby engendering a conservative counter trend. if
remote communities where Aymara is the primary language
still exist, they may serve educated bilinguals as a
source of renewed ‘Aymarization' of their Spanish-influenced
Aymara. Furthermore, if Peruvian government policies
for the development of bilingual education reach
implementation, a second center of Aymara prestige might
develop in Peru, perhaps in Puno.
Should the positive forces prevail, certain
factors augur well for the future of the Aymara language
as a vehicle of literature and education. Its phonemic
uniformity means that it can be written everywhere with
the Yapita phonemic alphabet. The velar nasal can easily
be symbolized by nh, the digraph used for it in the practical
Jaqaru alphabet developed by Hardman and Bautista. No
other special letters are necessary, since voicing of
stops within morphemes is predictable in Salinas and
746
voicing is otherwise optional.
Persons interested in developing Aymara literature
might do well to recall the lessons of ancient Greece.
According to Palmer (1949) each Greek city-state used
its own dialect in its public inscriptions. But apart
from this, each literary genre required the use of a
particular dialect, not necessarily that of the writer.
The epic dialect was a fusion of Aeolic and Ionic elements;
choric odes were always written in Doric; iambic and
trochaic poetry were written in Ionic. Still, certain
localisms persisted; Melic poetry was written in the dialect
of Lesbos, and the writings of Corinna of Tanagra were
in Boeotian (Palmer 1949:271-2). There seems to be no
reason why Aymara literature should not develop genres
based on local dialects, should its speakers desire to
do so. Persons literate in Aymara will decide.
10-4 Directions for Future Research
Future research into Aymara dialects should aim
toward the compilation of a linguistic atlas of the language,
and soon, lest certain dialects be lost before they are
recorded. For the reasons cited in 10-2.6, such an
admittedly utopian task will require the cooperative efforts
of Aymara native speakers trained in linguistic field
methods as well as of linguists who are native speakers
of other languages such as Spanish and Quechua. The
747
research should be coordinated with similar areal studies
of Quechua dialects and of other local languages, including
Spanish.
Specific areas already suggested for future research
in Bolivia include western Cochabamba department, northern
and western Potos7, all parts of the departments of La
Paz and Oruro (including areas thought to be Quechua
speaking, since Aymara and Quechua communities are often
interspersed). The following communities in Canton TimusT,
Mufiecas province, department of La Paz, were identified
as Aymara speaking in 1973 by a rural schoolteacher from
La Paz:
Sococoni
Huancoiro
Timusi (hacienda of Jesds Machaca)
Ocomblaya
There is a sectional school (escuela seccional) in Huancoiro.
In Peru linguistic surveys should be undertaken
in the areas identified as Aymara speaking in the Peruvian
census of 1972, and these should be coordinated with the
search for surviving relics of other Jaqi languages along
the ancient trails of the southern Peruvian Andes, from
Arequipa north through the departments of Ayacucho,
Huancavelica, Lima, and Junin.
Investigation should also be extended into Aymara-
speaking areas of Chile.
748
In future field work a special effort should be
made to obtain more data from monolingual speakers and to
determine whether or not monolingual communities or
communities bilingual in Quechua and Aymara but without
knowledge of Spanish exist.
In addition to the collection of field data, written
sources in libraries and private collections should be con-
sulted, such as materials on Aymara reportedly in the
Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in La Paz and colonial
documents cited by Rivet, especially the works of Bertonio
and Torres Rubio. These, together with sources of
Missionary and Patron Aymara mentioned in 2-4.11, should
be analyzed with the participation of native Aymara-speaking
linguists, annotated, and made available to the Aymara
community.
As for Aymara grammar itself, the following are
suggestions of areas needing further study.
Phonology:
Incidence of the velar nasal in other dialects
Incidence of aspiration and glottalization (are they
decreasing in some dialects?)
Intonation
Morphophonemics:
Morphophonemics of certain Future suffixes and 2>3 I
Conditioning of final vowel dropping on verb sub-
jects and complements, and on verbs
749
Conditioning of morphophonemics of -taki after
-fia, Jopoqueri
The range of allomorphic variation and conditioning
affecting internal vowel loss/retention in
peripheral dialects
Nouns:
Incidence of positionals and temporals
Verbs:
Incidence of verbal derivational suffixes
Influence of Spanish se on Aymara verbal deriva-
tional -si-
Completion of verbal inflectional paradigms
Morphosyntax and Syntax:
Incidence of final suffixes
Conditioning of occurrences of different final
suffixes
Semantics:
Determination of basis of distinction, if any,
between -sa and -sina (and variants)
Semantics of verb stems with different derivational
suffixes
Restraints on verb subjects and complements
Ethnosemantic studies of agricultural practices,
of the time system, and how they interrelate
Additional investigation may be undertaken into
matters of style in the narrative, oratory, prayer, and
750
poetry and the uses of politeness, irony, and metaphor.
Studies of the speech of different social groups (e.g.
women, men, young people, the elderly), of bilingualism
and monolingualism, of language acquisition, and all the
other proliferating subfields of contemporary linguistics
may also be conducted.
Whether or not such studies as these will be under-
taken for Aymara in the foreseeable future depends on many
interrelated factors, such as the priorities set by govern-
ments and scholarly institutions, the extent to which
linguists participate in the setting of such priorities,
and most important, the interest of Aymara speakers them-
selves in fostering the use of Aymara as a vehicle of
written literature and education. Only if such interest
continues to grow will Aymara linguistics attract the
support it needs to develop its potential.
APPENDICES
Spanish
AA-1 Common expressions
Le haré una pregunta, Sr. (Sra.).
Cémo se Ylama Ud., Sr. (Sra.)?
Yo me llamo
De d6nde es Ud.?
Yo soy de .
No soy de aqui.
A donde vas?
De dénde Hlegas (estas
llegando)?
Estoy llegando de Ja chacra.
C6mo esté, Sr. (Sra.)?
Bien, gracias.
Gracias.
APPENDIX A
ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND SENTENCES
La Paz Aymara
Tata (Mama), mayay jiskt'asi:ma.
Kunas sutimaxa, tata (mama)?
Nayan sutixaxa wa.
Kawkinkiritasa?
Nayax nkiritwa.
Janiw akankiriktti.
Kawks sara: ta?
Kawksats puriskta?
Yaput puriskta.
Kamisaki, tata (mama)?
Waliki:sktwa.
Juspajara:tam.
English
Sir (Ma'am), may I ask you a questicn?
What fs your name, sir (ma‘am)?
My name is .
Where are you from?
I'm from
I'm not from here.
Where are your going?
Where are you arriving from?
I'm coming from the field.
How are you, sir (ma'am)?
Fine, thank you.
Thank you.
oGl
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-2 Closed noun classes
2.1 Interrogatives
cémo
como
cud]
cudndo
cudnto
quién
Dénde esta?’
Dénde estard?
Qué es eso (esto)?
Por qué?
No hay nadie aquf.
No hay nada.
La Paz Aymara
kamisa
kunjamasa
kawki:ri, kawkni:rt
kunawrasasa, kunapachasa
qawq"asa
k"itisa
Kawk"ankisa?
Kawkinkpachasa?
Kunas ukaxa (akaxa)?
Kunatraki?
Janiw k"itis ukankiti.
_ dJaniw kunas utjkiti.
English
how
Tike what
which
when
how much
who
Where is it?
Where can it be?
What's that (this)?
Why?
There is no one here.
There is nothing.
esl
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-2.2 Positionals
afuera
detrds de la tienda
dentro de mi casa
directo por la casa
Seré verdad o serd mentira?
hacia nuestra casa
encima de tu casa
en medio de la gente
abajo, bajada, declive
arriba
junto a la casa
El vive por aquf (este lado).
El rfo pasa por mi chacra.
alrededor de las casa
La Paz Aymara
anqa
tinta q"ipan
utax mang"an
uta chiqa
Chiqa:ch k'arichi?
utas tuqiru
utam pataru
jaqi taypin
aynacha
amsta
utawjitaru
Askatuginkiriwa.
Jawirax yapux chiq pasi.
utax muyt'a
English
outside
‘behind the store
inside my house
straight through the house
Can it be true or is it a life?
toward our house
on top of your house
in the midst of people
below, slope
above
next to the house
He lives around here.
The river goes through my field.
around the house
GL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish La Paz Aymara English
AA-2.3 Numbers
uno maya one
dos paya two
tres kimsa , three
cuatro pusi four
cinco pisq’a . five
sefs suxta six
siete paqallqu seven
ocho kimsaqal1qu eight
nueve . Tlatunka . nine
diez tunka ten
once -tunka mayani : eleven
doce tunka payani twelve
trece tunka kimsani thirteen
SSL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AK-2.3 (continued)
veinte
cien
mil
diez mil
La Paz Aymara
pa: tunka
pataka
waranga
tunka waranga
English
twenty
one hundred
one thousand
ten thousand
9GZ
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-2.4 Pronominals
AA-2.4]
AA-2.42
Demonstratives
aquf, este
allf, ese
alld, aquel
més all&, aquel m&s alla
Personal pronouns
yo
td
él, ella
nosotros, ta y yo
La Paz Aymara
aka
uka
k"aya
k"url
naya
juma
jupa
jiwasa
English
here, this
there, that
over there, that over there
further over there, that further over
there
1
you
he, she
we, you and T
LSL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-2.5 Temporals
ayer
anteayer
hoy
anoche
tarde (antes de oscurecer)
neche
esta noche
por Ja noche
hace rato
mafiana (no noche)
esta manana
por Ja mafiana
mafiana (no hoy)
La Paz Aymara
masu:ru, Wasurru
walu:ru
jich"u:ru
masayp'u, wasayp'u
jayp'u
aruma
jich"arma, jich"aruma
arumch' iqaru
nink"ara
arumirja, alwa
ch"armanti, ch"armirja
q"aru:ru, arumanti
English
yesterday
day before yesterday
today
Tast night
afternoon (before dark)
night
tonight
at night
a while ago
morning
this morning
in the morning
tomorrow
BS Z
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-2.5 (continued)
hasta mafiana
hasta otro dfa
Hazlo otra vez.
pasado manana
hasta Tuego
ahora
de ahora en adelante
antes, adelante
después
antiguamente
ano pasado
al ano
La Paz Aymara
q"aru:rkama
q"{pu:rkama, mayu:rkama
Mayamp Turam.
jurpu:ru
ma: ratkama
jich"a
akat q"iparu
. Mayra, nayragata
q"ipata (Positional)
nayra, nayra timpuxa
maymara, miymara
marana, jutir mara
English
until tomorrow
until another day
Do it again.
day after tomorrow
so long
now
from now on
before, in front of
afterwards
formerly, long ago
last year
next year
652
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-3 Noun suffixes (closed class)
La Paz Aymara
English
AA-3.1 Basic sentence types illustrating possessives, plural «naka, and complement suffixes
AA-3.11 Inanimate subject
Su casa de 61 esta allf.
Su casa de él] es grande.
Nuestras casas estén allf.
Ruestras casa son grandes.
Las chacras de mis hijos estén
lejos de aqui.
Su llegada fué postergada.
Tu cama es grande.
Tus tejidos son bonitos.
Utapax uk"ankiwa.
Utapax jach'awa.
Utanakasax k"ayankiwa.
Utanakasax jach'anakawa.
Wawanakaxan yapunakapax
jayankiwa.
Ikifiamax jach'awa.
Sawutanakama jiwitanakakiw.
His house is there.
His house is big.
Qur houses are there.
Our houses are big.
My children's fields are far
from here.
Her arrival was postponed.
Your bed fs big.
~ Your weavings are beautiful.
092
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-3.12 Inanimate complement
Vamos a nuestro pueblo.
Voy a mi casa mafiana.
Trabajo mis chacras.
en su tejido
para tu llegada
Haremos la chacra.
Es para nuestras chacras.
de sus chacras
Con qué se escarba papa?
Con qué se come chufio?
Estoy en mi casa.
No voy a salir de mi casa.
La Paz Aymara
Markasar saranani.
Arumantix utax sara:.
Yapunakax Jurta.
sawutapanxa
purifiamatak{
Yap lurafiani.
Yapusatakiwa.
yapunakapata
Kunampis ch'uqix llamayufia?
Kunampis ch'ufiux manq'afia?
Utaxankasktwa.
Janiw utaxat mistaka:ti.
English
Let's go to our town.
I'm going home tomorrow.
I work my fields.
in her weaving
for your arrival
_ We'll prepare the field.
It's for our fields.
from his fields
What do you dig potatoes with?
What is chufio eaten with?
I'm in my house.
I'm not going to leave my house.
LOZ
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA~3.13 Human subject
Tengo una casa pequefia.
Quién 1leqg6?
Quienes Tlegaron?
Mis hijos ya comferon.
Tu hijo ya se fué.
Mi hermana ya se fué.
Mis hermanas ya se fueron.
La Paz Aymara
Jisk'a utanitwa.
K"itis puri?
- K'itinakas puri?
Wawanakaxax mang'xiw.
Yuqamax sarxiw.
Kullakaxax sarxiw.
Kullakanakax sarxapxiw.
sarxiw.
English
I have a smal] house.
Who arrived?
Who (pl.) arrived?
My children have already eaten.
Your son already left.
. My sister already left.
My sisters already left.
o9OL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-3.14 Animate complement (usually human)
amf
Estoy esperando a mi esposo.
mi mujer.
mis hermanas.
Hablaremos de tf.
Hablaremos de tus hijos.
para mf
para mi hijo
para tu hermana
para tus hermanas
para tus hijos
Con quién estabas hablando?
Hazlo comprar con tu mamd.
tu hermana.
tus hermanas.
De mi padre su chacra es.
De mis hijos su casa es.
La Paz Aymara
nayaruwa
Chachaxaruw suyaskta.
Warmixaruw
Kul lakanakaruw
Jumxat parlafiand.
Wawanakamat parlafiant.
nayataki
wawaxataki
kul Takamataki
kul lakanakamataki
wawanakamatak1
K"itimpis parlaskaya:ta?
Mamamamp alayam.
Kul lakamamp
Kul lakanakamamp
Tataxan yapupax.
Wawanakaxan utapax.
- English
to me
I'm waiting for my husband.
; wife,
sisters.
Let's talk about you.
He'll talk about your children.
for me
for my child
for your sister
for your sisters
for your children
With whom were you talking?
Have your mother buy it.
sister
sisters
It's my father's field.
It's my children's house.
€9L
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
naricita
sin nariz
ciego
sordo
sin sal
entre mujeres
hasta la casa
como casa, perro
Pas6 por Ja casa.
Yo vine en vez de ella.
Por 61 he venido.
Esa mesa no es mfa.
Por qué no me hiciste avisar?
El no estd aquf.
yo mismo/a
La Paz Aymara
AA-3.2 Other noun suffixes and compound forms
jisk'a nasa
jan nasani
juyk"u
ugara
ch'apaga, ch'aep"aqa,
jayuwisa
warmikama, warmipura
utakama
utjama, anjama
Utanjam }
Utanam
sari.
Jupa lantiw jutta.
Jupalaykuw jutta.
Uka misax janiw nayankkiti.
Kunatrak jan awisayanista?
Jupax janiw akankkiti.
na:pacha
English
little nose
without a nose
blind
deaf
without salt
among women
as far as the house
Tike a house, a dog
It passed through the house.
I came instead of her.
I came on account of him.
That table isn't mine.
Why didn't you let me know?
He isn't here.
I myself
v9L
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-4 Verb suffixes and verb subordination
Td nos estds mirando.
Uds. me estén mirando.
Yo traté de aprender.
‘No debfas haber venido todavfa,'
me dijo.
Por qué has venido?
He venido para hablarte.
Qué quieres hacer?
Quisiera aprender aymara.
Para qué has venido?
He venico para aprender mas
aymara.
Cuando vienes te veré. |
La Paz Aymara
Jumax ufich'ukiyasipkistaw.
Jumanakax nayar ufich'uki-
yasipkistaw.
sistwa.
ka:ntixa> situwa.
Kunarus jutta?
Jumar parliriw jutta.
Kuns lurafi munta?
Aymar yatiqan munirista.
Kunatakis jutta?
Aymar juk'amp yatiqanatakiw.
duta:t uk"aw jikisifani.
English
You're looking at us.
You (pl.) are looking at me.
I tried to learn.
"You shouldn't have come yet,‘
he said to me.
Why have you come?
I've come to talk to you.
What do you want to do?
I would Tike to learn Aymara.
What have you come for?
I've come to learn more Aymara.
I'l] see you when you come.
SOL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-4 (continued)
Por qué se lo has bajado?
Si me dejas, me voy a norir. |
No habiendo se fué.!
El zorro estaba muy contento,
bailando, dando vueltas
Adivinanza de la rueca
Refrén: Viendo hay que decir
‘He visto. ..'
No hay.
No hagas.
No sé.
No quiero.
Lo que veo es feo.¢
Lo que quise se perdio.¢
La Paz Aymara
Kunats aparaqta
Kunatakis
Jayti:taxa, Jiwaw apitani,
Jan utjipan sarxt,
Tiwulax wali k'uchikiw,
muyuska:n, t"uquska:n.
Ma: tawaquw muykas muykas
wal q'ipti. Kunasa? Qapuw.
Unjasaw safiax, jan
ufijasax janiw
Safakiti.
Janiw utjkiti.
Jan Juramti.
Janiw yatktti.
Janiw munktti.
Wali p"ir unjanta.
Munaya:t ukaw ch"aqata.’
English
Why did you take it away from him?
If you leave me, I'll die.
As there was none, he left.
The fox was very happy, dancing,
whirling around,
Riddle of the distaff
. Saying: If you have seen, say
"I have seen'...
There is none.
Don't do that.
I don't know.
I don't want to.
What I see is ugly.
What I loved got lost.
992
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-4 (continued)
Me falta poco para aprender aymara.©
Quizds porque soy huérfano, 3
no he podido terminar mis estudios.
Hay algufen para ir?!
Volvf para ver mi chacra.*
Si td no quieres ir, yo iré.
Si td quieres papa, trae un costal.
Ven aca.
Tengo que ir.
Yo tenfa que ir.
Td tienes que ir.
Td tenfas que ir.
Tiempos verbales
La Paz Aymara
Juk'akiw aymar yatiqafiatak
p"altitu.
Inas waxch'a:t ukat jani
isturyux tukuystti.
Yapux ufjiriw jutanta.
Jan sarafi munka:tax, nayaw
sara:.
Ch'uq munstaxa,. kustal
apanim.
Ak"ar jutam.
Sarafiaxaw.
Sarafaxa:nwa.
Saranamaw.
Sarafiama:nwa.
English
I lack only a Tittle to learn
Aymara.
Maybe because I'm an orphan, I
haven't been able to finisn my studies.
Is there anyone to go?
I came back to see my field.
If you don't want to go, I'll go.
If you want potatoes, bring a sack.
Come here.
I have to go.
I had to go.
You have to go.
You had to go.
Verb tense paradigms (see 6-3)
L9L
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-5 Particle
a
si
AA-6 Nouns (Open Class)
AA-6.1 Frequently occurring as modifiers
dulce
bonito, lindo, hermoso
negro
mucho
muchas casas
harto
poco
igual, mismo
diferente, otro
pequeno
bien
La Paz Aymara
jisa
muxsa
jiwakt
ch'tyara
walja
walja utanaka
walja
juk'a
pachpa
mayja
jisk‘a
wall
English
yes
sweet
pretty, beautiful
black
much |
many houses
a lot, too much
little (small quantity) .
same, equal
different, other
smal}
well
891
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-6.1 (continued)
Tenemos que escribir todo
en aymara.
Todo ha entrado.
Liévalo todo.
Todos entraremos.
répido
despacio
La Paz Aymara
Taqi kun aymarat qillqafasaw.
Taqpach apam.
Taqiniw mantapxafiani.
jank'akt
k'achata
English
We have to write everything in
Aymara.
Everything has gone in.
Take it all.
We'll all go in.
fast
slow
692
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-6.2 Age terms and other human categories
nitio/a
nita
muchacho, hijo
joven (M)
joven (F)
adulto
mujer, esposa
hombre, marido
viejo
"vieja
anciana, ancianita
ancianito
soltera/o
alcalde
paisano
La Paz Aymara
wawa
jisk'a imilta
yuqalla
wayna
tawaqu
jach'a:qi
warmi
chacha
achachi, awki
awicha, tayka
chuyman tayka
chuyman awk
sapaki
alkalti
markamast
English
child
girl
boy, son
youth, young man
young woman
adult
woman, wife
man, husband
old man
old lady
little old lady
little old man
spinster, bachelor
mayor
native of same town.
OLL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-6.3 Parts of the bocy
cabello
trenza
mejilla, cara
barba
ojo, vista
coraz6n
pulm6n
espatda
La Paz Aymara
nik'uta
pichika
ajanu
sunk"a
nayra
chuyma (metaphorical)
luqu (physical)
pulmuna
jik"ani
" English.
hair
braid
cheek, face
beard
eye, sight
heart
Tung
back
LZZ
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-6.4 Animals and animate nature
alpaca
Tlama
burro
gallina
huevo
gatlo
gusano
hormiga
perro
cachorro
perdiz
zorro
paja :
quinoa
flor
oca congelada y secada
conejo
La Paz Aymara
alpaqa
qarwa
asnu
wallpa
k'awna
k'ank'a
Taq‘u
k'isimiri, k'isimirta
anu
jisk'a anu
pisaga
qamaqi, tiwula
ch'illiwa, wich"u
jup"a
panqara
k"aya
wank'u
English
‘alpaca
Tama
donkey
hen
egg
rooster |
worm
ant
dog
puppy
partridge
fox
straw
quinoa
flower
freeze-dried oca
guinea pig
cLl
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-6.5 Inanimate nature
clelo
espina
lefia
Tiuvia
nube
quebradaâ€
viento
frfo
AA-6.6 Inanimate manmade
azad6n
faja
gancho (aguja)
puerta (apertura)
puerta (lo que se abre y cierra)
sombrero
topo (gancho)
La Paz Aymara
silu
ch'api
Tawa
jayu
qinaya
wafia jawira
t"aya
t"aya
lijwana
wak'a
yanchu
punku
(jist'at) punku
surmiru
. English
sky
thorn
firewood
rain
cloud ;
gully, dry riverbed
wind
cold
hoe
belt, waist cinch
pin (needle)
‘door (opening)
door (barrier)
hat
pin for urk"u
ELL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-7 Verb roots and derivational suffixes
AA-7.1 Carry/take verbs (human subjects)
cargar
cargar en burro
Tevantar cosa
llevar, jalar animales
Tlevar gente
llevar en brazos una wawa,
un animalito
llevar awayu, costal etc.
TVevar en espaldas
Tlevar granos en 1a mano
llevar clarinete, quena,
Yampa, escoba
llevar en balde, canasta
o maleta
La Paz Aymara
apafia
k"umufia
aptafia
jisk"afla
jaq apafia .
ichufia
iqatia
q'ipifia
jach‘ifia
ayafia
wayutia
English
to carry, take
to carry on donkey back
to lift semething
to lead, pull animal
to take people
to carry a baby or smal] animal
to carry awayu, saddle bag (cloth)
to carry on back
to carry grainy substance in hand
to carry clarinet, flute, hoe, broom
(long, rigid object)
to carry in pail, basket, or suitcase
(by handle)
vLL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-7.1 (continued)
Vievar barril
llevar piedra en los dedos
Hevar en plato, bandeja
poner, colocar, meter
AA-7.2 Verbs with nonhuman subjects
arder un fuego
brotar/salir la siembra
producir la chacra
nacer animales
La Paz Aymara
apafia
{raiia
asana
uskufia, uchafia
nak"afia, aqafia
mistsufa
achufia
wavachaila
English
to carry barrel
to carry small stone or other round
object in the fingers
to carry on plate, tray
to place, put, put in
for a fire to burn
for a seed to sprout
for a field to produce
for animal(s) to be born
GLL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-7.3 Other verbs (human subjects)
abrazarse
andar
bailar
botar
caer
cantar
cocinar
comer
conocer gente
contar
contentarse, estar contento
correr
decir.
La Paz Aymara
qumantasifia
sarnaqafia
t"uaquiia
liwtafia
jalaqtafia
kantafia
p"ayafia
manq'‘afia
ufit ‘afia
safla, jak"ufla
kusisita:fa
jalafa, t'ijtatia
Satia
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to.
to
to
to
to
English
embrace, hug
walk
dance
throw away
fall
sing
cook
eat
know a person
count
be happy
run
say
9LL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-7.3 (continued)
encontrarse con alguien
entrar
escarbar
escribir
escuchar
esperar .
estimar, querer, desear
gritar
hablar
hacer
lavar ropa
levantarse, pararse
amar
Tiegar
La Paz Aymara
jikisiiia
mantatia
Tamayutia
qillqaiia
ist'afia
suyt' aria
munaiia
art ‘afia
partaia
Turafia
is t‘axsufia
sayt'aiia
jawsafia
purifia
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
English
meet someone
enter
dig (e.g., potatoes)
write
listen
wait
appreciate, like, love, want
shout, scream
talk
make, do
wash clothes
get up, stand up
call
arrive
LLL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-7.3 (continued)
Vlorar
mandar
mirar
moler
morir
enfermarse, dar a luz
nadar
odiar
pasar
pelear
pensar
perder algo
poder
preguntar
La Paz Aymara
jachana
_k"itafia
ufitafia
q"unaiia, piqaiia
jiwaria
usuila
tuyufia
uflisifia
pasafia
nuwasifia
- Jup'ifia, amuyaila
ch" aqayafia
puyrifia
jiskt' ata
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
English
cry
order
look
grind
die
be 111 or pregnant; to bear a child
swim
hate
pass
right (physically)
think
lose something
be able
ask
BLL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-7.3 (continued)
quemar (lena), hacer arder
recordar
regar
regresar, volver
sentarse
tapar un agujero
tapar una olla
Tengo sed.
Tengo sueno
tomar, beber
tostar en tostadera (maiz)
venir
ver
volar
La Paz Aymara
nak"antayafia
amtatia
q"ich' aia
kutt' afia
quntasifia
Tlupt ‘aria
q"upifia
Umat p"arjitu.
Ikiw puritu.
umt ‘ania
jamp' ina
jutaiia
unjana
muyuna, tuyuna
English
‘to burn (wood), Tight a fire
to remember
to water, irrigate
to return
to sit down
to cover a hole
to cover a pot
I'm thirsty.
I'm sleepy.
to drink
to toast in toaster (e. g. corn)
to come
to see
to fly
6LL
APPENDIX A (continued)
Jaqaru
AA-8 Jagaru /nh/ word list?
anhshishpta
inhatza
jinhara
kanhara
Tanhtina
panhara
qunhtza
tinhya
wamanhripa
wamanhtanga
yanha
Spanish
disputar, discutir
peén, trabajar como peén
moco
cuerda de magliey seco
planta que cura heridas
moledor
hermano de un hombre
tambor pequeno que tocan
mujeres en fiestas
ganaderas
flor para jarabe para la tos
papa amarilla
compaiiero, ayudar
English
quarrel
peon, work like a peon
nasal mucus, snot
dried maguey cord
plant that heals wounds
_ grinder, corn nil
man's brother
smal] drum played by women —
during cattle festivals
flower used to make cough syrup
yellow potato
comrade, help
08Z
Tyardman
euardman
Suardman
+ uardman
SHardman
781
Notes
1966:73.
1966:75.
1966:76.
1966:77.
(personal communication).
782
APPENDIX B
ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES
The following onomatopoeic utterances, class-
fiable as particles (7-2.1), occurred in this research.
Some are reduplicative; most are monosyllabic. Most
were obtained from La Paz/Tiahuanaco. No formal attempt
was made to elicit them elsewhere. It is hoped that
additional examples will be found in future research.
ch"ullx sound of two glasses or bottles
hitting (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
ch'uti sound of two small balls hitting
(glass marbles, ball bearings, etc.)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
jam jam jam jam sound of dog panting (Sitajara)
krum sound of horse or donkey eating
hay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
k"urm ‘crunch! (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
k"ut"u sound of cow chewing cud (Calacoa)
lasj lasj lasj sound of fox's tail brushing the
ground as it runs (Huancané)
p"ut"um sound of explosion (Jopoqueri)
p'utx p'utx
q' aw
gq"un g"un
talalax
‘pop! pop!' (Socca)
sound of crunching, e. g. a carrot
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
sound of explosion (Huancané, La Paz)
‘crunch' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
sound of a tin can falling and hitting
another (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
sound of door slamming (La Paz/Compi)
sound of explosion (Huancané)
‘plop!'; sound of fish falling on
the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
sound of raw egg in the shell, hitting
the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco); sound
of knock on the door, or of loud
footsteps (La Paz/Compi)
784
APPENDIX C
REGIONAL VERSIONS OF
GREETINGS AND COMMON EXPRESSIONS
AC-1 Greetings
The most common greetings between adults in con-
temporary Aymara may be a simple mama 'ma'am' or tata
‘sir', sometimes suffixed with -ya politive, as in
mama.y and tata.y (Morocomarca and Calacala). The
first syllable appears to have vowel length in Huancané:
ta:ta, ma:ma. The usual greeting by a child to an adult
is tiyu (uncle) or tiya (aunt) in La Paz, and tata.la.y
Or mama.la.y in Morocomarca. According to Vasquez, the
term tatala is derogatory in La Paz and would not be
used there as a term of address, while in Vitocota it
is used by a mother speaking to her son, as is mamala
in speaking to a daughter. In Sitajara tatala and mamala
are said to be used to refer to people from the highlands
(department of Puno).
Apart from tata and mama, the most common greet-
ings are probably Aymarized forms of the Spanish Buenos
dias ('good morning') and Buenas tardes ('good afternoon'),
like the following:
785
Winus tiyus. (La Paz/Compi)
Winas tartis. (La Paz/Compi)
Waynus tiyas. (Sitajara)
Waynas tartis. (Sitajara)
An unusual greeting and reply apparently borrowed from
16th century Spanish persist in Calacoa. The original
Spanish was identified for me by a native speaker of Span-
ish from Moquegua, who said the full reply would be
Sin pecado concebida (‘conceived without sin').
Maraptis. < Spanish Ave Maria Purifsima
Simpikaw. < Spanish sin pecado ‘without sin'
In several places Aymara greetings said to be archaic
and no longer in use were elicited. In one case a verb
with 2>+3 F appears to be reduced from 3+2 and to repre-
sent a kind of frozen contraction or ellipsis, as the
meaning is what it would be if the inflection were 3+2 F.
Dios aski.y chura.:ta. ‘God's blessing you will give.'
od give 2+3 (Juli)
F
@
Aski.y chura.:ta. ‘Blessing you will give.' (Torata,
Moquegua )
786
Yusak (Dios awki) ma: chura.ntama.
God father some give 3-2
F
Yusak ma: chura.nt tata.
273
F
'God will give you (blessings).' (Jopoqueri; one speaker)
Sum uru.ki.:.pan. ‘Let it be a good day.' (Jopoqueri)
good day 333
I
Suma diosa.r chura.:ta, tata.y.
good god give 2>3 sir
F
'You will give to (bless?) the good God, sir.' (Morocomarca)
AC-2 Common Expressions
A list of common expressions for La Paz (Compi
and Tiahuanaco) was given at the beginning of the elici-
tation list in Appendix A. The expressions will be re-
peated here with analysis for comparison with similar
expressions from other dialects.
A number of the expressions contain vowel length
verbalization (see 5-3.41.2) which does not appear in
the transcription because the verbalization is followed
by a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, causing
the lengthened vowel to reduce to plain vowel. That is,
787
a form that has vowel length verbalization at the morphemic
level may not have it at the phonemic level. For example,
kawki.n.k.iri.:.ta.sa with vowel length verbalization
before the inflectional suffix 273 S /-,ta/, is pho-
nemically /kawkinkiritasa/ and therefore so written. If
there were no vowel length verbalization, the form would
be */kawkinkirtasa/, which does not occur.
It should also be noted that several homophonous
suffixes occur in the expressions: -ta ~ -t"a ‘from, of'
(5-3.31.4), -ta_~ -t"a 1+3 S (6-3.31), -ta 2+3 S$ (6-3.31),
and -ta nominalizer (7-4.21.3). In the following examples
the verbal inflections are identified; the others are
identifiable by context and gloss.
AC-2.1 Northern dialects
AC-2.11 Huancané
Sik.t'a.si.mam may, mama.
ask +2 one
F
'May I ask you a question, ma‘am?'
Sik.t'a.si.mam.ch mama.
Sik.t'a.si.fi mun.sma.y, tata. ‘I would like to ask you a question,
want 172 sir.'
D-1
Suti.ma.x kuna suti.ni.sa? ‘What is your name?'
name 2p what name
788
Tata, suti.ma.st kuna.sa? ‘And what is your name, sir?'
Na.n suti.ja.xa . "My name is |
Ip Ip
Kawki.t.s jut.ta? ‘Where do you come from?’
where come 2+3
S
Kawki.ta.s juma.x? "Where are you from?'
2p
Na.x jut.t.w Punu marka.t'a. 'I come from the city of Puno.'
Ip come 1+3 city
S
Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? ‘Where are you usually?’
2+3
S
Aka.n.k.iri.t.wa. ‘T'm usually here. '
here 133
S
Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? ‘And where are you now?'
2+3
S
Naya.x Lima.n.k.t.wa. ‘I'm in Lima.’
Tp ]+3
S
Yusulupay. < Dios se lo pague ‘'May God repay you.'
Yuspara.natpa.
332
F
Yuspar.ka.natpa.y.
Yuspar.sna.w.
Ize
Ma: rat.kam.
one while
AC-2.12 Socca
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p
Kawki.tugi.ta.sa juma.xa?
where 2p
Kawki.t pur.ta.ni.w.ta.xa?
arrive 223
S
Kawk.s sara.:ta?
go 243
Jani.w kawk.s sar.ka.:.ti.
no where go 133
F
Yuspagara.
789
‘Thank you. '
"See you later.'
‘What is your name?'
'Whereabouts are you from?'
‘Where are you arriving from?'
‘Where are you going?!
‘I'm not going anywhere. '
‘Thank you.'
790
Ma: rat.kama. 'See you later.’
one while
Sar.x.ma.lla.
go 2>3
I
Sara.waya.w.ma. lla. ‘So long, go ahead, on your wayk'
243
I
Sara.w.ma.lla.
233
I
Jaki.si.fi. kama. ‘Until we meet again.'
meet
AC-2.13 Juli
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? 'What is your name?’
what name 2p
Na.n suti.ja.xa . 'My name is i
Ip Ip
Naya.n suti.ja.xa Sa.ta.wa. 'My name is called
say
Kawki.ta.s
where
juma. xa? ‘Where are you from?’
2p
Kawki.ta.ta.s
273
S
Naya.x Juli marka.ta.t.wa.
Ip town 133
S
Kawki.t.s jut.ta?
where come 233
S
sara. :ta?
233
( F
Kawk.s
where
| sara.:ta.x?
Kawki.t.s puri.n.ta?
where arrive 23
S
Yapu.t puri.n.t'a.
field 133
S
Kamisa.k tata?
how
Wali.ki.way.
Diyuspagara.
Ma: rat.kama.
one while
791
"I'm from Juli.'
‘Where are you coming from?'
‘Where you are going?’
‘Where are you arriving from?’
‘I'm arriving from the field.'
"How are you, sir?'
‘Fine, thank you. '
‘Thank you.'
‘See you later.’
792
Jaki.si.ii. kama. ‘Until we meet again.’
meet
AC-2.14 La Paz (Compi and Tiahuanaco, unless otherwise
noted)
Tata (mama), maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma. ‘Sir (ma'am), may I ask you
sir ma'am one ask 132 a question?'
F
May jisk.t'a.si.:ma? ‘May I ask you a question?' (San Andrés
de Machaca)
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa, tata (mama)? ‘What is your name, sir (ma‘am)?'
what name 2p
Naya.n suti.xa.xa -wa. ‘My name is ./
Ip Ip
Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? "Where are you from?'
where 233
)
Naya.x -n.k.iri.t.wa. ‘I'm from |
133
S
Jani.w aka.n.k.iri.k.t.ti. ‘I'm not from here.'
no here 133
S
Kawk.S sara.:ta? ‘Where are you going (to go)?'
where go 243
F
793
Kawk.s sara.s.k.ta? ‘Where are you going (now)?'
23
S
Kawk.sa.t.s puri.s.k.ta? "Where are you arriving from?'
where arrive 233
S
Yapu.t puri.s.k.ta. ‘I'm arriving from the field.'
field arrive 133
S
Kamisa.ki, tata (mama)? "How are you, sir (ma'am)?'
how
Wali.ki.:.s.k.t.wa. ‘I'm fine.’
wel] 133
S
Wali.ki. 'Fine.' (San Andrés de Machaca)
Juspajara. : tam. ‘Thanks will be to you.'
332
F
Jiki.si.fi. kama. ‘Until we meet again.'
meet
AC-2.2 Intermediate dialects
AC-2.21 Calacoa
May jisk.t'a.si.mama. 'May I ask you a question?'
one ask 1+2
F
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p
Na.n suti.ja.x .Wa.
Ip Ip
Kawki.t.s pur.ta?
where arrive 233
S
Kawki marka.t pur.ta?
town
Kawki marka.sti?
Kamisa.raki?
how
Wali.ki.wa.
good
Usulupaya.
AC-2.22 Sitajara
Jisk.t'a.si.wa.mam.
ask ]>2
F
Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa?
how 2>3
S
794
‘What is your name?'
"My name is .!
‘Where are you arriving from?'
‘What town are you arriving from?!
"And where is the town?!
‘How are you?'
"Fine.
'Thank you. '
‘May I ask you a question?'
‘How are you called?’ (to child)
Kuna suti.ma.s?
what name 2p
Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa?
where 2>3
S
Kawki.y marka.ta.sa?
where town
Kawki.ta.sa?
where
Kawki.t.s pur.ta.x?
—
AC-2.3 Southern dialects
AC-2.31 Jopoqueri
Maya.y chis.t'a.si.:ma.
one ask 1>2
May ch'ik.t'a.si.:ma.
Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa?
how 273
S
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p
795
‘What is your name?' (to adult)
‘Where are you usually?'
‘What town (are you) from?'
‘Where (are you) from?'
coming
‘Where are you larriving
} from?
'May I ask you a question?’
'What is your name?'
796
Naya.xa Sa.ta.t.wa. ‘I'm called 7
Ip 133
S
Suti.nha.xa sa.ta.wa. ‘My name is .|
name Ip
Kawki.ta.ta.s juma.x? ‘Where are you from?'
where 2>3 = 2p
S
Naya.x aka Urur marka.ni.t.wa. ‘I'm from this town of Oruro.'
Ip this Oruro town 133
S
Jani.w naya.x aka.ta.j.t.ti. ‘I'm not from here.’
no Ip here 133
S
pur. j.ta?
2>3
S
: \ arriving '
Kawki.t.s Where are you {coming } from?
juta.ta?
Yapu.t pur.j.tia. ‘I'm arriving from the field. '
field 133
S
Kawki.ru.s sar.j.ta? ‘Where are you going?'
where go 2>3
S
Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.j.t.ti.
no where go
Kuna.ma.:.S$.j.ta.s wiraxucha?
how 2-+3
S
Wali.ki.:.s.j.t.wa.
133
Jani wali.j.t.ti.
no 133
S
Yuspajar.pan.
343
I
Ma: rat.kama.
a while
Jiki.si.fi. kama.
meet
AC-2.33 Morocomarca
Maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma.
one ask 1+2
F
Kuna.s sut.ma?
what name 2p
797
‘I'm not going anywhere. '
"How are you, sir?’
‘I'm fine. '
'T'm not very well.'
‘Thank you.'
‘See you later.'
‘Until we meet again.'
'May I ask you a question?'
‘What is your name?'
798
Naya.n sut.fa.ka .Wa.
Tp name Ip
'My name is _
Naya.n sut.na Sa.ta.wa.
Kawki.ta.sa?
where
Naya aka.t.pini.t.wa.
Ip here 1+3
S
jut"a.n.ta?
273
S
Kawki.t.raj
where
pur. ta?
Yapu.t juta.n.t"a.
field 3
S
Kawki.ru.raki.sti sar.k.ta?
where go 2>+3
S
Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.k.t.ti.
Wali.ki.s.k.ta.ti?
good 2>3
S
‘Where (are you) from?'
"I'm really from here.'
coming
‘Where are you larriving
} from?'
"I'm coming from the field.'
‘And where are you going?'
‘I'm not going anywhere. '
‘Are you weil?!
799
Wali.ki.s.k.t.wa. "I'm fine. '
133
S
Juspagar.pa. "Thank you.’
333
I
Ratu. kama. "See you later.'
while
Sar.xa.:.w, jiki.si.n.kama. ‘I'm off, see you later.'
go 133 meet
F
AC-2.34 Calacala
Kam.sa.ta.x sut.ma.x? ‘What is your name?'
how name 2p
Naya sa.ta.t.wa . ‘I'm called .
Tp 133
Kawki.ta.raki.ta juma.xa? ‘And where are you from?'
where 2>3 2p
S
Naya jaqi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. 'I am a person (man) from Calacala.'
Ip person
Yuspaka.rap.sma.w. ‘Thank you. '
1+2
S
AC-2.35 Salinas
May chik.t'a.:ma.
one ask 1+2
F
Kam.sa.ta.raki.ta?
how 2>3
S
Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa?
273
S
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p
Naya.x sa.ta.t.wa.
Ip 133
§
Kawki.ta.ta.sa (juma.xa)?
where 2+3 2p
S
Kawki.ta.raki.ta?
273
S
Naya.x aka.ta.t.wa.
Ip here 133
S
Jani aka.ta.t.ti.
no here 133
a)
800
‘May I ask you a question?’
‘What is your name?'
‘I'm called |
‘Where are you from?'
'I'm from here.'
‘I'm not from here.'
801
Naya.x Salina.ta.t.wa. ‘I'm from Salinas.'
Ip 3
S
Na.n markafia.xa Salinas de Garci Mendoza sa.ta.wa.
'My town is called Salinas de Garci Mendoza. '
pur.ta?
. . ; arriving '
Kawki.t.ra(j) Where are you {coming } from?
jut.ta?
Yapu.t pur.j.t'a. 'T'm arriving from the field.'
field 133
S
Kawki.ru.rak sara.nta? [saranda] ‘Where are you going?’
where go 2-3
F
Jani kawki.ru.s. "Nowhere. '
no where
Kuna:ma.s.ka.raj.ta? ‘How are you?'
how 2>3
S
Wali.ki.wa. 'Fine.'
good
Juspagar.pan. ‘Thank you.'
3+3
I
802
Bay uk"ama.1lla.x.sa. ‘Well, just that (thank you).'
SO
Ratu. ka:ma. "See you later.'
while
803
APPENDIX D
REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING AND A RIDDLE
AD-1 Urijafia Saying: ‘See before you say.'
This saying, which illustrates the direct/indirect
knowledge postulate (8-2.3) and variation in usage of the
subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants)
(7-4.22.1), was elicited in all dialects investigated
except Calacoa and Sitajara. (Is is interesting to note
that the saying does not occur in Jagaru either, accord-
ing to Hardman [personal communication].) The different
versions obtained are grouped regionally below. There
is some variation within as well as across dialects,
but the meaning is always almost identical. The verb
Sa.fa that occurs in the saying is an obligatory. It
may be translated variously as ‘one must say', ‘must
be said', 'it is necessary to say', or ‘is to be said'.
I have arbitrari:y opted for ‘one must say’.
AD-1.1 Northern dialects
AD-1.11 Huancané
Ufi.ja.w.sin sa.fia.xa , jan ufi.j.ka.w.sin.xa
see see 1>3 say no see
S
(continued )
804
sa.fia.wa.
no see +3 Say
S
"Having seen, one must say "I have seen"; not having
seen, one must say "I have not seen".'
AD-1.12 Socca
Un.ja.sn.wa sa.fla.xa.
see see 133 say
S
Jan un.ja.sn.xa jani.w sa.ia.ti.
no see no see 1+3 say
S
‘Having seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having
seen, one must not say "I have seen".'
AD-1.13 Juli
sa.sin.xa sa.fia.wa.
see 1*3 say see 173 say
S S
Jan uf.ja.sin.xa sa.fa.wa.
no see no see 173 say
S
'Having said "I have seen", one must say "I have
seen". Not having seen, one must say "I have not
seen".'
(The first part of this version appears to be garbled.)
AD-1.14
AD-1.15
AD-1.2
AD-1.21
805
San Andrés de Machaca
Un.ka.sa.w sa.fia.x.
see see 193 say
uf. ja.sa.sti
Jan jani.w sa.na.k.i.ti.
no no see 174 say
un. j.ka.sa.sti
see
'Hdaving seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having
seen, one must not say "I have seen".'
La Paz/Compi
Jan uf.ja.sa.x sa.fla.w.
no see no see 143 say
"Not having seen, one must say "I have not seen".'
Southern dialects
Jopoqueri (version 1)
Jan ifi.ja.san.xa sa.na.wa.
no see no see 1 3 say
S
In.ja.sana sa.fia.wa.
see see 193 say
S
'Not having seen, one must say "I have not seenâ€.
Having seen, one must say "I have seen".'
806
AD-1.22 Jopoqueri (version 2)
Un.ja.san.xa s.irijt.wa.
see see 173 say 133
S D-1
Jan uf.ja.san.xa sa.s.ja.pani.w.
no see no see 1>3 say
S
'Having seen, I can say "I have seen". Not having seen,
"IT have not seen" really saying. '
AD-1.23 Morocomarca
~
Jani if.ja.sana sa.fla.wa.
no see no see 133 say
S
In.ja.sana sa.fa.wa.
see see 13 say
S
"Not having seen, one must say "I have not seen".
Having seen, one must not say "I have seen".'
AD-1.24 Salinas
Un.ja.sa.xa sa.fia.wa. Jan wtn.ja.sin.xa
see see 143 say no see
S
Sa.fla.wa.
no see 1>3 say
S
‘Having seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having
seen, one must say "I have not seen".'
807
AD-2 Spindle Riddle
No attempt was made to elicit this riddle every-
where, but it occurred spontaneously with great frequency.
It is probably general to all dialects. Like the
unjafia saying, it illustrates different usages of -sa
and -sina (and variants). The riddle shows more stylis-
tic variation than does the saying.
AD-2.1 Northern dialects
AD-2.11 Juli (version 1)
Kuna.s kuna.s muy.ka.sa wal.j g"ip.t.iri.x?
what turn very swell
apu.w.
spindle
‘What, what turning swells up? A spindle.’
AD-2.12 Juli (version 2)
Ma: tawaqu.x t'uga.sa t"uga.sa wal q'ip.t.i.xa.
A girl dance very swell] 33
S
Uka.x kuna.sa? Qapu.w.
that what Spindle
‘A young girl dancing, dancing becomes pregnant.
What is that? A spindle.'
808
AD-2.13 Juli (version 3)
T'ug"u.sin t"ug"u.sin
usu.ri.pt.i.x.
dance 11
i 333
S
Kuna.s uka.xa? Qapu.wa.
what that spindle
‘Dancing, dancing [she] becomes pregnant. What is
that? A spindie.'
AD-2.14 La Paz/Tiahuanaco
AD-2.2
AD-2.21
T"ug.ta.s t'uq.ta.s
kuna.s wal g"ip.t.iri.x?
Muy.ka.s muy.ka.s
turn
Qapu.w kuna.raki.:.ni.x.
spindle what else 33
F
‘Dancing, dancing (turning, turning) what swells up?
A spindle, what else is it to be.’
Southern dialects
Jopoqueri
Tan.ja.s tan.ja.s wal gq'it.iri. Uka
kuna. s?
run
very pregnant that what
Uka.x gapu.x.
that spindle
‘Running, running [she] gets pregnant. What is that?
A spindle.’
809
AD-2.22 Morocomarca
Ma tawaqu muy.ka.sa muy.ka.sa wal q'ip.t.x.i.
a girl turn very pregnant 33
S
Uka kuna.raki.:.spa. Qapu.w.
that what 333 spindle
D-1
'A young girl turning, turning gets pregnant. And
what can that be? A spindie.'
AD-2.23 Salinas (version 1)
Muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa --
turn
wal g'int.x.i. Q"apu.xa t'ug".ka.sa, t'uq.ka.sa,
very pregnant spindle dance
34
S
t'ug".ka.sa -- uyru.nt.x.i.
fill 343
S
‘Turning, turning, turning, turning--[she] gets pregnant.
A spindle dancing, dancing, dancing--fills up.'
AD-2.24 Salinas (version 2)
Ma: tawaqu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.sa wal q'it.x.i.
a gir] turn very pregnant
3>
S
Uka kuna.sa? Uka.pi.y gapu.
that what that spindle
‘A young girl turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is
that? That's a spindle, of course.'
AD-2.3
810
Intermediate Dialect: Calacoa
Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin usu.r.ta.si.w.x.i.
A woman turn ill 333
S
Uka.x kuna.s ? Q"apu.w.
that what spindle
‘A woman turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is that?
A spindle. '
811
APPENDIX E
INDEX OF SUFFIXES
The Aymara suffixes that have occurred in this study
are here listed in alphabetical order. (Suffixes beginning
with vowel length /:/ followed by a consonant are listed
under that consonant, e.g. /-:ta/; suffixes consisting of
vowel length alone are listed between suffixes beginning
with /u/ and /w/3; and zero complement is listed last.) The
morphophonemics of each suffix are given in the notation
indicated in 1-3.6. In cases of general rules (such as
that all suffixes beginning with /i/ take a preceding
consonant) the morphophonemics are not shown. For further
information on the morphophonemics of each suffix see 4-2
and the section cited for each suffix. Abbreviations used
are
v. der. - verbal derivational
v. infl. - verbal inflectional
v. nom. - verb nominalizer
v. subord. - verb subordinator
indep. - independent (nonfinal)
-,,cha
v
-,cha-
Vo
-cha
/- .chapi/
f-ychi/
Cc
=_chi
/- chista:na/
/- chistani/
/- chistasapa:na/
/- .chistaspa
/- chistpana/
/- .chistu/
/- chita:na/
/- chitasapa:na/
/- chitaspa/
/- chitaystu/
/- chitu/
[- .chja-/
/- .chjama-/
812
/ch/
noun; diminutive (5-3.22.1)
v. der., verbalizer/causative (6-2.11)
final, alternative interrogative
(7-2.22)
noun, ‘the one which' (5-3.12.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11)
v. infl., Non-Involver (6-3.36.1)
v. infl., 354 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 344 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 374 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3-4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+4 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3%4 S (6-3.31)
v. infl., 374 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 374 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3>4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 374 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3%4 S (6-3.31)
v. der., ‘likely' (6-2.3)
v. der., ‘likely’ (6-2.3)
/- chapi/
/- ch'i/
= chia
/- chiak"a-/
/-ch'i/
/-ch'uki-/
“i
/-ichja-/
/-ijana/
/-illa/
~imana
/-inhana/
/-ifttana/
/-ipana/
/-i:pana/
/-ipna/:
/-ipuna/
/-iri/
/ch"/
noun, ‘the one which' (5-3.12.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11)
/ch'/
noun, ‘size, extent' (5-3.12.2)
v. der., Sustained action (6-2.18.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11)
v. der., sustained action (6-2.18.1)
/i/
v. infl., 3+3 S (6-3.31)
v. der., ‘likely’ (6-2.3)
v. Ssubord., 173 (7-4.22.2)
noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2)
v. Ssubord., 2>3 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 173 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 173 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 373 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 3>3 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 373 (7-4.22.2)
v. nom., subord., actor/purposive
(7-4.21.1)
/-irija:ina/
/-irijasma:na/
/-irijazta/
/-irijatama:na/
/-irijat"a)/
/-irija:t"a /
/-irijiy/
/-irijista:na/
/-irijistu/
/-i:rijistu/
/-irijitaina/
/-irijitu/
/-irijma/
/-irijma:na/
/-irijsma/
/-irijsma:na/
/-irijstam/
/-irijstama:na/
/-irijsta:na/
/-irijta/
/-irijtam/
/-irijta:ma/
/-irijtama:na/
/-ivijt"a/
/-irika:sma/
814
infl.
infil.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infil.
infl.
infil.
infl.
33
142
173
3>2
133
373
374
374
374
3>1
3>]
172
172
142
342
342
34
243
332
342
32
143
132
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34
34.
22)
22)
22)
22)
22)
22)
12)
22)
12)
12)
22)
12)
12)
22)
12)
22)
12)
22)
22)
12)
12)
12)
22)
.12)
22)
/-ivika:ta/
/-irika:tam/
/-irika:t a./
/-irikiya:sma/
/-irikiyata:ma/
/-iriksma/
/-iriksna/
/-iriksta/
/-irikstam/
/-irikstan/
/-irikst"a/
/-ivikta)/
/-irikta:na/
/-iriktma/
f-iriktta/
Vv
/-irik"a/
/-irik"asma:na/
/-ivik"at"a/
/-irik"atma:na/
/-iriskasama:na/
/-iriskasapa:na/
/-iriskatam/
/-iriska:ta)/
/-iriskatama:na/
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
invl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infil.
infl.
infl.
infl.
173
372
173
172
372
133
133
373
372
173
374
132
133
342
172
372
372
133
342
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
22)
22)
22)
22)
22)
12)
12)
12)
12)
22)
12)
12)
22)
12)
12)
-12)
-22)
-22)
.22)
-22)
.22)
-22)
.22)
.22)
/-irisma/
/-irisma:n/
/-irista/
/-iristam/
/-iristma/
/-iristâ„¢a/
/-iritasama:na/
/-irja:na/
/-irja:ta/
/-irja:t%a./
/-irji/
/-irjistu/
/-irjitu/
/-irkasma:na/
/-irkatama:na/
/-irkazt"a/
-isana
/-ista/
/-istan/
/-ista:na/
/-istani/
/-istasapa:na/
/-istaspa/
/-istaspa:na/
Vv.
Vv.
Vv.
(6-3.35.1)
Vv.
V.
V.
816
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
subord.
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
142 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
132 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
133 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
3>2 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
3>2 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
1+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
2>1 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
343 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
273 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
123 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
323 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
334 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
3-1 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
132 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
372 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
1+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
» 473 (7-4.22.2)
2>1 S (6-3.31)
2>1 RDK and 374 RDK
3-4 RDK (6-3.35.1)
3>4 F (6-3.32)
3>4 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
324 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
324 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
/-istasp"a/
/-istasp"a:na/
/-istata/
/-ista:sta/
/-ista:ta/
/-istaya:ta/
/-istpa(n)/
/-istu/
/-istusapa:na/
/-istuspa/
/-istuspa:na/
/-istutu/
/-istu:tu/
-ita
/-ita/
/-itan/
/-ita:na/
-itani
/-itanta/
/-itanhata/
/-itasama:na/
/-itasapa:na/
/-itasma(n)/
/-itasma:na/
/-itaspa/
V.
Vv.
Vv.
817
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
- infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
3
3
>
344
34
21
2-1
2]
2-1
34
324
3>4
3>4
3+4
34
D-1 (6-3.34.21)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
RIK (6-3.35.2)
RIK (6-3.35.2)
RIK (6-3.35.2)
RDK (6-3.35.1)
I (6-3.33)
S (6-3.31)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-1 (6-3.34.11)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
RIK (6-3.35.2)
RIK (6-3.35.2)
noun, diminutive (5-3.22.3)
V.
Vv.
V.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infil.
infl.
>
3
2>]
3>1
3>1
371
2>1
2+]
2-1
I (6-3.33)
RDK (6-3.35.1)
RDK (6-3.35.1)
F, I (6-3.32, 6-3.33)
F (6-3.32)
F (6-3.32)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-1 (6-3.34.11)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-1 (6-3.34.11)
/-itaspa:na/
/-itasp"a/
/-itasp"a:na/
/-ita:sta/
/-ita:ta/
/-itayasta/
/-itayista/
/-itaysta/
/-itaytu/
/-ititu/
/-itma/
/-itpa/
/-itpan/
/-itpana/
/-itp"ana/
/-itta/
/-itu/
-itu
/-itutu/
/-itu:tu/
/-iya:sta/
818
v. infl., 3>1 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+1 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 2>1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 2+1 F (6-3.32), 2+1 RDK
(6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 2>1 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 271 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 271 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 371 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3-1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 271 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3-1 I, 3 4 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3>1 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3>1 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3>1 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 271 S (6-3.31)
v. infl., 3-1 S (6-3.31)
noun, diminutive (5-3.22.4)
v. infl., 351 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3>1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 21 RDK (5-3.35.1)
/i/
noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)
noun, ‘amount, quantity’ (5-3.12.3)
819
v. der., divider (6-2.12)
v. der., 'preceding'/continuative/
incompletive (6-2.25)
noun, Ip possessive (5-3.24)
noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.1)
v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32), 13 I
(6-3.33)
v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32)
noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)
noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3)
v. der., ‘across' (6-2.17.1)
v. infl., 273 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 273 F (6-3.32)
indep., ‘just, only' (7-2.21.1)
noun, ‘exactly in a place' (5-3.21)
/k/
noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.1)
v. der., 'preceding'/continuative/
incompletive (6-2.25)
final, topic/resumator (7-2.22.1,
7-2.22.11)
noun, ‘general location! (5-3.12.5)
noun, aggregate/attainer (5-3.32.1)
/- ,kata/
/- kata-/
/- kati/
/-)ki/
= Kipa
zykipa>
-ykipta-
/~ylayku/
c
/-lV1a/
820
noun, ‘across' (5-3.21)
v. der., ‘across’ (6-2.17.1)
noun, ‘across' (5-3.21)
indep., ‘just, only' (7-2.21.1)
noun, ‘every other' (5-3.12.4)
v. der., ‘past a point’ (6-2.15.1)
noun, verbalizer (accelerated)
(5-3.42.2)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.12)
indep., ‘or if' (7, fn. 14)
/k"/
noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)
v. der., continuative/incompletive
(6-2.25)
noun, ‘through’ (5-3.12.6)
v. der., ‘across' (6-2.17.1)
/\/
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.13)
noun, ‘on account of' (5-3.12.17)
/11/
noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2), Ip
possessive (5-3.24); final, politive
(7-2.22, 7-2.22.2)
/-ma/
/-:ma/
/-ma:/
/-mama/
/-ma:ma/
/-:man/
/~ ymma/
Cc
/-mna/
/-mnam/
/-\mpa/
/-:mpa/
/~ mpi/
/-:mu/
/-mucha-/
82]
/m/
final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3)
v. infl., 243 I (6-3.33)
noun, 2p possessive (5-3.24);
- kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14)
noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)
noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3), 'through'
(5-3.32.3)3 v. infl., 1+2 F
(6-3.32), 172 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 142 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 142 F (6-3.32), 12 I
(6-3.33)
v. infl., 142 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I
(6-3. 33)
v. infl., 172 F (6-3.32)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14)
final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3)
final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3)
v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 3+2 I (6-3.33)
noun, conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/
instrumental (5-3.31.1)
noun, ‘like' (5-3.32.3)
v. der., ‘away, off' (6-2.17.4)
/-natma/
/-natpa/
/-nta/
/- ntam/
/-nti/
/-nuku-/
/- ynuga-/
C
/-nuqu-/
822
/n/
noun, possessive/locational
(5-3.31.2)
v. infl., 3+3 RDK (6-3.35.1)
noun, plural (5-3.25)
noun, ‘'through' (5-3.32.3)
v. der., ‘around, aimlessly’
(6-2.17.2)
v. infl., 3%2 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 342 F (6-3.32)
noun, possessor/enumerator (5-3.23)
v. infl., 3%3 F (6-3.32)
v. der., approacher (6-2.23.1)
v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3.32), 3*2 I
(6-3.33)
v. der., ‘into'/slow inceptive
(6-2.17.3)
v. infl., 2+3 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 352 F (6-3.32)
noun, conjointer/accompanier/
agentive/ instrumental (5-3.31.1)
v. der., ‘away, off' (6-2.17.4)
v. der., placer/cessation of action
(6-2.15.2)
v. der., placer/cessation of action
(6-2.15.2)
/-aha/
Cc
/~nha/
/-nha:ta/
/- nhata:ma/
=yP=
=yPa
c
/- pa/
- pacha
=, pacha
/-,pa(na)/
-~ Dava-
—Vv
/-pani/
823
/n/
noun, 1p possessive (5-3.24)
v. nom., v. subord. (7-4.21.2)
v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32), 173 I
(6-3.33)
v. infl., 123 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 453 F (6-3.32), 4+3 I
(6-3.33)
/nh/
noun, Ip possessive (5-3.24)
v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32), 1+3 I
(6-3.33)
v. infl., 273 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 342 F (6-3.32), 3+2 I
(6-3.33)
/p/
v. der., plural (6-2.26)
noun, 3p possessive (5-3.24)
v. infl., 373 I (6-3.33)
noun, ‘all, same' (5-3.32.2)
v. infl., Inferential (6-3.36.2)
v. infl., 343 I, 352 I (6-3.33)
v. der., compassionate/fun-poker
(6-2.19.1)
indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)
/-pi/
/-pi(:)/
/-pini/
=ybta-
/-pu(:)/
/-\puni/
/- piana/
/-.4a-/
[-9a-/
/-qa/
zygata
- Ya-
_—y_
/-va/
/-yra(z)/
824
indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)
final, reiterator of known information
(7-2.22.4)
indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)
noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1)
final, reiterator of known information
(7-2.22.4)
indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)
noun, ‘between, among' (reciprocal)
(5-3.12.8)
/p"/
v. infl., 3+3 I (6-3.33)
/q/
v. der., completive (6-2.25.2)
v. der., 'down'/remover (6-2.15.3)
final, topic/attenuator (7, fn. 2)
noun, 'below' (5-3.12.9)
/r/
noun, 'through' (5-3.12.10)
v. der., serial/reverser (6-2.14.1)
indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)
indep., aggregate/cautionary etc.
(7-2.21.4)
/-:ra/
f-yraji/
Cc
fo yraki/
Cc
- j-
-y"api-
=yfaga-
rytara
/-rara/
/-ray/
/-rayku/
c
[-rk/
/-\rpa:-/
/-rpaya-/
indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)
indep., aggregate/cautionary etc.
(7-2.21.4)
indep., aggregate/cautionary etc.
(7-2.21.4)
v. der., beneficiary (6-2.24.1)
v. der., victimary (6-2.24.2)
noun, intensifier (5-3.12.11)
indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)
indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)3
aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4)
noun, ‘on account of' (5-3.12.7)
indep., aggregate/ cautionary etc.
(7-2.21.4)
v. der., ‘multiple action'/
intensifier (6-2.19.2)
v. der., ‘multiple action'/
intensifier (6-2.19.2)
noun, directional ‘to, at' (5-3.31.3)
v. nom., subord., purposive
(7-4.21.12)
/s/
noun, 'side' (5-3.21)
noun, 4p possessive (5-3.24)
v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
-sa
/-sama:na/
/-\sana/
/-sana/
/- sapaina/
/-sapa:na/
/-Ssazsna/
/- schista:na/
/- schistani/
/- schistaspa/
/- schistasapa:na/
/- schistpana/
/- schistu/
/- schitani/
/- schitasapa:na/
/- schitaspa/
/- ,schitaystu/
/- schitaytu/
/~ schitu/
- Si-
-_y-—_
/-\sina/
/-\sina:n/
/-,sinana/
826
final, information intzrrogative/
indefinite/ linker (7-2.22, 7-4.23.1)
v. infl., 2+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
v. infl., 173 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+3 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 4%3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+4 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 3+4 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+4 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3+4 S (6-3.31)
v. infl., 3+4 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 3>4 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 34 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 354 S (6-3.31)
v. der., reciprocal/reflexive
(6-2.21)
v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
v. infl., 4°3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
/-,sisama:na/
/-sisapa:na/
/-,sistpana/
/- Sitaina/
/- ,sitani/
/- sitasapa:na/
/- sitaspa/
/- sitaystu/
/- sitpana/
/- sitp"ana/
/- situ/
zySitu
[- sja-/
/-Sjamach-/
/- .sma/
/-sma/
/-:sma/
/-,smach-/
/-Ssmachja-/
/-smain/
- Ssma:na
/-, /
/- .sna/
/- .sna/
Vv.
Vv.
827
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infil.
infl.
2+3
333
3>4
34
34
344
34
34
334
344
344
D-2 (6-3.34.
D-2 (6-3.34.
I (6-3.33)
RDK (6-3.35.
F (6-3.32)
D-2 (6-3.34.
D-1 (6-3.34.
RIK (6-3.35.
I (6-3.33)
I (6-3.33)
S (6-3.31)
21)
21)
1)
21)
11)
2)
noun, diminutive (5-3.22.5)
Vv.
Vv.
Vv.
Vv.
der.,
der.,
infl.
infl.
infl.
'lYikely' (6-2.3)
‘likely' (6-2.3)
» 172 S (6-3.31)
> 273 D-1 (6-3.34.
» 2>+3 D-1 (6-3.34.
132 RDK (6-3.35.1)
Vv.
V.
V.
der.,
der.,
infl
infl.
‘likely’ (6-2.3)
‘likely’ (6-2.3)
.> 142 RDK (6-3.35.
» 2+3 D-2 (6-3.34.
132 RDK (6-3.35.1)
Vv.
v.
(
infl.
infl.
» 443 S (6-3.31)
, 12 S (6-3.31)3
6-3.34.11)
11)
11);
1)
21);
4>+3 D-1
/-sna(n)/
[-ySnay
c
/-:sna/
/-snazna/
/- stia/
/-stia/
/-\spa/
/-\spa:na/
/-(:)sp"a(na)/
/-)sptaina/
/-stani/
/- staspa/
-sti
/- stu/
-†S -
Sut
-.ta-
/- .ta/
[- tal
/-ta/
/-ta/
/-yta/
828
v. infl., 473 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
v. infl., 172 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 4°3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 473 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 4%3 S (6-3.31)
v. infl., 3%3 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 344 F (6-3.32), 344 I
(6-3.33)
v. infl., 3>4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
final, follow-up (7-2.22)
v. infl., 324 S (6-3.31)
v. der., ‘out'/completive (6-2.13)
/t/
v. der., ‘up'/inceptive (6-2.16)
v. infl., 2+3 S (6-3.31)
v. infl., 123 S (6-3.31)
noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.15)
noun, directional, ‘from, of'
(5-3.31.4)
=yta
/-\ta/
/-:ta/
/-:ta/
/-\taki/
¢c
/-tak"i/
C
/-tam/
/-:tam/
/- ,tama/
/-ta:ma/
/-:tama/
/-tama:na/
/-tan/
/-,tan/
/-:tan/
/-:tana/
/- tana/
/-,tana/
/~,tana/
v.
v.
RIK (6-3. 35.2)
v.
Vv.
829
nom., subord., realized action
(7-4.21.3)
infl., 2+3 RDK (6-3.35.1), 3+3
infl., 1+3 RDK (6-3.35.1)
infl., 2+3 F (6-3.32), 2+3 RDK
(6-3.35.1)
noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5)
noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5)
Vv.
Vv.
infl.
infl.
» 3>2
>» 32
(6-3.33), 3+2
Vv.
Vv.
Vv.
V.
Vv.
Vv.
Vv.
Vv.
Vv.
infl.
- infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.,
(6-3.33), 3°3
infl.
(6-3.35.
infl.
infl
infl.
(6-3.33)
infl.
>» 32
>» 372
-s 4+3
» 43
> 373
S (6-3.31)
F (6-3.32),
RDK (6-3.35.
S (6-3.31)
S (6-3.31)
RDK (6-3. 35.
RDK (6-3.35.
S (6-3.31)
F (6-3.32),
RIK (6-3.35.
F (6-3.32),
RDK (6-3.35.
S (6-3.31)
F (6-3.32),
RIK (6-3.35.
3>2 I
1)
1)
1)
4>3 I
2)
4+3 RDK
1)
4+3 ]
2)
/~taina/
/- tani/
/-tatia/
/-tazsma/
/-tazsna/
/-taspa:na/
~bata-
/-,tata/
/-,ta:ta/
/-ta:ta/
/-ta:tam/
/-tata:ma/
/-,ta:tama/
/-ta:tan/
/-,tatma/
/-,tatna/
/-ta:tsma/
/-ta:t"a/
/-\tawi/
/-tay/
/-,tay(i.)/
/-,tayna/
/-,taysma/
/-\taystu/
v. infl., 353 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 353 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 343 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 122 RIK (6-3.35.2)
infl., 142 D-2 (6-3.34.21),
132 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 332 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. der., scatterer (6-2.17.5)
v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 143 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 392 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 332 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 322 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3-2 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 172 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 173 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
noun, beneficiary/purposive
(5-3.31.5)
v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 1+2 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2)
83]
/-tayta/ v. infl., 223 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-,tayta/ v. infl., 193 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytam/ v. infl., 322 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/- taytama/ v. infl., 322 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-\taytana/ v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytna/ v. infl., 4%3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytu/ v. infl., 3+1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytta/ v. infl., 1+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
-ti final, yes/no interrogative,
negative (7-2.22, 7-4.23.3)
/-tizsta/ v. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-ti:stu/ v. infl., 374 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-tiztu/ v. infl., 3%1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-tma, v. infl., 372 S (6-3.31)
V
/-\tm/ v. infl., 372 I (6-3.33)
/-,tma/ v. infl., 3%2 F (6-3.32), 342 I
(6-3.33)
/-:tma/ v. infl., 3%2 F (6-3.32), 372 I
(6-3.33)
/-,tma:na/ v. infl., 372 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-,tna/ v. infl., 4°3 F (6-3.32)
/-:tna/ v. infl., 4%3 F (6-3.32)
/-,tpa/ v. infl., 372 I (6-3.33)
/-:tpa(n)/ v. infl., 372 I (6-3.33)
/-,tta/ noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.15)
832
/t"/
/- tha / v. infl., 1+3 S (6-3.31)
[- thay/ v. infl., 1+3 S (6-3.31)
/-jtha/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
f-it"a/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/~ thal noun, directional ‘of, from'
(5-3.31.4)
- ttapi- v. der., gatherer (6-2.14.2)
/t'/
=,tta- v. der., momentaneous (6-2.18.2)
/:/
/-:/ noun, 1p possessive (5-3.24)
[-:-/ noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.2)
/-:-/ v. der., causative (6-2.22)
/-:/ v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32), 173 I
(6-3.33)
/-:/ final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1,
7-2.22.12)
= final, emphatic (7-2.22)
/w/
-wa final, absolute (7-2.22)
/-wa-/ v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
/-wa:-/
/-waya-/
/~\wi-/
~~ wisa/
/- wisu/
/~ Wwiya-/
/-xa/
2X
[- .xa-/
[~xa-/
/-\,xa/
-ixa
/-:xa/
- xaru-
= .xaru-
~ Xaisi-
—C re
/- .xata-/
/- .xaya-/
/-,xita-/
/-y/
833
v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
noun, ‘without' (5-3.12.12)
noun, ‘without’ (5-3.12.12)
v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
noun, ‘place’ (5-3.21)
/x/
final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1,
7-2.22.12, 7-4.23.2, 7-4.23.3)
noun, ‘over, on' (5-3.21)
v. der., completive (6-2.25.2)
v. der., ‘down'/remover (6-2.15.3)
noun, Ip possessive (5-3.24)
noun, ‘beside’ (5-3.21)
v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32), 1231 (6-3.33)
v. der., preparative of motion
(6-2.17.6)
v. der., static (6-2.17.7)
v. der., 'on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4)
v. der., accompanier (6-2.17.8)
v. der., ‘on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4)
/y/
indep., ‘just, only' (7-2.21.1)
834
/~-ya/ noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.16);3
v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32)3; final,
politive (7-2.22, 7-2.22.2, 7-4.23.3)
/-ya-/ v. der., causative (6-2.22)
/-ya:/ v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32)
/-ya:na/ v. infl., 3%3 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:sma/ v. infl., 172 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:ta/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:ta/ v. infl., 273 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yatam/ v. infl., 372 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:tam/ v. infl., 372 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:tan/ v. infl., 4%3 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:t"a/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yi:sta/ v. infl., 2+] RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yi:stu/ v. infl., 374 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yitu/ v. infl., 3517 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yi:tu/ v. infl., 351 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yri/ nom., subord., actor/purposive
Vv.
(4-3.22.13, 7-4.21.11)
Zero complement noun (5-3.33)
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836
Bertonio, Ludovico. 1612. Vocabulario de la lengua aymara.
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University of Florida.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Lucy Therina Briggs was born in Washington, D. C.
on December 20, 1930, the daughter of a Foreign Service
Officer, Ellis Ormsbee Briggs, and Lucy Barnard Briggs.
Her childhood was divided between Latin American and the
United States. In 1952 she graduated from Smith College
in Northampton, Massachusetts with a B. A. in history,
having spent her junior year in Geneva, Switzerland.
After two years of secretarial and volunteer work in
Korea, Miss Briggs passed the Foreign Service examina-
tions and entered the Service in 1957, later serving
in the bureaus of inter-American and educational and cul-
tural affairs of the Department of State.
Undertaking graduate studies while working full
time at the State Department, Miss Briggs completed the
Master of Science degree in linguistics at Georgetown
University in 1969. In the following year she left the
Foreign Service to pursue doctoral studies in linguistics
at the University of Florida in Gainesville, working with
the Aymara Language Materials Project under the auspices
of a grant from the Office of Education of the Department
of Health, Education, and Welfare.
847
848
As the recipient of a National Science Foundation
graduate fellowship (1971-74), Miss Briggs did field work
on Aymara dialects in Bolivia and Peru in 1972 and in
1973-74. Her publications include a chapter on the Aymara
noun system in the grammar produced by the Aymara Language
Materials Project and numerous articles on the language,
and she has read several scholarly papers, most recently
at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological
Association at San Francisco in December 1975. In addi-
tion to pursuing an interest in anthropological linguis-
tics, Miss Briggs has taught English as a foreign language
in Korea, in Washington, D. C., and at the English Language
Institute of the University of Florida, and is interested
in broad aspects of intercultural communication. She
speaks fluent Spanish and French and has a useful knowl -
edge of Portuguese and Aymara.
Miss Briggs is a member of the American Anthro-
pological Association, the Asociaci6n de Lingiiistica y
Filologfa de América Latina (ALFAL), the Instituto de
Lengua y Cultura Aymara (La Paz, Bolivia), the Inter-
national Linguistic Association, the Latin American
Studies Association, the Linguistic Society of America,
the Modern Language Association, and the Cosmopolitan
Business and Professional Women's Club (Washington, D. C.),
and is a member of the Board of Directors of the Aymara
Foundation, Inc.
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degreeoF Dottor of Philosophy:
Cow,
BEE
z= Lizzi og .
(1 MX Hayafian-de-Bautista
a Chairman
an Professor/of Anthropology and
Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
William E. Carter
Professor of Anthropology
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Norman N. Markel
Professor of Speech
This dissertation was presented to the Graduate Faculty of
the Interdisciplinary Graduate Program in Linguistics in
the College of Arts and Sciences, and to the Graduate
Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
August, 1976
Dean4 Graduate School
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