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lif
rt r A. Albright
jonf and Qrol
k 41
UNITED STATES
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
NATIONAL PARK SERVICE
THE NATIONAL SURVEY OF HISTORIC SITES AND BUILDINGS
Historic Sites Report
SPANISH COLONIAL SITES IN THE PANAMA CANAL ZONE
By
Albert Manucy, Interpetive Planner Wi th
Documented Narrative By
Joseph A. Gagliano, Contract Historian
September 1958
INTRODUCTION
Through the personal interest of Lieutenant General
William K. Harrison, then Commander-in-Chief, Caribbean Command, Canal Zone. and correspondence with Washington, the Director of the National Park Service authorized a reconnaissance of historical and natural areas in the Panama Canal Zone. During the period February 4-13, 1957, a team composed of Regional Director Elbert Cox, Regional Naturalist M. E. Beatty, and Supervisory Historian Albert Manucy surveyed those areas which appeared to have more than
local significance. In making the survey, the team had excellent cooperation from all persons and organizations involved, but especially from U. S. Army personnel who provided fully for transportation, guide service, and other facilities, as well as assignment of of Lt. Col. Leroy M. Glodell to assist the party and serve as liaison officer during the entire period.
The present study is an enlargement of the Reconnaissance Report prepared by Cox, Beatty and Manucy in 1957. Essentially, the enlargement consists of (1) a documented narrative written, under contract, by Joseph A. Gagliano, Graduate Student (Ph. D. candidate), Georgetown University, and (2) inclusion of additional data on the Gatn trenches supplied by Arthur A. Albright, local historian in the Canal Zone.
HISTr;IC SPAt4ISH SITES
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CONTENTS
Introduction
Frontpiece -Spanish Colonial Sites in the Panama Canal Zone Table of Contents
Description of the Sites . . . . 1
TheHistoryinBrief ..... ., .. 6 Documentation o~theSites . . . 7
Panama and the Canal Zone . . . 8
A Documented Narrative . . . 11
Plates
Bibliographv 0.f4 0....... 0 6 ...Iv........4 0 53
DESCRIPTION OF THE SITES
For the Spanish colonial period, four historical sites within
the Canal Zone are outstanding. Each of them is connected with the story of transport across the Isthmus during the days when Portobelo town on the Caribbean and Panama on the Pacific were strong links in the chain of commerce between Spain and her South American provinces. (Plate 1.)
It is important to understand that two historic trails crossed the Isthmus. (Plate 2.) One was the Camino Real, overland between the two cities. It was impassable during the rainy season. Only a small part of this trail lies within the Canal Zone, and erosion has destroyed positive evidence of it.
The second route, for most of its length, is within the Canal Zone. It led from the city of Panama to Portobelo via the town of Cruces and the Chagres River, and was the much-used rainy weather route. From Panama to Cruces the passage was a land road called Las Cruces Trail. The rest of the way was by water, down the Chagres, past Gatin Hill to Fort San Lorenzo, and then along the .Caribbean coast to Portebelo.
LAS CRUCES TRAIL. (Plates 7-9.) Much of the 15-mile-long trail from Panamd to the now-submerged town of Cruces (near Gamboa) is extant.
The portion investigated is within the Madden Forest Preserve
on the Continental Divide, at the point where the old trail crosses Madden
1
Road. It is a rough, stone-paved trail about four feet wide through the jungle. Placement of stones in such a way as to form crosses in the paving at intervals is an unusual characteristic ...Parts of the trail wi hin the forest reserve are used by hikers and kept fairly open. The level of the trail has sunk several feet in places where run-off
water has scoured away the soil. This condition emphasizes the antiquity of this trail.
It is pertinent to add a word about the Madden Forest Preserve. This heavily forested area along the Continental Divide (elevation 500 feet) contains around 4,000 acres under the protection of the Canal Zone Government. While the area is protected only through design nation as a preserve, it is relatively undisturbed except for treasure
seekers. The high-elevation, open forest contains many fine specimens of trees and some wildlife. A main branch of the Trans-Isthmian Highway bisects the preserve and affords visitors an opportunity to see a representative type of tropical forest.
THE CHAGRES RIVER. (Plates 11-13.) The river basin of the
Chagres from above Gatn Hill was flooded to form Gktin Lake, an integral part of the Panama Canal. However, the lower five miles of the river, from Gatin Hill down, are primeval in appearance. Jungle grows down to the river banks. Where it flows into the Caribbean, the river forms a small bay, bordered easterly by the headland of Fort San Lorenzo. The western border is a flat dune area, with a characteristic ocean beach, but dangerous for swimming. A few scattered huts are on the west bank of the river.
2
THE TRENCHES ON GATUN HILL. (Plates 15-19.) On the west side of the Chagres River and about four miles upstream on Gatin Hill
are several long trenches, unquestionably of Spanish origin. Cut into the stone slope of the 700-foot hill at about the 400-foot level, they overlook the river below. They are about three feet wide and four feet deep, with a narrow firing step. Hewn stones from the trench excavation have been erected into a low masonry wall to heighten the parapet on the downward side of the slope. Gatun Hill is heavily forested, and used at present by the U. So Army for training jungle troops. It contains a wide variety of plants and animals.
FORT SAN LORENZO. (Plates 21-30.) The masonry ruins of
Castillo de San Lorenzo el Real are at the mouth of the Chagres River,
on a small sandstone peninsula rising almost vertically 80 feet above the sea. From this headland, there is a commanding view of the adjacent coast, the Caribbean, and the lower reaches of the river. The area encomapassed by the fortifications is roughly 100 yards wide by some 200 yards long.
Of the 1597 fort constructed at the seaward foot of the headland, nothing remains. Later fortifications of sandstone, limestone, and brick were extensive, and were built on the heights of the headland. The main fort is irregularly shaped, and has two levels, with bastions, parapets, meats, rooms, and ruined buildings. A few hundred feet to landward is a third level, an elevated battery with.moated parapet for defense of the land approach. There is evidence that while essentially the
3
fort is construction of the middle 1700's, it contains considerable
!7th century work in some sections. There are perhaps 24 iron cannon, ranging from about 6-pounders to 24-pounders or larger.
Condition of the masonry is generally poor. Loss of important wall sections on the edge of the sandstone cliff is imminent, and quite likely a number of building walls on the parade are beyond repair.
Along the present military road from Col6n to Fort San Lorenzo, and the road beyond San Lorenzo on the way to Piia, and along the Chagres River from its mouth on the Caribbean to Gatfn Lake may be found typical coastal forests varying from wooded swamps to well-drained rain-type forests which are extremely dense and vine-covered. The former are noted for an extensive population of both poisonous and non-poisonous snakes as well as other reptiles such as the much sought after iguana -- a local food delicacy.
Taken out of its jungle background, man's achievements on the
Isthmus would lose much of their meaning. The high forests and the steam= ing swamps are an integral part of colonial history, no less than in the saga of the Canal itself.
Biologically, of course, the jungle has its own tale to tell. To leani that story, the U. S. Congress in 1923 set aside Barro Colorado Island, placing it under administration of the Smithsonian Instituteo Barro Colorado was created by the impounding of the Chagres River waters behind
h
Gatun Dam. With 3,600 acres it is the largest of the Gatn Lake islands. Isolation and protection affords a wonderful opportunity for scientific study of tropical plants and animals, and scientists from all over the world utilize its facilities. According to Dr. Carl Koford, Resident Naturalist, some portions of the island were cut over during the construction period of the Panama Canal, but this was not evident in the areas we visited. Being on the Atlantic slope, the island receives considerable rain resulting in a fine, open-type rain forest with trees reaching to heights of over 150 feet. Birds
and small mammals are readily observed.
5
THE HISTORY IN BRIEF
The Isthmus of Panama is identified with the earliest history of the Spanish in the New World. After the discovery of gold in Peru, the Isthmus became an i-mportant link in the transportation of precious metals ifd other produce from Peru and Chile to thq Caribbean, .hence
the treasure fleets sailed with these cargoes to Spain0 Harbors, roads, towns, and forts were developed in the Isthmus to handle this commerce0
LAS CRUCES TRAIL was established during the 1530's. It
figured in the British raids by Drake in 1572 and Morgan in 1671, and continued in use through the days of the California Gold Rush.
THE CHAGRES RIVER was the middle leg of the Panam'-Portobelo route. Columbus is credited with the discovery of the river in 15020 In 1527 it was surveyed and by 1533 was in regular use for transport, Pressure by the English sea wolves caused Spain to fortify the Chagres before the end of the 1500's. As use of the river increased through the years, the fortifications were enlarged and expanded.
FORT SAN LORENZO was built in 1597 to protect the mouth of the Chagres. It was captured by Morgan's pirates in 1670 and by Vernon's English forces in 1740 during the War of Jenkins' Ear (War of the Austrian Succession). Later it was converted into a prison.
THE DEFENSES ON GATON HILL are unique stone trenches0 Little is known of their history. However, they were probably supplementary to Fort Gatin, built at the confluence of the Chagres and Gatfn rivers about the middle of the 1700's. The hill defenses are all that remain, since construction of Gatin Dam long ago flooded the river level fort0
6
DOCUMENTATION OF THE SITES
There is no problem of site identification, with the exception of the Gatin Hill trenches. Physical remains and a multitude of maps and documents certify the locations,. the events, and. the changes which took place in Las Craces Trail, the Chagres River, and Fort San Lorenzo.
For the trenches, unfortunately, no documentary information is available. They must at present be judged on the basis of construction and location. Archeology may be helpful, but the stone floors have been scoured clean by 200 years of torrential rains. Obviously, however, the construction is military, with firing step and broad earth parapet held with stone; and the strategic location on the Gatdn eminence is clear evidence that the trenches were established to prevent enemy seizure of the hill. Enemy artillery fire from here would command the fortifications built on the Chagres-Gatin confluence below.
There is also a possibility that the trenches had another use -that of furnishing limestone for 18th century construction at Fort San Lorenzo. Both sandstone (vhich is readily available from the headland) and limestone (which is net) are in the fort. Not all the stone taken from the Gatin trenches has gone into the trench parapets.
7
PANAMA AND THE CANAL ZONE
AREA AND POPULATIONo With an area of 28,573 square miles (exclusive of the Canal Zone, which covers 552 square miles), the Republic of Panama has a population of 805,285 (1950 census), or about 28 persons to the square mile The population tends to concentrate
in and around the larger cities (Panama City, 127,874), which are situated in the coastal areas. Mountains and plains of the interior are very sparsely settled.
Statistics furnished by the Canal Zone Government indicate
that 12.,000 landing passengers are processed annually at Crist6bal on the Caribbean side, as compared to only 1,500 at Balboa on the Pacific side. About 9,000 passengers land at Tocumen National Airport, and some 2,600 civilian passengers disembark from aircraft at military airfields in the Canal Zone. Thus, the annual visitation for Panama and the Canal Zone is slightly more than 25,000 at the present time.
CLIMATE AND HEALTH. The climate of Panama is equable, with
only slight variations the year around. Mean temperature in the lowlands is 78.6 degrees with a daily range of about 15 degrees between night and mid-day. The nights are cool, tempered by trade winds. The Caribbean coast is rainy, receiving in many places more than 150 inches a year, concentrated in the wet season between May and December0 The dry season (Deceaber 1$-April 1$), corresponding to the winter period in the States, was in progress during the Cox-Beatty-Manucy visit. They found the climate
8
delightful with the cooling trade winds and short period showers, although humidity was somewhat oppressive in jungle areas where the breeze could not penetrate.
Much has been written of the healthful climate of Panama
following the dramatic success of Dr. William G. Gorgas in overcoming yellow fever, malaria, and other problems of sanitation coincident with the construction of the Panama Canal. Today, Panama is one of the healthiest of tropical countries with pure water in all visitor and Canal Zone centers. Almost complete elimination of cholera, yellow fever, and other tropical diseases has been effected through mosquito control and adoption of modern sanitation methods. Only re# quirement for visitors is a recent vaccination against smallpox. Yellow fever and typhoid shots are recommended for residents and visitors entering jungle areas.
OWNERSHIP STATUS OF THE CANAL ZONE. In 1903, the United
States acquired from the Government of Panama the right to build a canal across the Isthmus. Article II of the Treaty with Panama (November 1903) states that the Republic of Panama grants to the United States in perpetuity the use, occupation, and control of a zone of land and land under water for the construction, maintenance, operations, sanitation, and protection of said canal of the width of 10 miles five miles on each side of the center line -- said zone beginning in the Caribbean Sea three marine miles from mean low watermark. Article III
9
grants to the United States all rights, power, and authority within the zone which U. S. would possess and exercise if it were sovereign of the territory.
Besides the civil administration of the Canal Zone, which is under the control of a U. S. Governor, appointed by the President, there are separate and independent jurisdictions under the U. S. Army, Navy, and Air Force. When the United States is at war, or when war is imminent, martial law is declared for the Canal Zone, and the Comnmanding General takes charge of all civil and military matters in the Zone.
10
A DOCUMENTED NARRATIVE
Although he never realized its significance as a link between
the Atlantic and Pacif c Oceans, Christopher Columbus is generally given
credit for having discovered the Chagres River. It is now believed that
his fourth expedition to the New World spent several days at the mouth
1
of the river during December 1502. Four participants of the fourth
The earliest historian of the Indies, Peter Martyr Anghiera., wrote that Columbus had discovered the Chagres. A later 16th century court historian of the Indies, Francisco L6pez de Gomara, whose inaccuracies concerning the conquest of Mexico prompted Bernal Diaz del Castillo to write The True History of the Conquest of New Spain. claimed that Lope de Olano discovered and named the Chagres in' 1510. Apparently those who regarded Gomara as a reliable historian did not question the assertion that Olano rather than Columbus had discovered the Chagres. For Gomarals ac=
count of the Olano expedition, see Francisco L6pez de Gomara, Historia General de las .....Indias (Madrid and Barcelona, ...1932), I: 122. In the 18th century the 6ften-inaccurate geographer, Antonio de Alcedo, probably used a source based on Gonara in stating that Olano had discovered the mouth of the Chagres. The river itself, according to Alcedo, was discovered and named R{o de Lagartes .by Hernando de la Serna in 1527... See Coronel Antonio de Aleedo, Diccionario Geogrifico-Hist6rico de las Indias Occidentales O Ame4rica: Es a Saber: De los Reynos del... Perd Nueva EspaBA, Tierra-Firme Chile y Nuevo Reyn de Granada (Madrid 17 7 I, 1 The.... 18th century natural scientists Juan and Ulloa, in describing the Chagres, wrote "Its mouth at the Caribbean Sea was discovered in 1510 by Lope de Olano .. See Jorge Juan y Antonio de Ulloa, Relacidn Histcrica del viage a la America Meridional Hecho de Orden de S. ag a Medir alunos rados de Meridian Terrestre. con otras varias observaciones astronmicas ptsicas (Madrid 178), I, 1 TRTa partial refutation of Gomara and de Alcedo, see Ernesto J. Castillero, nMonograffa Del Rfo Chagres," Loterfa, No 7h (Jlio, 1947), 21.
11
Columbus voyage have left accounts of the expedition0 Of these, only the relation of Ferdinand Columbus is sufficiently descriptive to place the expedition at the mouth of the Chagres. The narratives of Diego Porras and Diego Mindez lack detail concerning the events of December 1502. The letter of Christopher Columbus to the Spanish Sovereigns, while helpful, does not seem as complete or as accurate as his son's
2
account.
By using principally the narratives of Ferdinand and Christopher Columbus and the chronicle of Peter Martyr, it can be concluded with some certainty that the fourth Columbus expedition spent some time at or near the mouth of the Chagres River. On December 17, 1502, the expedition entered a port resembling a great canal or channel, It was probably Lim6n Bay. Called Huiva by the tree-dwelling natives of the area, the port' was located three leagues east of a huge rocky cliff (doubtless the headland at the mouth of the Chagres), which Ferdinand Columbus referred to as
2 For the relations of Diego Porros and Diego Mgndez, see Ministero Della Pdblica Istruzione, Raccolta Di Documenti E Studi, Publicati Della Comissione Colombiana Per Quarto Centenario Della Scoperta Dell's America (Roma 1892), 396-11. The letter of Christopher Columbus describing his fourth voyage appears in many works. Of the better translations, see Lionel Cecil Jane, Editor and Translator, Select Documents Illustrating the Four Voyages of Columbus (London 193033) II, 80f. R. H. Major, Editor and Translator, Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, with other original documents relating to his four voyages to the New World--London 1897), 170-1i One reason for the vagueness of his letter concerning the fourth voyage was that Columbus was gravely ill during part of the time0 Probably suffering from an attack of gout, he wrote that after leaVing Retrete his wound reopened0 "o o and for nine days my life was despaired of. o o o" Major, o. cito, 179.
12
3
the Pegnon. Peter Martyr, tracing the Nicuesa~Olano expedition of
1510, maintained that Columbus had discovered the river eight years
earlier and had named it Lagartos. The rocky cliff mentioned by
Ferdinand Columbus was located by Peter Martyr as being near the
mouth of the river some 28 miles from Portobelo.
Attempting to trace the exact route of the fourth Columbus
voyage, Samuel Eliot. MorisQn used the logs and relations concerning
the expedition. Comparing the accounts of Ferdinand Columbus and his
father, Morison concluded that the port of Huiva described by Ferdinand,
and Puerto Gordo mentioned by Columbus, were one and the same harbor*
Located between the Chagres River and Portobelo, Puerto Gordo is
believed to be Lim6n Bay, the present harbor of the Canal Zone port
3 Fernando Col6n, Historia Del Fernando Colombo, Nelle guali
s' h particolare e vera relatione della vita, e de fatti dell Ammiraglio
. Christofore Colombo, Suo Padre *. (Venice 167.)712. Using the relation of Ferdinand Columbus, las Casas stated that the Indians in the Chagres area were tall and well proportioned. He also told of the large crocodiles found in the Chagres by the Columbus expedition. Fray Bartolome' de las Casas, Historia de las Indias (Madrid 1875-76) III, 124-125.
Pierre Martyr Anghiera, De Orbe Nove, translated into French and annotated by Paul Gaffarel (Paris 1907), 153. Using Peter Martyr's chronicle, Oviedo, the first official chronicler of thq Indies, described
the Chagres as a powerful river which had been called Lagartos by Columbus because of the alligators seen on its banks0 See Gonzalo Fernindez Oviedo y Valdis, Historia General Natural de las Indias Islas ( Tierra-Firme del Mar Oceano, edited by JesAm rdelos"R (Madrid 1851-85,"YT, 7. The 17th century chronicler Herrera y Tordesillas also used Peter Martyr as his principal source in placing the fourth Columbus voyage at the mouth of the Chagres. See Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Historia General de los Hechos de los castellanos en las Islas y Tierrafirme del Mar OceanW TMadrid 193hi4), I, 105.
13
of Crist6bal.
Investigation-of the coastline revealed to Morison that the only other port in the area, Las Minas Bay, would have ....seemed a "small rather than a large channel to the Spaniards." The Pegnon referred to by Ferdinand Columbus "must be the headland at the Chagres mouth, where
6
the ancient Fort Lorenzoe is located., Furthermore, Morison points out that the Gallega was probably graved either at Lim6n or Manzanilla Bay, for both bays are suitable careening beaches. Summarizing his findings, Morison states:
. we may regard it certain that Columbus' fleet kept Christmas and New Year riding at anchor off the site
of our Coco Solo naval base, or wvihin sight..... of t....he Panama
Canal... entrance at Crist6bal., .
The discovery of Peru with the subsequent exploitation of the gold and silver deposits in this viceroyalty greatly increased the significance of the Chagres River. In 1527 the city of Panamg sent Hernando de la Serna to explore the Chagres River Serna found the river to be
Writing in 1911, Dr. Charles Anderson, familiar with the topog=
raphy of Panama, reached the same conclusion as Morison. Anderson wrote: "The Puerto Gordo of Columbus is usually stated to be Puerto Belloo but I figure it to be Lim6n (Colon) Bay, three leagues east of Pen6n, which I identify with the mouth of the Chagres River." See Dr. C. L. G. Anderson, Old Panama and Castilla del Or (Washington 1911), 97 98 Forw Morison's sources concerning Puerto Goro, see Colecci6n de Documentos ingdites relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizaci6n de ultramar, 2nd Series (Madrid 1885-1932),7VII,-397; and R. Commissione Colombiana, Raccolta di documenti e studi er quarto centenario della scorpeta dell' Amrica (Rome 1592-1896), Part 1 v, II, 17 note ho
6 Samuel Eliot Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, A Life of Christopher Columbus (Boston 1942), 10, 361.
I Iid., 361-362.
slitable for navigation. He advised the building of a warehouse at Cruces where goods to be shipped on the Chagres could be stored. Besides this, he advised that a road be constructed from Panami to Cruceso
While plans for the proposed road were being discussed, the Spanish crown ordered further investigations of the possibility of establishing a Chagres trade route, By 1533, probably influenced by the Peruvian conquest, the Chagres was in regular use. Three years later a royal decree instructed Panama to erect a warehouse at Cruces and to make it a way-station. Meanwhile a road, extending some 18 miles, had been built from Panama to Cruces
If 16th century accounts can be believed, passengers and
freight using the Cruces Trail were transported over the road in mule trains of 500 animals. Trips to Cruces were usually made at night so as to avoid the sun's heat. The trail was well paved for nearly its entire length. Paving was done with well rounded field stones, four to eight inches in diameter. On hillsides the field stones "might be
8
bound in with a border and crossbars of rough blocks.8
Hussey "Spanish Colonial Trails," $12, $86, 69; Cole in de
documents inditos, 1st Series, XLI $34535$; Clarence H. Haring, Trade and Navigation between S and the Indies in the time of the Hapabur s abridge 1918), 1 2; Haykluyt, op cit., I, 59l51. Rubio states that the road was built about 1530 (Angel Rubio, "In the Wake of the Chagres, the river that linked the Oceans, Americas, VI (October 19$6), 17.) Philip Means also believes that the read dates from about 1530. (Philip A. Means, The Spanish Main, Focus of ~ 192-1700 ew York 193 7, &6) Most of this important colonial trail is still in existence, although the first
1$
Along with other Peruvian goods, precious metals from the
mines of Potos were sent from the Cruces way-station down the Chagres to Portobelo. Attracted to the Caribbean by the rich treasure fleets, English and French corsa..rs soon were committing many depredations upon the Spanish Main, but until the second half of the 16th century Spain failed to concern herself seriously with such intrusions.
Although positive plans for the fortification of the Chagres were not undertaken before the end of the 16th century, Nicuesa, as early as 1510, had proposed the building of a fort on the rocky cliff at its mouth. He was unable to do so, however, for his expedition had been so decimated by starvation and constant Indian attacks that he lacked the necessary forces for this work.
Some five years after the Serna exploration of the Chagres, a royal c4dula was issued instructing officials of the Isthmus to use the river for the transport of goods. By the following year, probably influenced by the conquest of Peru, the river was in regular.use0 Soon the first of a long series of pirate attacks on Spanish shipping at the mouth of the Chagres occurred. In 1536 an anonymous French corsair seized a Spanish vessel laden with horses from Santo Domingo. After
few miles cannot be accurately located, and the building of the Panama Canal submerged the section near Cruces. Early maps are not .accurate, and even censorship is suggested in the silence maintained by Spanish writers about the Isthmian routes. In recent years, Capt. R. Go Rennie of Ancn. C. Z., has mapped and annotated most of the Cruces route (Robert G. Rennie, Las Cruces Trail Panama Canal Zone, 19h87).
16
casting the cargo into the sea, the pirate put the crew on shore and
sailed off with the captured ship.9
Attacks by foreign corsairs upon small craft at the mouth of the Chagres and on their way from Nombre de Dios to the Chagres became more serious after 1560. From that time on, appeals for the 10
fortification of the Chagres were discussed.10 Pirate ships anchored at the mouth of the Chagres had become a constant menace to traffic. A 1569 report from the royal officials at Nombre de Dios (which was not yet superseded by Portobelo as the port of call for the treasure fleet) to the Spanish crown told of the plundering of two barges at the mouth of the Chagres by French corsairs. In addition to killing two passengers, wounding several and taking three prisoners, the buc= caneers "took 20,000 pesos in silver and gold belonging to passengers on board." The report ended with an indirect appeal for assistance
in protecting the Chagres against piracy, for it was the route "by which all merchandise from this kingdom to Peru must necessarily pass Unless some action were taken to rid the Chagres of the pirates, it would "work much damage and injury to the trade and commerce of these parts, and upon o your majesty's subjects and vassals
Anghiera, O. cit., 153; Co H. Haring, The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the XVII Century (New York 1910), 43.
10 Roland D. Hussey, "Spanish Colonial Trails in Panama," Revista de Historia de Amebrica, No. VI (Agosto, 1937), 53; see also Hussey, "Spanish Reaction to Foreign Aggression in the Caribbean," HAHR, IX (August 1929), 287.
17
who reside in them. 11
Although their attacks had been going on since about 1560., the pirates by 1571 were becoming bolder. Early in that year, for the first time corsairs entered the Chagres itself, guided by runaway Negro slaves familiar with the area. Advancing to within five leagues of the customs house at Cruces, the pirates captured two or three river barges, looted them and destroyed a great quantity of merchandise, "silks, linens, wine, soap and oil and other-valuable
12
things -- to a total of more than 20,000 pesos."12
The first official appeal from Nombre de Dios to the Spanish crown for assistance against the corsairs came in May 1571... During that month no lss than 12 river barges had been seized on the Chagres. Laden with clothing, merchandise and slaves, these barges had cargoes estimated at a total of more than 150,000 pesos..... Officials at the city of Panama had requested the Audiencia to provide protection for Chagres shipping. Lacking funds, however, the Audiencia was unable to do so; and instead advised Panami to report the existing evils to the crown so that the king might "deign to apply the remedy, of which at
11 Documents Concerning lish Voyages to the Spanish Main, 1569 1580, edited by I. A. Wright (London 1932), 34- -Later in the same year other French corsairs plundered two more barges, stealing more than 12,000 ~esos "and everything in the Barkso which was flour and tanned hides and other things." Id., 21.
12
Documents Concerning English Voyages, 22, 24.
18
present there is none." Dire consequences were predicted if the crown failed to act. Unless the Isthmus were defended, the colonists eventually would be forced to abandon it to the French and English. Once Panami fell, it would be only a matter of time before Peru were lost which, the report warned the crown, "would be most detrimental to your majesty's interests."13
While the Spanish crown was considering the appeal for aid, the English were gaining more knowledge about the Isthmus. In 1572 Francis Drake made a reconnaissance of the Chagres and the Caribbean coast of Panama. After learning ..that .....the Chagrea "tendeth to the Southward, within six leagues of Panamah," the Drake expedition took careful note of the fact that treasure coming to Panama was sent to Cruces. Misinformed to some ..extent, Drake believed that all treasure vas sent down the Chagres by barge "into the North sea and so to Nombre de Dios."14
Raids by English and French pirates continued unimpeded until
1573. After increasingly frequent attacks occurred on mule trains carrying treasure from Cruces and Venta de Chagres to Nombre de Dies, the crown was once again petitioned to send assistance and formulate some
13 Ibid., 33.
14 Philip Nichols, Preacher, Sir Francis Drake Revived: Calling upon this Dull or Effeminite Age to followed His Nobel Steps for Golde and Silver Faithful taken out of the Reports of Mr. Christofer Ceely, Ellis Hixon, and others. .(iondon 162679. Wight points out that in 1572 most of the silver and gold was taken to Nombre de Dios by the overland route. See Documents Concerning English Voyages, 269
19
plan for the defense of Panama. Finally, in February 1573 the crown answered appeals that two galleys be sent to patrol the Caribbean coast. Philip II ordered the armada of the Indies to send ships to 15
Panama to defend the coasts against the intrusions of the buccaneers.
An increased coastal patrol did not discourage the pirates.
A relation written by Dr. Alonsoe Criade de Castilla in 1575 stated that the mouth of the Chagres was still infested with corsairs who plundered the barges using the river 'nand did much damage. "16
Two years later a request was made that four additional gal=
leys be despatched to patrol the Caribbean coast of the Isthmus..... Furthermore it was asked that 400 men be sent to the Isthmus, so that they might establish two towns and aid the colonists in ridding Panama of the rebellious runaway Negro slaves who had allied themselves with ..the English corsairs. The crown was reminded of the fact that considerable rein= forcements had been sent to Chile and Santa Marta, although t-hey were "less important than this realm to the service of your majesty.'# Call= ing Panama the key to all the Indies, the request asserted that the safety of Spain's colonies depended on "granting us the boon we ask" and
15 Documents Concerning English Voyages, 47, 50,51. In addition to increasing the number of ships patrolling the coasts, the pack trains carrying treasure to Nombre de Dios were protected by soldiers. In 157$ an English Bizeaneer, John of Oxnam, reported that the "gold and silver which ~ame upon the mules from Panama to Nombre de Odoe was. now b ducted with soldiers ." See Richard Hakluyt, The PrinCipal Nvigations, oiages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Naion. London
16 Alonso Criado de Castilla, "Sumaria descripcidn del Reyno de TierraFirme que esta subjete a la Real Audiencia de la ciudad de Panama," Costa Rica, Nicaragua 2 Panama En El Siglo XVI, Su Historia y sus lmites se los documents del Archivo de Indias de Seilla, Del de Simancas, 20
17
expressed confidence in receiving additional assistance
Defense of her colonies solely by the use of a well-organized fleet was abandoned by Spain after 1580, following the successful cir= cumnavigation of the world by Francis Drake Convinced that her colonies could no longer remain safe from wide-scale aggressions of the English, Spain began to formulate a systematic plan to provide adequate fortifications in the Indies. These plans were accelerated when news.. reached Spain in 1586 that Drake had appeared once more in the Caribbean, 18
this time raiding Nombre de Dios.1
Spanish fears of English designs in the Indies were well founded. A statement by Francis Drake and John Hawkins addressed to Elizabeth I and dated February 7, 1587, presented a scheme to despoil the Isthmus of Panama. The queen of England was told that Nombre de Dios was almost completely defenseless and could be sacked easily by a force of 500 men. The city of Panami and Pearl Island, where incalcu= lable riches were to be found, could be seized with as few as 800 soldiers.
Sailing up the Chagres, an English force could easily sack Cuces., which was defended by only 50 soldiers.19
1 Documents Concerning English Voyages, 113.
18 Hussey, "Spanish Colonial Trails," 5h; see also Francisco de Paul Garcia Pelaez, Memorias para la Historia de antigo de Guatemala (Guatemala 19h3-19i66), 1, 191.
19 "Translation of a statement furnished to the Queen of England by Francis Drake and John Hawkins as to undertaking a voyage entirely to ruin the Spaniards," Great Britain, Public Records Office, Calendar of Letters and State Papers Relating to Englidh Affairs, Preserved in, or originally belong to the Archives of Simancas Vol. IV, Elizabeth, 03, edited by Martin A. S. Hume (London 199), 22.
21
Positive steps to develop a system of colonial fortifications
came in 1586 when the Consejo de Indias sent Juan de Texeda to the Indies on a military inspection tour Bautista Antonelli, an Italian engineer
who had already gained a reputation as one of the best military engi20
neers serving Philip II, was asked to accompany Texeda. Not only was
Antonelli to act as a technical adviser to Texeda but he was also to make
a survey of possible sites for fortifications. A royal cedula dated Febraary 15, 1586, instructed Texeda and Antonelli to survey and draw up
the necessary plans to fortify and secure the coasts of the Indies so
that the general welfare as well as the fleets coming and going to the
Indies might be protected. They were to visit all ports, making reports
on those ports where they believed it would be necessary to build forti
fications, towers and watchtowers. Wherever they might recommend the
20
Bautista Antonelli was the younger brother of a no less famous military engineer, Juan Bautista Antonelli. Several members of the Antonelli family were to become military engineers for Spain, including Bautista's son, Juan Bautista and a nephew, Christ6bal de Roda. A
genealogy of this engineering family is to be found in .Leone.Andrea Maggiorotti, Architetti E Architetture Militari, Vol.... III, Gli ..Architetti Militari Italiani Nella Spagna, Nel Portogallo E Nelle Loro Colonie (Rome 1939), 131; see also Diego Angulolfiguez, Bautista Antoneli, Las Forti= ficaciones Americanas del Siglo XVI (Madrid 19h2. Bere coming to
America, Bautista Antobelli had gained experience building fortifications in Oran, Valencia and Portugal His most famous fortress in the New World, according to Llaguno, was the Castillo del Morro in Havana. See Eugenio Llaguno y Amirola, Noticias de los Arquitectos y_ Arquit*.tura de sp de Desde su restauraET~7 Madii 1829), III, 9. For other accounts f Antonellis earlier career, see MartinFernindez de Naarrete, Bibliotec Maritima Espa~ola (Madrid 1851), I, 222 Herrera, ag, cit., I, 102~i03, note 110. A biographical article bhaed mainly on the works of Llagune and Angule is Lejeune Cummins, nAntonelfi the Younger, First Engineer of the Indies," Mid-America, 27 (January 1956), 3-l1.
22
erection of fortifications, "these should be made and built" and oc 21
cupied by the forces necessary to defend them.
Arriving in the Indies. Bautista Antonelli inspected possible sites for fortifications in the Isthmus during 1586 and 1587.
Impressed by Portobelo, he suggested that it would be an excellent location for a fortified town and advised that the population of Nombre de 22
Dios be moved there. Visiting the mouth of the Chagres in 1587,
Antonelli observed that the river "hath great force of water in the
Winter but in the Summer there is but small store of water," He
suggested that a small castle be built Itin the mouth of the said river,"
and at the foot of the castle a storehouse fto unload and keep .
goods."23 In a later relation, Antonelli wrote that in order to conform
21 Llaguno, 2o cit., III, 24dv245; see also I. A. Wright, "El Maestre de Campo Don Juan de Texeda (1588-1593)," La Reforma Social, XIII (Febrero 1919), 138-139; Hussey, "Spanish Reaction," 222.
22 Antonelli rote that Portobelo was sheltered and protected from winds on all sides. It had what he considered the basic requirements for a good port: a deep, unobstructed harbor, stone for ballast, good water and a plentiful supply of wood for building. In a letter of December 1,.... 1586, he advised that it "would seem very wise to relocate there the population of Nombre de Dios." Llaguno, oR. cit., III, 59. Following the depredations of Drake in 1596, the suggestion made by Antonelli 10 years previously was carried out. Nombre de Dios was virtually abandoned and Portobelo became the new Caribbean port for Panama. During 1597 Antonelli planned the permanent defenses of Portobelo, the first fort being started in September of the same year. Cummins, 2. cito, 13.
23 Baptista Antonio (Bautista Antonelli), "A Relation of the ports, harbors, forts and cities in the West Indies which have bene surveyed, edified, furnished, made and mended, with those which have been builded, in a certaine survey by the King of Spaine by his direction and commandment, Written by Baptista Antonio, Surueyor in those parts for the said King, Anno 1587," Hakluyt, op cit., III 556.
23
with the "greatness it should have, the tower at the mouth of the Chagres would cost about 7,685 ducats to build. Once again he advised that a storehouse be built nearby "where merchandise coming 24
from Panama can be kepto2
Building of the castle at the mouth of the Chagres was delayed for several years. From 1588 until 1593 Antonelli was engaged in several other projects which apparently seemed more pressing. In 1588 Philip II commanded him to begin the fortification of Cartagena. Once that work was completed, Antonelli was to undertake the construction of fortresses in Santa Marta, Nombre de Dies, Panama, Portobelo and the Chagres. Before beginning any of these projects he was to submit an estimate of construction costs for the approval of the crown0 By 1593 the development of fortifications for the Isthmus were still unstarted, for Antonelli ....had begun work on defenses in Puerto
Rico, Santo Domingo and Havana.25
Francis Drake, who had sacked Cruces in 1572 and raided
Nombre de Dios in 1585, returned to the Isthmus in 1595. His renewed efforts against the Spanish colonies along with continual French depredations in the Caribbean and at the mouth of the Chagres, finally led
24
Liaguno, gg cit., III, 249.
2$ Ibid., 60s 268-269% Maggiorotti, o.Q cit., III, 293, 302. Angulo, ggo cit7T6-7. In 1594 Antonelli and his nephew, Crist6bal de Roda, were in Havana carrying out the plans to fortify the harbor See Cartas y expedientes de Cuba, vistos en el Consej desde el aso de 1589 ~ 1594, Spanish Transcripts, Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress.
24
to the development of fortifications in the Isthmus. By 1593 French pirate ships became a constant menace to Caribbean shipping and the 26
northern coast of Panama. At the mouth of the Chagres French corsairs had destroyed several barges, after seizing their cargoes of clothing and silver. A dispatch to Philip II requested that he im27
mediately "send assistance to these coasts." On March 8, 1594,
Philip II replied to a petition for aid by ordering the President of the Audiencia of Panama to furnish protection for Chagres shipping* The President was commanded to "take great care that the Chagres River 98
is so well guarded that no enemy barge will be able to use it."28
The necessity to protect the Chagres, Cruces and the land approaches to the city of Panama was made apparent by Drake's depredations in Panama during 1596. Dwindling revenues and truces with England, France and the Netherlands had brought defense construction in the Spanish colonies to a virtual standstill during the 1590's, but the crown ordered that the plans to fortify Panama should be executedo Drz. Alonso de Sotomayor y Andia was appointed President and Captain General of Panama in 1596, with orders to build a fort on the
26 Calendar of State Papers, IV, 597.
27 M. F. Navarrete et al editors, Coleccion de documentos indditos para la historia de EaspfaMadrid 1842-189 5)7 I, 231.
28 J. F. Pacheco, et al, editors, Coleccion de documents inmditos relatives al descubrimiento, conuista organizaci6n de las antiques posesiones espanolas de Ambrica oo de Indias, 1st Series (Madrid 18641884), XVII, 411.
.25
Chagres and take the other steps necessary for the defense of Panama.29
Assisted by Antonelli. Sotomayor began building up a system
of defenses to meet the attacks of Francis Drake. In addition to ordering the digging of trenches around Portobelo, Antonelli attempted to improve Isthmian roads, and fortified a strategic hill guarding the approaches to Panama. Hasty fortifications were built on the Capirilla hill on the Nombre de Dios-Panama road. Work was begun on a tower at the mouth of the Chagres and defenses were constructed along the river. Drake occupied Nombre de Dios without opposition .. early in January 1596. His efforts to attack the city of Panama, however, were checked by Antonelli,_ who had closed the Chagres River with a leg-~ chain. Frustrated in his ambition to take Panama, Drake was forced to withdraw Antonelli's fortifications were credited with saving the Isthmus. Philip II rewarded his ability as a military engineer by 30
granting Antonelli a gift of 900 dwcats0
Following the success against Francis Drake, the actual start on the castle of San Lorenzo at the mouth of the Chagres began0 On March 20, 1597, Francisco Valverde y Mercado, later Governor of Tierra Firme, was instructed to carry out Antonelli's earlier suggestion to
Coleccion de documentos ineditos, 1st Series, XVII, 367; see also Juan B. Sosa, Pan9am la Vieja (PaamE 1f919), III.
30 Cummins, o cit., 1213; Angulo, o~. cit., 70, see also Llaguno, og. cito, III, 676 7ernandez de Navarrete, og. cit., I, 224.
26
establish a fortified town at Portobeloo Antonelli was told to begin his system of defenses for the port. Simultaneously, Antonelli was to 31
build the castle at the mouth of the Chagres River3
Bautista Antonelli began work on the castle of San Lorenzo
in 1597. Perhaps the small., undated plan (see plate 33) in the Archives of the Indies at Seville was Antonellis original plan for the castle.32 Recurring illness caused by a tropical disease contracted in the Indies caused Antonelli to return to Spain for treatment in 1603, after he had completed the fortifications at Portobelo. During his absence a nephew, Cristobal de Roda, took his place, and Antonelli retired in 1608.
The fort at the Chagres was given the name of San Lorenzo., 33
although it was more commonly called Castillo de Chagres. A relation written in 160$ noted that the Chagres garrison consisted of 15 soldiers. While these troops received a meager monthly wage, their captain had a rather large salary in addition to 12 bottles of wine which were part of his annual pay. The small garrison had a chaplain who was assisted by two other clergymen. At the mouth of the river there were two barges.
31 Enrique J. Arch y Juan B. Sosa, Compendio de Historia de Panama
(Panama 1934); Angel Rubio, Panamao Monumentos Hist6ricos Arqueolgicos (Mexico, D. F., 19$0), 21, 23; see also Ernesto J. Castillero Reyes y Enrique J. Arce, Historia de Panama (Panami 1949), 38; Llaguno, 22. cit0, IV, 134; Angulos o_. cit., 76.
32 "Plano del Castillo de Chagre y costa inmediatao An6nimo y sin fecha," Pedro Torres Lanzas, Relaci6n Descriptiva de los Ma as, Planos, Etc. de las Antiguas Audiencias de Panam, Santa Fe y Quito Madrid 190L, 1I
33 Ernesto J. Castillero, *Grandeza y dacadencia de Castillo de San
Lorenzo de Chagres," Revista de Indias Nos. 57-58 (Julio-Diciembre 1954), 510; see also Cummins, .go cit 713IEo
27
Each of these had a crew of four Negroes. One of the barges was
for the service of the castle of San Felipe at Portobelo, while the ~34
other was placed at the disposal of the Chagres fort?
Called upon to begin several new fortifications in the Caribbean and to repair existing ones, Cristhbal de Roda could not devote
his full attention to San Lorenze de Chagres. During 1607-1608, following his repairs of defenses at Cartagena, he made an inspection
tour of Caribbean fortifications. Accompanied by the President of the
Audiencia in his visit to the Isthmian defenses, he reported on con/
struction progress at Panama, Portobelo, and the Chagres River. At
Chagres Roda stated that during his absence the castle had fallen into
disrepair. He asked the crown for two additional engineers for Panama
so that the defense projects "might be diligently continued."3
Judging from the plan of 1620 (see plate 31), the "disrepair"
36
soon developed into structural faults, and by 1626 Roda .had rebuilt
3 Coleccion de documentos ineditos, 1st Series, IX, 105-l06. In 1609 the Chagres garrison was augmented by the addition of a drummer boy. A royal cdula, dated June 1, 1609, stated that "the.. tower at the mouth of the Chagres River had necessity of a drummer boy. If .one could be found at the usual salary, the officials of the Real ....Hacienda of Panama were ordered to appoint a drummer for the tower. Colecci6n de documentos iniditos, 1st Series, XVII, 314-315.
3 Llaguno, .~ cit., 302-303.
36 "Perspectiva del Castillo que esta hecho en la boca de Rio de Chagres que esta cayendo y abierto como se bera, Por Cristobal Roda," Torres Lanzas, e cit., 2i-25. An early relation from 1610 located the Castle of Chagres on a high rocky cliff on the left bank of the river. Coleccion de documentos ine'ditos, 1st Series, IX, 119.
28
F
the whole structure. Its design, however, was much like Antonelli 's Sa water battery at the foot of the headland, with a tower rising against the face of the cliff. (See plates 32 and 33.) Visiting the mouth of the Chagres River about this time, Antonio ,Vsquez ....de.. Epinosa, a Carmelite friar, left a brief description of the fort. Telling his readers of the importance of the Chagres in the transport of merchandise, Vksquez stated that a fort had been placed at the river's mouth to defend it. The fort was described as having "six large bronze can37
non, with its warden or Captain, and soldiers of the garrison 0 o
The first proposal to fortify the top of the headland seems to have been made about 1637, which is the date of a letter enclosing a design for a bastioned trace across the headland, and showing its relation to the water battery and tower (see plate33)o8
Visiting the castle in the same year, Thomas Gage, an errant Dominican Friar, observed that the Spaniards trusted too much in the
shallowness of the Chagres River to keep foreign ....corsairs from using it to attack Cruces and from there Panama. Otherwise, he commented, the
Antonio V'squez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Inies, translated by Charles U. Clark, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Volo 102 (Washington, D0 Co, 1942), 30 o A brief biography tracing the career of Visquez is to be found in J. Espasa e hijos. Ehciclopedia Universal Ilustrada e uroea-americana (Barcelona 1907-1930), LXVII, 377
"Planta en perspectiva de el sitio de la boca de Chagre, de el castillo que deberia haserae-y cortadura sobre el cerro y en que forma para que si entrase el enemigo por el port y subiese a dicho cerro no puedd apoderarse de el n fender deede alli al fuerte como podria hacerlo por no estar hecha la dicha eortadura," Lanzas, oo cit., 3h.
29
Spaniards "would strengthen more and fortify that castle, which in my time wanted great reparations and was ready to fall." The Captain of the castle was described by Gage as "a great wine bibler, who plyed 39
us with. Liquor fll7 the time we stayed there. .
Between 1645 and 1667 periodic inspections and some improvements were made at the castle of Chagres. A royal c dula of September 159, 1645, ordered an investigation of the decline of the fort. Shortly afterwards, Pedro de Bega, nephew of the Governor of Panama, was aphe
pointed its Captain.
Erected at the high rocky cliff at the mouth of the Chagres overlooking the Caribbean, the castle of San Lorenzo was believed to be very strong. On the sea side of the castle the fort could be reached by a series of steps carved out of stone and- leading to the top of the hill. The steepness of the hill was believed to make the castle easy to defend from the land side. Within the walls of the fort, were built two residences for the Captain of the castle and the other officers. The
39 Thomas Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies,..... Bei a Journal of Three thousand and three hundred Miles within the main land of America London 1699), Gage' s description of the weakness of San Lorenze apparently was correct. A memorial written in 1637 told of the decline of fortifications throughout the Indies. According to the memorial, not even the largest Caribbean fortresses at Cartagena and Havana could be considered strong0 Memorandum b Don Juan Desologuren as to the Powers of the Dutch in the West Indies dated Nov. 19, 163 as appears in Agp to the case on Behalf of the Govenment of Her Brittannic Majesty, Vol. I, 193-1723 (London 193 -Yo '.78 T
Celeccion de documents ineditos, 1st Series, XVII, 258-259, 278.
30
The soldiers lived in barracks which had clay walls and straw thatched roofs. Running along the top of the bill was a double palisade. Between the double wooden wall, earth had been packed. The castle itself was separated from the outer defenses by a deep moat, with a draw" bridge across to the castle. Culverins and cannon of various caliber were in place.
The assault by the British on Santo Domingo and their subsequent seizure of Jamaica in 1655 caused a new wave of fortification building in the Indies. New plans were drawn up in 1661 and again in 1667 to improve the defense at the mouth of the Chagres.
Once they had Jamaica, the English used it as a base for attacks on Panama. In 1668 Henry Morgan led a raid against Portebelo, and his attack led to hasty measures to strengthen the defenses of the Isthmus. Even though the Conde de Lemos sent some 100 troopa.from Peru to Panama, the Spaniards found it difficult to ward off the English aggressiLons. The terrible humidity of the Isthmus made it virtually impossible to maintain the fortifications in good condition. Walls and battlements weakened; gun powder was said to turn to paste; and cannons rusted. On December 10, 1670, Juan P'rez de Guzman, President of Panama, received a message from the Governor of Cartagena telling him that Morgan
Castillero, "San Lorenzo de Chagres," $10-511.
42 Lanzas, oR. cit 43, 49.
31
was planning to attack San Lorenzo de Chagres. From there he would probably attempt to capture Cruces and then the city of Panama. To meet this menace, some 500 men were stationed at Cruces and in ambuscades along the Chagres River; 360 other troops were sent to reinforce 43
the garrison at San Lorenzo.
144
While fortifications were being reinforced in Panama,
Morgan planned his assault on the Isthmus. During December 1670 he formulated his scheme to seize San Lorenzo and then to attack Panama itself. Writing of Morgan's decision, Esquemelin, a buccaneer who took part in the assault on San Lorenzo, stated that the attack was to begin in January with 400 men and four ships. Morgan himself would remain for the time being in Jamaica, "lest the Spaniards should be jealous of his farther designs upon Panama." The expedition was placed under the command of Joseph Brodely. This was believed to be a wvise choice, for Brodely had been "a long time in those quarters" and was "well
Sosa, n. cit., Appendix, VIII-IX; see also Haring, cit., 164.
SGuzman wrote that five months before the seizure of San Lorenzo, he had been assured by "intelligent persons in Panama" that the forts on the river as well as .the castle "were all impregnable." From another source, Guzman was told that although 6,000 men might attack San Lorenzo and the Chagres defenses, they would not fall. The Voyages and Adventures of Cagt. Barth. Share and others in the South Sea2 Being a Journal of the Same To which is added the true RelationTf Sir henry Morgan o. Tgether wiE the President of Panama' s AccoUnt of the same expeditin, Translated out of Spanish ., Published by Philip Ayres (London 16B1),71%6.
32
acquainted with those coasts." In addition to his geographical knowledge, Brodely had engaged in numerous buccaneering raids which had "rendered him famous among the Pirates, and their enemies the Spaniards."
In January 1671, three days after leaving Jamaica, Brodely's expedition landed at midnight four miles from the Chagres castle. Assisted by guides familiar with the area, the pirates came within sight of the castle at two in the morning. Within an hour, they had entered the trenches of the outer defenses and the siege of San Lorenzo began. Esquemelin wrote that the fortress appeared impregnable... The outer de= fenses were surrounded by wooden palisades which were "very well terreplained, and filled with earth, which renders them as secure as the best walls made of stone or brick." The castle itself had but one entrance. It was by a drawbridge which passes over a ditch of the depth of thirty foot.46
The Spaniards successfully resisted the first series of assaults which lasted until eight in the morning. Failing to.. capture the castle after some six attempts, and having suffered heavy casualties,
John Esquemelin, The Buccaneers of America Wherein are contained more especially the Unparalleled Exploi-ts of Sir H Mrgan Jamaican Here, who sacked Porto Belle, burnt Panama, etc., translated in English (London 1693), 197TE othe ont~iporary account of the plan to attack San Lorenzo stated that Brodely was put in command.ef 470 men and three ships. The Present State of Jamaica. ith the Life of o Coltabus To which is added an Exact Account of Sir aen. Morgan's o to, and famous Siege and ti of Panama fro te __niards (LonrfT6837 83-8.
h6 Esquamelin, eg. cit., 198-199, Esquemelin's description of the fortifications is the meat complete of any 17th century writer on the
castle of San Lorenzo.
33
47
Brodely withdrew his men. That night they returned. Concentrating on the outer defenses, the buccaneers tried to pull down the pallsades. According to Esquemelin., had it not been for a stroke of good fortune, the pirates might never have penetrated the outer defenses. During the night assault, one of the pirates was struck by ao arrow* Pulling it out, he wound cotton around the arrow, shoved it into his musket, and shot it back into the fort. Kindled by the gunpowder, the cotton-wound arrow "occasioned two or three houses that were within
the castle, being thatched with palm-leaves, to take fire, which the Spaniards perceived not so sooeen as was necessary." The fire spread to a powder magazine, which blew up causing "great ruin, and no less consternation to the Spaniards, who were not able to account for this accident. Fires soon spread elsewhere in the castle. While the Spaniards attempted to extinguish these fires, the pirates used fireballs to start other fires along the palisades, thus breaching the
SGuzman wrote that the first day's battle cost the pirates some 200 casualties. Voyages of ** r 146. A contemporary English source stated that during the entire siege 30 buccaneers were killed and 76 were wounded. Present State of Jamaica, ., 84.
34
48
outer defenses.
By midnight of the second day the palisades, according to
Esquemelin, had been entirely burned. When day came, the pirates observed that in many places along the outer defenses the solidly packed
dirt between the double palisade walls had fallen into the deep ditch
before the castle, creating "great heaps of earth." Over these mounds
the pirates climbed to begin a sharp assault on the castle itself,
notwithstanding that some Spaniards "cast down upon them many flaming
pets full of combustible matter and odious smells, which occasioned the
loss of many of the nglish."h9
Esquemelin, 92. cit., 200201. Although Esquemelinas account
may seem improbable, it is the one generally followed by other writers. Another contemporary account, however, makes no mention of the flaming arrow shot into San Loreno .....by the wounded pirate. Instead, this source states that the fires started when hand grenades ignited the roof of a guardhouse on a wall of the castle. Present State of Jamaica o o 84. Guzman, in hia report to the crown also believed that the fires were first started by grenades or fireballs. Voyages of bar.. 146-1h7. Of the modern writers, Haring follows the Esqueelin account. Haring, e. cit., 167. Bancroft discounts the possibility that grenades startedthe fires within the castle, for the space between the palisades and the castle walls.... "must have been beyond the reach of such missiles." He believes that the fires were caused by flaming arrows..... Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Central America (San Francisco, 1883), II, 495, note 13. A Panamanian historian states that the use of flaming arrows by the pirates was by design rather than accident. C. M. Alba, Cronologia de los Governantes de Panama, 1510-1932 (Panama 1935), 46. On the other hand, Basadre maintains that the castle fell because the English had moreamodern and effective weapons. Jorge Basadre, El Conde de Lemos ySu Tiempo (Lima 1945), 203.
Esquemelin, e. cit., 201.
35
Once under the walls of the castle, the pirates attacked
various breaches caused by the fires of the previous night. About noon,
Esquemelin relates, the pirates gained one of the breaches which the governor himself had defended with 25 soldiers. The Spaniards resisted bravely with muskets, pikes, stones and swords. The persistent pirates, however, continued their assault until they were within the courtyard of the castle. Realizing that they could no longer hope to repulse the pirates, most of the Spaniards who remained alive "cast themselves down from the castle into the sea, choosing rather to die than ask any quarter for their lives." The governor, meanwhile, retreated to the E", ,a rde, "before which were placed two pieces of cannon" This final resistance ended when at length he too was... killed with a musket shot, which pierced his skull into the brain" Following the governor's death, the 30 remaining soldiers surrendered to Brodely. These were made to "cast all the dead bodies of their own men down from the top of the mountain to the seaside, and afterwards to bury them" Wounded prisoners and buccaneers were carried to the church "belonging to the castle, of which they made a hospital, and where also they shut up the women."50
Receiving news of San Lorenzo's fall, Morgan left Jamaica with
the rest of his fleet and arrived at the Chagres River eight days later
0 Esquemelin, g, cit., 201-203. Interrogation of the prisoners are
vealed that the normal size of the garrison was 10 men. Before the Brodely attack, however, reinforcements had been sent increasing its size to 31h soldiers. Among the English casualties was Brodely, who died of wounds 10 days after the capture of San Lorenzo0 Voyages of Shar, 131.
36
While entering the harbor, four of his ships foundered at the river's
mouth on a treacherous ridge of rocks which was visible only at low
tide. Although the crew members and the Spanish prisoners.... brought from
Jamaica were rescued, all four ships were lost.51 Morgan received a
hero's welcome. Esquemelin wrote that he was brought into the castle
"with ..great acclamations of triumph and joy of all the Pirates." After
listening to the relation of the Castle's conquest, Morgan put the
prisoners to work "repairing what was necessary" and erecting new palisades around San Lorenzo. He then ordered that sanall vessels and 32
canoes in the river be seized. With these he planned to attack Cruces.
IFrom the way-station he planned to march on Panama with a force of 1200
men. Departing from San Lorenzo on January 18, 1671, Morgan left 500
buccaneers behind in the castle, and 150 in the ships to guard San 52
Lorenzo and the ships.
51 Esquemelin, cit., 204. The rocks in the harbor presented
problems for later mariners. Jefferys made special note of them in his description of the West Indies. Thomas Jefferys, A Descriptin of the Spanish Ialands and Settlements on the Coast of the West Indieso with Thirty-two Ms and Plans, chiefly from original drawings taken from the Spaniards in the, Last Wa'r (London 1767, 31. In the 19th entry, during the period when many Americans were using the Isthmus rote in travelling to California, at least two American ships were sunk on the rocks at the mouth of the Chagres. See "Despatch from Wm. Nelson, U. S. Consul to Dept. of State, No. 8, 8th April, 1843" and "Despatch from Wm. Nelson, U. S. Consul to Sec. of St., No. 22, March 8, 1845," Consular Despatches Panama, Vol. I, A 7, 1823 December 20, 1853, Mss., National Archies of the United States of America.
$2 Esquemelin, og. cit., 204.20$. Another contemporary source stated that only 300 men were left to guard San Lorenzo, but that seven small vessels and 36 canoes were captured and used by Morgan. The force marching on Panama Was estimated at 1400. Cf. Voy of Sharp, 133. Haring used the second account, rather than Esquemelin's, in writing of Morgan's attack on Panama. Haring, eg cit., 168.
37
/
While Morgan marched on Panama with his main force, the corsairs at San Lorenzo were not idle. Engaging in piracy on the Caribbean, they sent out two ships, which chased a Spanish vessel to within sight of the fort. Perceiving this, the buccaneers in the fort ran up the Spanish colors. Deceived, the Spanish ship sought protection under the guns of San Lorenzo, only to be trapped and easily captured. Nothing could have been more opportune than the taking of this ship, for it had a cargo of foodstuffs; and the castle had begun "to experience great scarcity of things of this kind5
After committing his depredations at Cruces and Panama, Morgan returned to San Lorenzo on February 26. From Panama he had taken a great quantity of booty. Some 175 mules were needed to carry back all the silver, gold and other precious things. In addition, .....600 prisoners
-men, women, children and slaves had been captured. Apparently,
53 Esquemelin, eg cit., 228.
During Morgan's raid on Cruces and Panama, a Spanish force. had been sent to the mouth of the Chagres in an effort to recapture San Lorenzo. Some 250 volunteers made up the Spanish expedition. The attack, however, never took place. Guzman wrote ". nor did they pass on to regain the Castle of Chagre; but rather went round by the mountain, and came out at Capira, after which they all dispersed without doing any good at all." Voyages of Sharp, 148.
55 Esquemelin, 2. cit., 23h; see also Coleccin de docmentos inedites, 2nd Series, I 128.
38
Morgan believed he could enrich himself even more, for shortly after returning tq San Lorenzo he sent a message to Portobelo demanding a huge ransom for the return of the castle. The governor of Portobelo
replied that he would not give "one farthing towards the ransom of the o castle"; the English "might do with it as they pleased." Morgan ordered that the booty be divided, after which the castle was to be destroyed. On March 6 these commands were carried out: the castle and other buildings at Chagres were demolished. The guns of the fort were either spiked or loaded aboard the pirate ships..... While these operations were going on, Morgan, who had become obnoxious over the division of the booty, sailed off for Jamaica without "bidding anybody adieu." Three days later he was joined by the rest of his fleet in
56
Jamaica.
Alarm spread throughout the Indies following Morgan's depredations at Panama and San Lorenzo. Immediately plans were undertaken
/
to relocate Panama at a more defensible site Troops were sent from the viceroyalty of Peru to reinforce the Isthmian garrisons. In 1672 the total number of soldiers in Panama was listed at 790; of these troops, 567 were assigned to defenses along the Caribbean coast, and
Esquemelin, o_. cit., 232, 237-238; see also Present State of Jamaica ., _94; Voyages of ghgar, 143; IHaring, g. cit., 195.
39
, 57
the rest were stationed at Panama and Chepo. Spain was practically
bankrupt by the second half of the 17th century and virtually unable
to maintain the military installations in the Indies. The major burden
of expenses for defense fell on the viceroyalties. Realizing that if
Panama would fall to the English his own viceroyalty would be in grave
danger, the count of Lemos sent as much help as he could from Peru.
Although most of his assistance went to the new city of Panama and to 58
Portobelo, he also sent aid for the rebuilding of San Lorenzo in 1672,
The reconstruction of San Lorenzo continued for several years.
a $9 A Plan dated July 31, 1675, gave/report on the castle and its.condition.
Completed in 1677, the new fort had more batteries but retained many of
the features of the earlier defense. At the foot of the headland was a
57 Guillermo Cispedes de Castillo, "La Defensa Militar del Istmo de Panama a fines del Siglo XVII y comienzos del XVIII," Anuario de Estudios Americana, IX (Sevilla 1952), 254.
58 ,
8Relacion de los socorros que ha remitido a Tierra Firme el .
Conde de Lemos del Peru, para la restauraci6n del Castillo de .Chagre y Ciudad de Panama, de que se apodero el enemigo ....Ingles," Relaciones Historcas Geoicas cas de America Central, edited by Manuel_ Serrano y
San (adrd ,note 1. -Another relation, also written in 1672, implied that the Countess of Lemos assisted San Lorenzo too. Cf. Relacion Del Secorro g Remiti6 a Tierra Firme La Condesa .....de Lenme luego gu se tuvo noti-cia de la invasion ue hizo el IngTs de -Jamaica, Lima 1 72. See also Juan Zaragoa, Editor, Pirateras Area de los Ingleses En la America Espanola, Desde el sigl XVI al viii, deducidas de lasoas de Dionisio de Alsedo Heea-a3) 19 Manuel de Mendiburu, Editor, Diccionario istarico Biogrifico Del Peru (Lima 1931), ., 172; Cespedes, .2f. cit., 25k; Arce and Sosa, o, 232.
59 Juan Antonio Susto, "Cartografia Colonial Panamea," Boletin de la Academia Panamea de Historia, I (Enero a Junio 1943), 14 .
ho
depot for the deposit of merchandise Nearby, barracks were built for 60
the Negroes and laborers used in the Chagres river traffic.,
During the last two decades of the 17th century,. English aggressions decreased in the Isthmus and throughout the Indies, due to a conscious policy of the British Government to halt the activities of thebuccaneers. By 1695, fortifications throughout the Indies had fallen into decline.... San Lorenzo de Chagres was among the forts described as 61
weak and poorly defended in a report of that year. Perhaps ....near the end of the century the castle might have been strengthened, .had not the plans of Domingo Alvarez de Toledo to make a canal through the Chagres 62
to the Pacific been put aside in 1697.6
Although vulnerable to attack, San Lorenzo was considered
strong enough to serve as a prison for the crown. Near the end of the
century several civil offenders, and apparently some heretics,.. were imprisoned there. Most famous was the Marquis de Mina, former President
//
and Commander General of Panama. The Marques seems to have been falsely accused of being arbitrary, embezzling funds and other lesser offenses.
60
Planto Del Castillo de Chagre Recha Per El General D. Juan Bauptista de la Rigoda," Cespedes, cit., 257. The size of the garrison in 1677 was reported as between 250 and 300 men. Cf0 Coleccio'n de documents inedites, 2nd Series, XII, 28. A relation from1678 stated that because the Chagres River was the major route for the penetration of the Isthmus and a vital link in trade, strong defenses were needed at its mouth. Rafael Altimira, Director, Colecci'n de documents inedites para la historia de Iber-An'rica (adrid 1929), IV, 1 T9-- .
61 Coleccion de documents in~dites, 2nd Series, XII, 156.
62 Cspedes, of. cit., 269.
1
Imprisoned in a dungeon from 1695 until 1699, he was joined by his 63
wife .....who refused to be separated from him.
Throughout the 18th century, the necessity for strong defenses at the mouth of the Chagres lessened. Eventually the treasure fleets no longer used the Peru to Panama route. Furthermore, by the
beginning of the century, the bankrupt Spanish crown had virtually abandoned schemes to cut a canal across the Isthmus. Nevertheless, San Lorenzo was still important for the protection of river trade and
/
the overland route to Panama. Erected upon the steep rocky cliff at the river's mouth, the castle appeared deceptively strong from a distance. Writing in 1701, William Paterson stated that San Lorenzo was a "very strong and inaccessible castle."6
During the first two decades of the 18th century some changes and improvements were made in San Lorenzo. In 1705 the outmoded battle65
ments were altered along more modern lines. The improvements made were probably in 1729. A cedula from November of that year told of
63 Memorial queen nombre del Senor Don Pedro Divales y Guzmin presents el Ca t-an de Mar ~Guerra D. Pedro Ignacio de Alzoma: Urzino al S nor D. Melchor Portocarrero Lasso de la Vega Lima 1700. See also Arce y Sosa, op. cit., 253-2557 Alcedo,., cit., IV, 1
64 William Paterson, Central America, edited from a 1701 manuscript in the British Museum by S. Bannister (London 1857), 1.
6R. Altamira y Crevea, Director, Coleccion de documentos in6ditos para la historia de Hispano-Amirica (Madrid, 1927-1932), VIII, 6.
1i2
reconstruction that was going on at San Lorenzo. Care was to be taken, the ce'dula warned, that only solid materials were used; furthermore, merchants were to be paid no more than the established price for trans66
porting building materials to the castle.
In 1735 the natural scientists Juan and Ulloa .visited the
castle of San Lorenzo. Unlike Paterson, who had seen the castle only from a distance, they were not greatly impressed by San Lorenzo. The garrison was described as meager, consisting of only 86 men, though in time-.of danger some 100 experienced men, including Negroes and ..mulattoes, 67
could be summoned from the neighboring town of Chagres. Not only was the garrison snall, but it was poorly supplied with munitions.. .and other essential provisions. Investigation revealed that San Lorenzo lacked enough gun powder to withstand a long siege; and what.. was there, like many of the guns, had been so affected by heat and humidity as to be
68
almost unusable. The buildings within the walls were not made .o...f stone but rather, to the suprise of Juan and Ulloa, "all ..of wood like those of Portobelo. It was suggested that they be replaced by masonry so as to 69
prevent a repetition of the 1671 fire caused by the Brodely asault.
66 Ibid., IV, 49.
67 Jorge Juan Antonio de Ulloa, Noticias Secreths de Amrica sobre el estado naval, military ( politico de los Reynos del Perd h ?ravincias de uito, Costas de Nueva Granada y Chile. Presentadas ., Secreto aIS. M. .e r Dn Fernand't eed by David Barry (London 1826),
68 Ibid., I, 134, 186-187.
69 Ibid., I, 134-135.
43
Within five years of the inspection by Juan and Ulloa, San
Lorenzo was attacked by the English during the War of Jenkins' Ear.
The weakness of the castle had not been underestimated by the ....natural
en.70
scidAtists 70
On March 13, 1740, Admiral Vernon instructed Captain Charles
Knowles to make a reconnaissance of the mouth of the Chagres River so
that it might be determined in what manner "it would be most advisable 71
to conduct the attack on the Castle of St. Lorenzo at its entrance."
(See plate 35.) Some 10 days after Knowles had received his instructions, the siege of San Lorenzo began.
On March 22 several British warships, three bomb ketches and
three tenders left Portobelo to join Knowles at the mouth of the Chagres.
By 3 p. m., the ketches were in position and the bombardment started.
During the night the Admiral's warship and two other vessels joined in*
The ships maintained "a leisurely fire" from their heavier guns until
about 11 a. m. on March 24. The governor of the Castle, Juan Carlos
Guitie'rez de Zazallos, then hung out a flag of truce and surrendered
70 Plans of San Lorenzo as it appeared prior to its capture by Admiral Vernon appear in at least two English sources. One descriptive. plan shows the location of the castle's 22 brass guns, the magazines, drawbridge, etc. See The Gentleman's Magazine: and Historical Chronicle, Volume X (London 1740Y73.-351. A less complete map which includes a drawing the castle as it appeared in 1740 and tells of the fort at the foot of .the hill, with its "8 guns and two batteries with six cannon each," is found in A Sequel to the Seat of War in the West Indies, Containing (1) ap of the Isthiuus of Panama, exhibiting the Roads with the course of the River Chagre throw. the same ., London 1740.
71 The Naval Chronicle o containing a general and biographical
history~ of the a navy of the Uited Kingom; with a variety of origi. nal papers on nautical subjects (London 1799..1187 96; see also W Laird Clowes, The Royal Navy, A History From the EarliestTimes to the Present (London 1897, III, 61.
72
San Lorenzo.
Terms were quickly arranged between Guitierrez and Vernon.
According. to the articles of capitulation, British troops were to take possession of the castle immediately. The governor and all. his garrison were free "to march out without any molestation,... and .. retire into the village of Chagre, or where they please." Inhabitants of the Chagres village were promised "security to their persons and houses." The coast guard sloops at the mouth of the river, along with the Spanish Custom house, were to be "delivered up to the use of His Brittanick Majesty in the condition they are ." The last .article of the surrender declared that the clergy and churches in the town of 73
Chagres "shall be protected and preserved in all their immunities."
The British occupation was brief, lasting only about a week. Captain Knowles was rewarded for his part in capturing San Lorenzo by being .appointed its governor, and shortly after the capitulation he and 120 men took possession of the fort. A huge amount of booty was seized, including cocoa, Jesuit's bark, wool and some plate. On March 28 Vernon ordered the castle destroyed. First, two coast guard sloops anchored in the river were sunk. The customs house was then cleared of valuable merchandise, filled with combustible materials, and burned. On
72 Naval Chronicle ., I, 94; see also Clowes, o. cit., III, 61-62; Anderson, cit., 398-399.
73 "Articles of Capitulation granted by Edward Vernon .," VernonWagner Papers, Vol. VIII, August 20, 1738-July 18, 1739, Library of Congress, Division of MSS.
L'5
the following day, mines were sprung, demolishing the lower bastion and some of the upper works. Within the castle, the inner apartments were set on fire. Knowles departed from the burning castle on March 30 74
to rejoin Vernon at Jamaica.
Although no major reconstruction was undertaken at San Lorenzo until after the war, the colonists made some attempts to re-fortify the banks of the Chagres. In 1741 Portobele and San Lorenzo, described as
"wrecked and defenseless," were ordered repaired with enough fortifications and batteries to impede enemy intrusions. Furthermore, 118 reinforcements were to be sent to the Chagres. These reached the castle 75
during the following year. The re-fortification had still not taken place by April of 1742, however, for a Captain Dennis of Vernon's fleet entered the river without opposition at that time. Later the same year,
sufficient defenses had been made to repulse an attack of three British frigates.6
But major work on San Lorenzo was delayed until 1750 or 1751. Charles III, one of the few Spanish monarchs to make a vigorous attempt
Naval Chronicle ., I, 95-96o see also Jefferys, cit.,
30; Clowes, e. cit., II, 62. To commemorate Vernon's victory at the mouth of the Chagres, medallions were struck in London with an inscription telling of his capture of San Lorenzo and Portobelo. Cf. Castillero, RCastillo de San Lorenzo," 514. Two poems written in honor of Vernon's victories in the Caribbean also mentioned his capture of San Lorenzo. A Letter to the Secretary of a Certain Board o Together with Verses adress'd to Admiral V (LOndon 17 4) 13-14* 17-18.
75 Zaragesa, _.* cit., 288, 306.
Edward Vernon, Original P Relating to the Expedition to
Panama (London 1744), 96 eelso Espasa p gjs, aB. cit., XVI, 13910
at strengthening the colonial defenses, ordered the complete restoration of the castle. In 1750 Ignacio de Sala, who had gained a reputation in Spain as a military engineer and a designer of fortifications, was appointed Governor General of Cartagena and instructed to restore all the forts destroyed by Admiral Vernon. Sala's main efforts were concentrated on Bocachica and Portobelo. It is believed, however, that
77
he also directed the reconstruction of San Lorenzo. It is..... the ruins of this 18th century restoration which are to be seen today at .the mouth of the Chagres. What remains reflects a Spanish style of architecture 78
known as Carpline.
The restored San Lorenzo was believed to be stronger than
ever before, but the castle was never again seriously. attacked, not even during the 19th century wars of independence. Actually, it was.no longer essential to protect the shipment of the crown's gold, for the Chagres River had lost its earlier significance as a main artery in the trans. port of Peruvian metals. Beginning in 1737, the annual treasure fleets ceased their visits to Panama, and after the War of Jenkins Ear, Isthmian trade was further hindered. Laws of 1748 and 1765 firmly established Cape Horn as the main route for the transport of goods between Spain and
Anderson, o. cit., 399; Alcedo, o cit., IV, 282, Espasa e Hides, eg. oi ., LIII,--9.
78 Rubio, _. cit., 24. A 1779 drawing shows the plan of the restored castle. See "Plano del Castillo de San Lorenzo de Chagre, y sus inmediaciones .. Aibo 1779," Servicio Geogrifico E Historico Del Ejercito, Gartografia de Ultramar, Carpeta IV, America Central (Madrid 19$7), Num. 89.
47
79
the Pacific coasts of South America.
The re-establishment of the Chagres defenses included a
strong, two-level earthwork battery named Fort Gatun, a few miles upriver at the juncture of the Chagres with Gatu'n River (see plate 38), 80
as well as a network of trenches in other places. It is likely that the trenches on Gatun Hill, an eminence within artillery range of Fort
/
Gatun, were developed about the same time.
Discussing the state of defenses in the Indies, an English
int elligence report of the 1770's described the Spanish.forts as fall81
ing into ruin, with dismounted and useless gun*. From these reports, it was learned that San Lorenzo, "a small fort," was defended by a
small .garrison which was frequently changed. In the event of war between Spain and Great Britain, it could be "easily reduced,. by a force 82
sent from the West ITdies.82
79 Coleccion de documentos ineditos sobre la eagraffa a Histoia de Golpht ei~t' by Antonio B. ueoTWoo 92, II, $Tgsee aTso Hussey, "Spanish Colonial Trails," 60-10Arce y Soa.. g 299.
80 "lano del Fuerte del Gat n Construidode ,Tierra. .* .(A0o 1750)," Cartoraa de Ultramar, Carpeta IV, Num. 88; Zaragoza, op. Cit., 288*. Fort Gat was not the earliest of the river defenses. urii the 1590's hasty defenses were built along the river against the threat ,from.Francis Drakej and a work is known to have been )n existence at Ratifnin 167. See "Planta de la fortification del Gatu que esti tree 1egtas del Castillo de Chagre, para defense del Rio, hecho a~o de 1675," Torres Lanaas, e_.
81 *Creassy's Plan for Seizing Panamas Documents," edited by Thomas E. Martin, Eg, 1111 (February 19h2), 85.
82 "Creassy's Plan for Seizing Panama HAHR, XI II(February 1933), 62, 71.
The decline of San Lorenzo was noted in reports written
during the last three decades of the 18th century. In 1776 the garrison was described as too small to defend the castle in case of war. Twelve years later, repairs and some changes were urged. Apparently, 83
however, these suggestions were not carried out until 1797-1803.83 Meanwhile, a relation from 1796 revealed that the permanent garrison of the castle had dwindled to 54 men. In time of danger the troops were to be assisted by Negroes and mulattoes who worked on the river barges. Although the relation suggested that some repairs be made in the castle, it did not consider the matter as pressing, for while the castle was still important for the defense of the Chagres River, San Lorenzo was no longer deemed essential in the overall defense of the Isthmus.8
With the outbreak of revolution in the Spanish colonies, San Lorenzo became active once again. It was one of the few fortresses that did not fall easily to the rebels. During the struggle for independence many British soldiers of fortune came to the Isthmus to assist the insurgents and often to enrich themselves. In 1819 a certain Captain Mueller attacked and plundered the town of Chagres. He was forced to retreat, however, "under a tremendous fire of grape-shot from the
3 Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reino de Granada, compiled
by Jose Antonio Garcia y Garci'a (New York lB3 172; Relaciones de. Granada, 556.
8L Relaciones de Granada, 393-39h, 397, 399. In 1803 the garrison had decreased to $9 men. Id., 532.
49
castle." In that same year the castle was reinforced, following the seizure of Portobele by the Scottish adventurer, Gregor MacGregor. A force marching from San Lorenzo, recaptured that city, forcing MacGregor to flee.86
Among the adventurers in the Isthmus was a certain W. D. Weatherhead. Along with several other Britishers, Weatherhead was taken prisoner in 1820 and interned at San Lorenzo. During his brief imprisonment, he started a hospital at the castle for the prisoners. Chagres and Portobelo were extremely unhealthy places, Weatherhead wrote. Prisoners, troops and residents of Chagres often.were affected by "intermittent and bilious feves," with nothing otherwise "remarkable in their symptoms than that the head was violently affected from
the very commencement of the disease." The "disease," which among 19th century Isthmian travellers would be known as Chagres fever, sometimes caused death. The British prisoners were the more affected by it, however, for they were unaccustomed to the terrible tropic humidity and heat. 87
On November 28, 1821, Panama declared its independence from Spain. Article III of the declaration stated that troops stationed at
W D. Weatherhead, An Account of the Late Expedition Against the
Isthmus of Darien Remarks on the Present State of the Patriot Cause, and on the Climate and Disease of South America. T7ondon 182 1) T.
86 Jose M. Restrepo, Historia de la Revolucion de la Republica de Colombia (Paris 1827), VII, 171-172.
87 Weatherhead, o_. cit., 131134.
So
Fort San Lorenzo were at liberty to remain in Panama if they wished.
For those who wanted to return to Spain, however, arrangements would
be made to transport them to Cuba, and Chagres was to be used as one 88
of the ports from which Spanish troops could sail.88 The exact date
the castle was surrendered to the insurgents is difficult to determine,
but it was no doubt sometime during 1821.89
Under the Republic of Colombia, the Fort San Lorenzo ceased
to be an important work. Although some troops continued in garrison
for several years, San Lorenzo soon became used as a prison for political offenders.90 In 1845 some troops were there, for it was described 91
as having a commandant. Four years later the fortifications were said
to be "now dismantled and deserted."92 In 1869 the defensive use of
San Lorenzo was discontinued; a law passed on January 11 designated it
Instituto Nacional de Panama, Documentes Historicos Sobre la Independencia del Istmo de Panama (Panamd 1930) 7 8
9 In her book on Panama, Mallet states that the Spanish troop with drew from San Lorenzo in 1821. Lady Mallet, Sketches ofSpanish Colonial Life in Panama (New York 1915), X. On the other hand, J.oh Minte, in his oven inaccurate work, The Chagres, asserts that San Loreafo_ was not evacuated until "two years after Boliar's victory at Ayacucho in 1826." John Minter, The Chagres; River of Westward Passage (New York 1948), 192193.
90 Castillero, "San Lorenzo de Ch&gres," $15. Before the revolution, San Lorenzo had often been used as a prison for the civil authorities and the Inquisition. According to one source, under Colombian rule forts were sometimes well garrisoned "and again they would be practically abandoned." John 0. Collins, The Panaa Guide (Panawa 1912), 200.
91 John Osborne, Guide to the West Indies compiled from Documents furnished b the Agents of the Royal Ml PSte ~i Cpany .-... (London 145), 2.
92"The Diary of John W. Dwinelle From New York to Panama in 18L9," Quarterly of the Society of California Pioneers, VIII (June 1931), 106.
51
93
exclusively as a state penitentiary, and it served thus until Panama became independent from Colombia. A Panamanian law passed on December
31, 1908, made San Lorenzo de Chagres an historic national monument.9h The transfer of the Canal Zone by the 1903 Treaty with Panama has placed the fort, along with most of the historic Panama-Cruces-Chagres route, under the jurisdiction of the United States in perpetuity.
9 Castillero, "San Lorenzo de Chagres," 517.
94 Rubio, o. cit., 65.
52
PLATES
.l~~Ugstine
BACK TO SPAIN
G O FLA T L A N T 1 C
0 ,
M E X C 0 CE AN
ROU Genad
v SANJUAN H N 7' L SwMartiniclue "[ j7, .St. Lucia
ROU W#Gr.SeOaU Ca Trinidad OF THE ."" "" .
:Nov. 1953... N,, ......... 70 2
Plate 1 CROSSROADS OF COMMERCE
Spain held the Americas, and the sea lanes bound them together.
Brought to the Isthmus each year were fabulous stores of wealth from Peru and, in the early days, even the Orient. Two fleets left Spain
annually, one to make the South American connections at Cartagena and Portobelo, and the other for Veracruz in Mexico. Returning to Spain,
both sailed the Gulf Stream via Havana and the Bahama channel. Key
harbors were fortified.
C A,4 A /V S C- A
Porto belo N m r eIo
ONN
Plate 2 COLONIAL ROUTES ACROSS THE ISTHMUS
Columbus explored this coast in 2, but the first settlement
of 1ezanenoe was Nombre de Do in Balboa discovered the
#0 ot Chagzres*. *
CracesTrail*
elePacific in 1513, and Pana was founded in 1519.Pana
TWO \VAYS TO CROSS
Plate 2 COLONIAL ROUTES ACROSS THE ISTHMUS
Columbus explored this coast in 1502, but the first settlement
of permanence was Nombre de Dios in 1510. Balboa discovered the
Pacific in 1513, and Panaml. was founded in 1519.
Discovery of Peruvian gold made the Isthmus the connecting link
between Spain's Atlantic fleet and the Pacific galleons. Portobelo superseded Nombre de Dios as the Atlantic port of call after Drake burned Nombre de Dios in 1596. From Portobelo to Panam there were two routes: 1) the Camino Real, a land trail sometimes impassable
during the rainy season; and 2) the Chagres River and Las Cruces Trail.
Construction of the Panama Canal has flooded the upper basin of
the Chagres River, submerged much of the town of Cruces (inland terminus of Las Cruces Trail), and much of the Camino Real.
Plate 3 THE CATHEDRAL TOWER, OLD PANAMA, R. P.
Old Panama, the Pacific terminus of the trans-Isthmian trails,
and port for the galleons from Peru and Chile, was burned during the
pirate Morgan' s sack of the city in 1671. Today its ruins are a Panamanian national monument. To rebuild the city after the pirates left,
the Spanish moved to another site.
iiia Z .iii~!,
iliiiilow-alll
ROO.
Plate i A FORT AT PORTOBELO, R. P.
Portobelo, the beautiful landlocked harbor named by Columbus, was
the Atlantic port of call for the convoys from Spain. The harbor is
ringed with fortifications like this one, built after the British
Admiral Vernon captured and destroyed the earlier defenses in 1739.
Plate $ SPANISH CUSTOMS HOUSE AT PORTOBELO, R. P.
nSilver ingots are stacked like bread in the streets," a 17th
century English spy reported. He spoke of the rich South American
cargoes that were trans-shipped across the Isthmus by pack train, to
await the annual galleons from Spain. At the Portobelo fair, Spanish
merchants traded olive oil, wines, iron and manufactured goods for the metals, hides, sugar, cochineal and indigo of the Americas. In addition to customs fees, the royal treasury collected a percentage
of the mining profits.
Plate 6 THE ROYAL ROAD (CAMINO REAL) INTO PORTOBELO, R. P.
This cobblestone-paved road crossed the hills and swamps to Panama,
but was apt to be flooded in wet weather. No significant part of it
lies within the Canal Zone.
Plate 7 LAS CRUCES TRAIL IN THE CANAL ZONE
Historian Manue y is pointing out one of many crosses formed in
the cobblestone paving of the h-foot-wide road through the jungle
from Panama to the town of Cruces. This was part of the wet-weather
route to Portobelo, via Cruces and the Chagres River. Rains which
flooded the overland Camino Real deepened the Chagres and made river travel easier. Drake fought on this trail in 1972; Morgan's pirates
used it to reach Panama in 1671; Forty-niners going to California
left litter along its sides.
Plate 8 ENTRANCE TO LAS CRUCES TRAIL FROM THE FOREST PRESERVE
A well-preserved portion of the trail* is easily accessible where
the Trans-Isthmian Highway passes through Madden Forest Preserve.
The Preserve is a heavily forested area of 4,000 acres along the Continental Divide, and is administered by the Canal Zone Government.
Plate 9 VIRGIN FOREST, MADDEN PRESERVE
Deep shade under the high tree canopy is the favorite habitat
of palms. This open-type tropical forest contains many fine specimens of trees and some wildlife.
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kal 1200 ENGNEE R
661
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COATORI AlRW 30 FEET
Pt 0CUS AeO MD F T S
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mu wl, amdmae a l g~ ~mmlCme m mo am ...]
Plate U THE CHAGRES RIVER IN 1912
Vessels sailed this river to Cruces, only 15 miles from Panama. Although the Panama Canal has impounded the water of the upper Chagres, the lower stream still looks like this old picture, made two
years before the Canal opened.
Plate 12 JUNGLE ALONG THE LOWER CHAGRES
According to Standley (1928), the lower part of the Chagres Valley forest was cut over. Re-growth is so rapid, however, that the
forest has regained its primeval appearance. The forests of the
Atlantic slope offer a wide variety of species -- OO trees and 1300 flowering shrubs -- which have no counterpart in any of the areas now
in the National Park System.
Plate 13 RIO INDIO, TRIBUTARY OF THE CHAGRES
To appreciate the difficulty of an Isthmus crossing in colonial
times, one must get into the jungle. Rio Indio, not far upriver from
Fort San Lorenzo, has excellent nature trail possibilities. The quiet waters of this wooded swamp are a contrast to the high canopies of the
well-drained hill forests.
Plate 16 GATUN LOC KS, PANAMA CANAL
Near Gattin Hill the Canal enters the Chagres River valley, which
Gattin Dam has converted into a vast lake, inundating much of the town of Cruces as well as 18th century defense works at the confluence of
the Chagres and Gattin rivers. The canal follows the old course of the
Charges into the heart of the Isthmus.
474
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Plate 15 A TRENCH TO DEFEND GATUN HILL
High on the hillside overlooking the Chagres River is this infantry trench. It is one of three on the hill. Little of their history is known, but the tactical purpose -- to prevent enemy seizure of this commanding height -- is obvious. Presumably the trenches were related
to the 18th century battery, now submerged, at the confluence of the
Chagres and Gatn Rivers (see plate 38). -- Photo by Albright
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Plate- 20
T~~<) 11-1-LWRCHGE
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PLlte 21 Spanish buit FORTA S A-N LORENZO is on a sandstone headland via'ch has beenalnmr
since the time of~ Columbus.U .Am ht
Plate 22 THE FORT FROM THE BANK OF THE CHAGRES
The 80-foot headland crowned by the fort dominates the narrow
mouth of the Chagres River. All vessels using the Chagres-.Cruces
route to Panama had to pass the fort. The defenses underwent many changes between 1597 and the 1800's, and were twice captured. How
many raids their presence prevented will never be known.
Plate 23 RUINS OF AN EARLY TOWER (1)
The 1997 defense was a sea-level battery with a tower rising against
the face of the headland (see plate 31). Though later modified, the
tower and battery feature lasted until the British destroyed it in 17h0.
The arrow marks the top of the stairway, all that remains of the early
work.
Plate 2h RUINS OF AN EARLY TOWER (2)
After destruction of the tower, the Spanish filled the ruined
stairwell with masonry, here removed. Many other pre-1740 features are to be found in San Lorenzo, although archeology is needed to uncover some of them.
Kosan-Marsh Photo
Plate 25 QUARRY STEPS ON THE FORT HEADLAND
Much of the stone for the fort may have been quarried from the giant
steps on the cliffside. A close look will reveal human-size steps beside the big ones.
Plate 26 MAIN ENTRANCE TO THE FORT
Once over the drawbridge and moat, you are on the top level of the
fort, where cannon were mounted against land attack. Behind the photographer are the outer defenses -- a ravelin to protect this entrance,
and an advanced battery commanding the land approaches. The plan of
the existing ruins is shown in plate 40.
Ir@ ,a
Plate 7 THEPARAD
Beneth he tp lvelare he toreoom an parde roun. Ntic
the main entrance guardhouse which Aas shw npae2. nteprd
below it are the barracks ruins. ... r 8t etr bidns
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A
Plate 30 PICNIC GROUNDS AT THE FORT
Huts for the construction crews once stood on this pleasant green
outside the main fort. Recreational facilities in the Canal Zone are
limited, and this is a popular spot on weekends.
EARLY MAPS TELL THE STORY OF THE FORT
(Plates 31- 40)
. ... ... ...
Ma .4
*4 40 io tai
Plate 31. 1620 Crist6bal de Roda drew this plan to show the condition of Fort San Lorenzo, built in 1597
by his famous uncleBautista Antonelli. "SIt is falling down," wrote Don Crist6bal. Notice the great
cracks shown in the walls. (Lanzas No. 36.)
adESRioN on> Y 0
IC CAP re( f 14lo J 4 -1 /il I& b I d tr bruaran tmew wrar 'rfta
Fa
i
0o atf roo4 3 t liean
towe, reordig is coditin o Jul C1, w626 duingi (E the visi ofa
U- Munitions. 5 Quarters. 6 Tower with quarters; the powder is in El Pom. 7
Pte 32.g1626 room.er 162 Negon hut.i sta Erancelto the riinal Lanery aNo.
140.)
towrreoringit cndti n n ul 1 166,duin th vsi o4a
. )
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44 A
I I
i! sf1/I...
Plte33 167- hee ndtd las er snttoSpi inti er but jh sml n isprhp
12~ )- *r
Plate 33. 1367 -These undated plans were sent to Spain in this year, but the saloei ehp
Antonelli's plan of 1597. The larger one shows the 1626 tower and battery, and proposes a moated wall across the headland so the enemy could not "offend the fort from there as he can at present." Archeology has uncovered such a wall. (Lanzas No. 55.)
5 7
9
Fig. 3.-Crq is de Ie fortificaciones de Chagres, ex s689. : Desembocadura d1 Chagres.-a: Baterias y gradas hasta el mar.-3: Baluate principal, separado per un foso de los cuarteles.--4: Recinto de cuarteles, con plaza de arnuas end estra 5: Fo**-6: tescubocadura de un arroy cuya margen dereeha se bala & de bosue.-7: AlojaUnien*Ctos de obreros, negros esdavos y vivinderoms.-9: Almsein para mercancias de los-comerciantes panamefios, que iba a trasladarse a 8 par quedar al abrAgo de las fortificaciones. La usargen isquierda del rio Chagres tenia una estrecha playa. y detris denso arbolado. Trazo gtueso: fortifcaciones termina.das.-Trase dobe: fortificacioues en construcci6n. (Segin A. G. I., mapas de Panami. nim. i 16 de T. L.)
Plate 34. 1689 Morgan's pirates captured San Lorenso in 1671 and
virtually demolished it. But by 1677 the fort was stronger than ever.
In this plan the heavy lines denote finished construction; the double lines, work in progress: 1 mouth of the Chagres. 2 Batteries at water level. 3 Main bastion, with parade. U Quarters enclosure,
with parade. 5 Moat. 6 Wooded arroyo. 7 Workmen and slave
quarters. 9 Warehouse for goods of Panamanian merchants, to be moved
to No. 8 for defense reasons. (C4spedes, 273.)
40, C&d/f San Lorenso wAMwa ew hoo y AlSaVe4rnon /,reAs aro o
9 9"4 "' "7
i t,?e o ,~-, A, e4one t was.
b ohr on"Awe r /F1m a ,o Moe .inw Po. 4, w d 4. 3a on O r m dl
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iA/Ay Cutout o/~e 'Roa4A'd -a andtf k d4tae oande.-494 4wdAd 9A,- Oea wnia .ae L + ... A t d a ./' n, more, sW
3.adyawdand omane yeas dy add snown, ... .,.
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(G.entleman' .'i 1403d',,"-, ..n./.. land-wded..." -"W
ofa
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YIL
Plate 35. 1740 The British diagram of the capture of Fort San Lorenzo during the War of Jenkins' Ear (Gentleman's Magazine, 1740: 350-351.)
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la ca dl &lo dA Ci,gr<, o, ta Coon .3t Mar d l Nor -n e Act R1i ^ At-Tt a J e. Cdn deIN AC t (CCtINitti' Jl LI Real, N'ys Balft a $ja. cau imt% Pi'en C titM oTY'i de dtI a ca A Candle & L ... ,oen a ,Re ,.. ao Ft ....... a s t
CPlae 6a. 't (1) I This .a .isrtch ht
D the 17Wr)* bu *r0 oadmentr~. For. dealse h nareeti pae3.;Crorf lrmrI,8.
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,R',t,.tt a.e. de at 742. N a,,b.,oa, ,14., ....
..., J <.J .
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Pla.a'te 36. 176.5 (1) This map is a clear record of the ruined condit.,ion o~f t.he 17th century fortt after
t .he 1760 bomrdment. Fo~r details, see the enlargem ent in pate 37. (Cartograff:[a Ultramar, IV, 86.)
Plate 37. 1745 (2) -- A The demolished fort. B The demolished lower battery. C The moat. D An
outer work, started in years past to enlarge the fort. E Chagres village, burned by the Spanish in 17h2.
c aaa aaa e. He .
nuts... turracsm fl lia.A ? e solc vor .
a*del ConiasuL. jI.Entrda pripal.
Plate 38
1750 While San Lorenzo lay in ruins, the earthwork batteries of Fort Gatin were built upriver at the juncture of the Chagres and Gatin. The
old trenches found on Gatfin Hill were probably to prevent enemy use of
this prominence as an artillery position against Fort Gatun.
(Cartografia Ultramar, IV, 88.)
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... ... ..,.
4 ~.a sNo
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Plato 39.
1779 San Lorenzo was built again in the years follow lng 1750.
This plan shows the fort of today.
VV44
". kI MKI IN
44
Plate 39.
1779~~~~~~~~~~ Sa L.ez .a bul agi in th yer.olwn ~O Thspaehw3hefr ftdy
MAP oF
FORT SAN LORENZO
REPUBLIC OF PANAMA 1918
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The PaamCand Ubrm Plate .. .. .2
MAP OF FORT SAN LORENZO
IPlate 40 .
I MAP OF FORT SAN LORENZO
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