The miscellaneous works in prose and verse of Sir Thomas Overbury, Knt., now first collected

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THE
MISCELLANEOUS WORKS
IN PROSE AND VERSE
OF SIR THOMAS OVERBURY, KNT.
NOW FIRST COLLECTED.
EDITED WITH NOTES, AND A BIOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR,
BY EDWARD F. RIMBAULT, LL.D.
ETC. ETC.
LONDON:
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH,
SOHO SQUARE.
1856.




4




CONTENTS.
Page
INTRODUCTION . . . .. ix Life of Sir Thomas Overbury . xxv The Poem of the Wife ...... 33 CHARACTERS, ETC.
A good Woman .... .. ..... 47
A Very Woman .. ......... 48
Her Next Part ... ........... 50
A Dissembler . . . . . 52
A Courtier . . . . . . 52
A Golden Asse .. .......... 53
A Flatterer .. .......... 54
An ignorant Glory-hunter ....... 55 A Timist ..... . . . .. . 56
An Amorist .. ........... 57
An Affectate Traveller ... .. 58 A Wise Man . . .. . . 60
A Noble Spirit ... .......... 61
An Olde Man ... ........... 63
A Country Gentleman .. .... 64 A fine Gentleman .. ........ 65
An Elder Brother ..... . 67 A Braggadochio Welshman ...... 68 A Pedant . . . . . . 69
A Serving-Man . .. ... 69 AnHost... .......... 71




vi CONTENTS.
CHARACTERS, ETC. continued. Page
An Ostler . . . . . 71
A good Wife ... ........... 72
A Melancholy Man ... ......... 73
A Saylor . . . . . . 75
A Souldier ............ 76
A Taylor .... ............ *78
A Puritane ... ............ 80
A Whoore . . . . . . 82
A very Whore .......... 83
A meere Common Lawyer ........ .84 A meere Scholer . ......... 87
A Tinker .. ... .... .... 89
An Apparatour ... .......... 91
An Almanack-maker ........... .92
An Hypocrite ............ .. 94
A Maquerela .............. 99
A Chamber-maide ... .......... 101
A Precisian . ...... . 102
An Innes of Court Man . . . 103 A meere fellow of an house . .. 105 A worthy Commander in the Warres . 106 A vaine-glorious Coward in Command . 108 A Pyrate . . . . . . 110
An ordinarie Fencer ..i......... .111
A Puny-Clarke . . . . . 113
A Foote-man . ........114
A Noble and retired House-keeper . 115 An Intruder into favour .. ....... 116 A faire and happy Milk-mayd ..... 118 An arrant Horse-courser ........ 120 A Roaring Boy ... .......... 121
A Drunken Dutchman resident in England 123 An Improvident young Gallant ... 124 A Button-maker of Amsterdam . 125 A Distaster of the Time .......... .127
A meere fellow of an house ...... 128




CONTENTS. vii
CHARACTERS, ETC. continued. Page
A meere Pettyfogger ....... 129 An Ingrosser of Corne ........ 131 A Devillish Usurer .. ......... 133
A Water-man .... ........... 135
A Reverend Judge . 136 A vertuous Widdow ... .... 138 An ordinary Widdow .. . .... 139 A Quacksalver .. ......141 A canting Rogue ... ........... 142
A French Cooke .... .......... 144
A Sexton .... .............. 145
A lesuite . 146
An excellent Actor .......147 A Franklin . . . .. . . 149
A Rymer . . . .. 150 A Covetous man .... .......... 151
The proud Man ... ..... 153 A Prison . . . . . . 154
A Prisoner ................ 157
A Creditour .... ............ 160
A Sargeant ... ............ 162
His Yeoman .... ............ 165
A laylor . . . . . . 166
What a Character is ........... .168
Newes from Court ... ... 171 Answere to the Court Newes ...... 173 Countrey Newes . . . ... 174 Newes from the verie countrie ..... 176 Answere to the very Countrey Newes . 178 Newes to the Universitie .. ....... 179 Newes from Sea .. .......... 180
From France . .. . .. 183 From Spaine ........ 184 From Rome ... ........... 185
From Venice .... ........... 186
From Germanie ....... 186




viii CONTENTS.
CHARACTERS1 ETC. continued. Page
From the Low-Countries .. ....... 187 Newes from my Lodging .. ..... 187 Newes of my morning Worke ..... 189 Newes from the lower end of the Table . 190 Newes from the Church . ....... 193 Newes from the bed . . ... 196 Newes from Shipboord . . . . 198 Newes from the Chimney-corner . 199 The First and Second Part of the Remedy of Love 201 Observations upon the xvii. Provinces as they stood
A.D. 1609 ... .......... ... 221
Crumms faln from King James's Table . . 253 Notes . . . .. 279




INTRODUCTION.
HE works of Sir Thomas Overbury are
- now, for the first time, collected into
one volume. They consist of his celebrated poem of" The Wife;" "Characters, or Wittie Descriptions of the Properties of Sundry Persons;" a paraphrase of the first and second parts of Ovid's "Remedy of Love;" "Observations in his Travailes upon the State of the XVII Provinces, as they stood, A.D. 1609 ;" and "Crumms fal'n from King James's Table."
Independently of their particular merit, the works of Overbury possess a certain charm from our recollection of the fate of their unhappy author. As a poet, he was perhaps not remarkable for any particular graces of expression, or smoothness of versification; yet his poem of "The Wife"-no small favourite in its day--contains some pretty passages, and a host of precepts which-even the most fastidious




x INTROD UC TIONV.
will hardly dispute. It is upon his Characters that Overbury's fame must chiefly rest; and here he displays the fertile and observant powers of his mind, great ingenuity of conceit, and a force of expression rarely equalled by any of the numerous followers of Theophrastus.
Overbury's poem of The Wife" was written to dissuade the Earl of Somerset from marrying the infamous Countess of Essex. This has been frequently stated, and I am now enabled to give a cotemporary statement in confirmation. Among the notes taken in 1637 from the mouth of Sir Nicholas Overbury," the father of Sir Thomas, (Add. MS. 15,476 Brit. Mus.) we read" That Sir Thomas wrote his poeme called A Wife to induce Viscount Rochester to make a better choise, then of the divorced Countesse." Le Neve, in his Cursory Remarks on Some of the Ancient English Poets," speaking of this poem, remarks, The sentiments, maxims, and observations, with which it abounds, are such as a considerable experience, and a correct judgment on mankind alone could furnish. The topics of jealousy, and of the credit, and behaviour of women are treated with great truth, delicacy and perspicuity. The nice distinctions of moral character, and the pattern of female excellence here drawn, contrasted, as they were, with the heinous and flagrant enorinities of the Countess of Essex, rendered this poem




INTROD UCTION. xi
extremely popular, when its ingenious author was no more."
Campbell, the poet, in a prefatory notice prefixed to his Specimens, says, The compassion of the public for a man of worth, 'whose spirit still walked unrevenged amongst them,' together with the contrast of his ideal Wife with the Countess of Essex, who was his murderess, attached an interest and popularity to his poem, and made it pass through sixteen editions before the year 1653. His Characters, or Witty Descriptions of the Properties of Sundry Persons,' is a work of considerable merit; but unfortunately his prose, as well as his verse, has a dryness and quaintness that seems to oppress the natural movement of his thoughts. As a poet he has few imposing attractions: his beauties must be fetched by repeated perusal. They are those of solid reflection, predominating over, but not extinguishing sensibility; and there is danger of the reader neglecting, under the coldness and ruggedness of his manner, the manly but unostentatious moral feeling that is conveyed in his maxims, which are sterling and liberal, if we can only pardon a few obsolete ideas on female education."
With the exception of two small tracts descriptive of the characters of rogues and knaves1-" The Fraternitye of Vacabondes," 1565; and "A Caveat for Common Cursetors vulgarely called Vagabones, set




xii INTB OD UCTIONV.
forth by Thomas Harman,'" 1567-Overbury claims the distinction of being the earliest writer of Characters which this country can boast.
Few works have been more popular than the characters of Overbury and Bishop Earle. Hallam, in his "Introduction to the Literature of Europe," (vol. iii. p. 153, edit. 1843) thus sums up his notice of the latter :-" The Miicrocosmography is not an original work in its plan or mode of execution; it is a close imitation of the characters of Sir Thomas Overbury. They both belong to the favourite style of apophthegm, in which every sentence is a point or a witticism. Yet the entire character, so delineated, produces a certain effect; it is a Dutch picture, a Gerard Dow, somewhat too elaborate. Earle has more natural humour than Overbury, and bits his mark more neatly; the other is more satirical, but often abusive and vulgar. The Fair and Happy Milkmaid,' often quoted, is the best of his characters. The wit is often trivial and flat; the sentiments have nothing in them general, or worthy of much remembrance; praise is only due to the graphic skill in delineating character. Earle is as clearly the better, as Overbury is the more original writer." It does not appear that any of Overbury's productions were printed during his lifetime, although it is frequently stated to have been the fact. Wood gays that his poem of the "Wife" was "printed




INTR OD UCTION. xiii
several times at London while the author lived;" but the earliest edition which I can discover, bears the date of 1614; and from the entry in the Stationers' Registers, "13 Dec. 1613," we may safely conclude it to have been the first.*
The poem of The Wife" must have enjoyed considerable popularity, not only from its numerous editions, but also from the imitations that were successively brought forward. In the same year appeared. The Husband; a poem expressed in a Compleat Man: in 1616, "A Select Second Husband for Sir Thomas Overburie's Wife, now a matchless Widow," by John Davies of Hereford. In 1619, "The Description of a Good Wife, or a rare one amongst
* I am indebted to my friend Mr. W. Chappell, F.S.A., for the following extracts from the Stationers' Registers relative to Overbury :13 Dec. 1613.
To Laurence Lyle, "A Poeme called A Wife, written by Sir Thomas Overburye."
25 Nov. 1615.
To Laurence Lisle, "A Booke called Sir Thomas Overburyes Ghost, contayneing the history of his life and untimely death, by John Ford, gent."
20 Jan. 1615-16.
To Laurence Lisle, "The portrature of Sir Thomas Overbury."
28 Jan. 1615-16.
To Mr. Barratt and Lau. Lisle, "A Booke of Sir Tho. Overburyes Observations of his travelles in France, Ger. many & the Lowe Countryes."




xiv INTROD UCTIO .
Women," by Richard Brathwaite; also "A Happy Husband, or Directions for a Maid to chuse her Mate," by Patrick Hannay. In 1631, we have "Picturoe Loquentes, or Pictures drawne forth in characters; with a Poeme of a Maid," by Wye Saltonstall: and in 1653, "A Wife not ready made, but bespoken," by Robert Aylet.
Shortly after the publication of Overbury's" Wife," and in the same year, appeared a second edition, to which were appended "Many witty characters, and conceited Newes, written by himselfe, and other learned Gentlemen his friends." The" Characters" are twenty-one in number, but it is impossible to say how many came from the pen of Overbury, or to distinguish them from those of the "learned gentlemen" who assisted in the publication.
Edition after edition followed, in quick succession, a list of which I have attempted to draw up. The descriptions are necessarily imperfect, as many of the books I have been unable to see.
1. A Wife, now a Widowe. London, Imprinted for Laurence L'isle, dwelling at the Tygres head in Pauls Church-yard. 1614. 8vo.
This publication was thefirst edition of Overbury's
celebrated poem. It has not the characters. Copies are preserved in the Bodleian Library, and among
Capell's books in Trinity College, Cambridge.
2. A Wife: now the Widdow of Sir Thomas




INTR OD UCTION. xv
Overburye. Being a most exquisite and singular Poem of the Choice of a Wife. Whereunto are added many witty Characters, and conceited Newes, written by himselfe and other learned Gentlemen his friends. London, printed for Lawrence Lisle, and are to bee sold at his shop in Paules Church-yard, at the signe of the Tigers-head. 1614. Quarto, pp. 64.
A prose epistle to the reader, dated May 16, 1614,
commences this edition, which I conceive to be the second. Next follows A Morning Sacrifice to the author," in thirty-two lines, subscribed J. S. Lincolniensis, Gentleman, and, Brief Panegyrickes to the author's praise," by G. R., T. B. and X. Z. Eleven six-line stanzas On the choice of a Wife" ensue, and the poem then commences. The characters are twenty-one in number. A copy of this edition is pre,
served in the British Museum.
3. The Third Impression; with Addition of Sundry other new Characters. London, Printed by Edward Griffln for Lawrence Lisle, &c.
1614. 4to. 34 leaves.
This edition contains twenty-five Characters,"
and eighteen pieces of" News." See Collier's Bridgewater Catalogue, p. 223.
4. The Fourth Impression, enlarged with more Characters than any of the former editions. London, Printed by G. Eld, for Lawrence Lisle, &c. 1614. 4to.
Contains thirty characters and seventeen pieces of
News. On Sign. F 2 The Character of a Happy




xvi INTB OD UCTI 0 1
Life, by H. W." (Sir Henry Wotton). This edition is described by T. Park, in a very imperfect notice of Overbury's Works, in the Censura Literaria, vol. v. p.
363, edit. 1807. A copy is preserved among Capell's
books in Trinity College, Cambridge.
5. The Fifth Impression. London, Lawrence Lisle, &c. 8vo. 1614.
I cannot trace a copy of this edition.
6. New and choise Characters of severall Authors: together with that exquisite and unmatcht Poeme, the Wife, written by Syr Thomas Overburie. With the former Characters and Conceited Newes, all in one volume. With many other things added to this Sixt Impression. London, Printed by Thomas Creede, for Lawrence L'isle, at the Tyger's head in Pauls Church-yard, 1615, small octavo, pp. 182.
In this sixth edition, appeared the character of a
Tinker, an Apparatour, and an Almanack-maker, which were claimed by J. Cocke, as his own productions, in a prefix to Stephens' Essaies, 2nd edit. 1615.
"Newes from the Countrey," which in this edition is subscribed J. D. was printed as Dr. Donne's in the
edition of his Poems in 1669.
7. The Seventh Impression. London, Lawrence Lisle, &c. 1616, small octavo, pp. 292.
8. The Eighth Impression. With new Elegies upon his (now known) untimely death. London, Lawrence Lisle, &c. 1616, small octavo, pp. 292.




INTROD UCTION. xvii
9. Sir Thomas Overbury his Wife. With addition of many new Elegies upon his untimely and much lamented death. As also New Newes, and divers more Characters (never before annexed), written by himselfe and other learned Gentlemen. The ninth impression, augmented. London, printed by Edward Griin for Lawrence L'isle, &c. 1616, small octavo, pp. 292.
This edition was twice printed in the same year.
10. The Tenth Impression. London, Lawrence Lisle, &c. 1618, small octavo.
11. Sir Thomas Overbury his Wife. With Additions of New Characters, and many other Wittie Conceits never before Printed. The eleventh Impression. London, Printed for Lawrence Lisle, and are to be sold by Henry Seile, at the Tigers-head in Pauls Church-yard, 1622, small octavo.
In the prefatory matter to this edition is a compli.
mentary poem in English, Ad Comitissam Rutlandie," which is not in the preceding ones. The "Witty Conceites," mentioned in the title, consist of "Paradoxes, as they were spoken in a Maske, and presented before his Majesty at Whitehall;" "The Mountebankes Receipts;" and three Mountebank's
Songs.
12. The Twelfth Impression. Dublin, 1626, small octavo.
This edition, which is mentioned in Harding and
Lepard's Catalogue, 1829, p. 420, is of great rarity.
b




xviii INTR OD UCTI 0N.
13. The Twelfth Impression. London, 1627, small octavo.
Called also the twelfth impression on the title-page.
See Harding and Lepard's Catalogue, before-mentioned.
14. The Thirteenth Impression. London, Printed for Robert Allot, and are to bee sold at the signe of the Beare in Pauls Church-yard, 1628, small octavo.
15. The Fourteenth Impression. London, Robert Allot, 1630, small octavo.
16. The Fifteenth Impression. London, R. B. for Robert Allot, &c. 1632, small octavo. pp. 320.
17. The Sixteenth Impression. London, Printed by John Haviland for A. Crooked, and are to be sold at the signe of the Beare in Pauls Church-yard, 1638, small octavo.
This edition contains the character of "a Dunce,"
not in any former impression.
18. The Seventeenth Impression. London, 1655, small octavo.
A copy in the Douce Collection.
19. The Eighteenth Impression. London, 1664, small octavo.
Called, incorrectly, in the title-page, the seventeenth
edition.
In 1673, appeared "The Illustrious Wife, viz.




INTRODUCTION. xix
that excellent Poem, Sir Thomas Overburie's Wife, illustrated by Giles Oldisworth, nephew to the same Sir T. 0." I have not been able to find a copy of this rare volume in any collection, public or private. Oldisworth, it is well known, took a deep interest in everything relative to his unfortunate uncle, and his "Illustrations" of his celebrated poem, would doubtless contain some remarks of peculiar importance and value.
In 1756, appeared "The Miscellaneous Works in Verse and Prose of Sir Thomas Overbury, Knt., with Memoir of his Life. The Tenth Edition. London, Printed for W. Owen, at Homer's Head, near TempleBar." It is a small octavo of 252 pages, exclusive of 23 pages of introductory matter.
The "Miscellaneous Works" is a mere reprint of the volume above described, without any attempt to collect the other writings of the same author. From its being called "the Tenth Edition," it is presumed that its editor was unacquainted with any edition later than the ninth. It is a very imperfect reprint, having only twelve out of the twenty pieces of Newes" contained in the previous editions, besides many grave and important errors, that could easily, if necessary, be pointed out.
The reprint of Overbury's Wife and Characters, in the following pages, is taken from the ninth edition, of which, as I have stated, there were two im-




xx INTR OD U U TION V
pressions in the same year. They differ only in a few minor points, and in the spelling. The contents of both are precisely the same.
As the present volume is a collection of Overbury's writings, I have taken the liberty to reject some few pieces (evidently foisted in by the publisher) that were not the productions of his muse, nor in character with the rest of the work in which they appear. They consist of An Elegy on the late Lord William Howard, Baron of Effingham, dead the tenth of December, 1615," written by Bishop Corbet; "An Elegy on the Death of the Lady Rutland," by Francis Beaumont; Sir Henry Wotton's beautiful poem on The Character of a Happy Life;" and Certaine Edicts from a Parliament in Eutopia, written by the Lady Southwell."
It is also necessary to mention the reasons why the "Witty Conceites," added to the eleventh edition, have been rejected. They consist of "Paradoxes, as they were spoken in a Maske, and presented before his Majesty at White-Hall;" "The Mountebanke's Receipts;" and three Mountebanke's" Songs. They are all connected, and form part of "The Mountebank's Masque," printed by Mr. J. P. Collier, from a MS. in the possession of the Duke of Devonshire, in the valuable Inigo Jones volume, issued by the Shakespeare Society in 1848. Mr. Collier considers it to be the production of the cele-




INTR OD AUCTION. xxi
brated satirist and dramatist John Marston, and adds, "It is a new discovery, and we impute it to him, not only because his name is on the cover, in a handwriting of the time, although only in pencil, but because it is corrected in several places in his own handwriting, which enttirely agrees with other extant specimens. The piece possesses much of the strength, and some of the coarseness, of the popular writer's mind; but it well merited to be brought to light precisely in the shape in which it has descended to us."
The Mountebank's Masque" had previously appeared in print, although, at the moment of writing, it had escaped the recollection of the learned editor. It forms the second part of the "Gesta Grayorum," as printed in Nichols' "Progresses of Queen Elizabeth" (vol. iii. p. 320, edit. 1823). The first part of the Gray's Inn Revels, A.D. 1594," is taken from a printed copy. "The second part of the Gesta Grayorum," says Nichols, appears more like a banter on the former part, than an actual Exhibition; and requires some apology for allusions ill-suited to the refinement of the present age. It is taken from a MS. in the Harleian Collection, and is without date; but Henry the Second, Prince of Graya and Purpulia, occurs in the List of Subscribers to 3iinsheu's Dictionary, 1617."




xxii INTROD UCTION.
"The First and Second Part of The Remedy of Love," is reprinted from an edition Printed by Nicholas Okes," in 1620, a copy of which is preserved in the British Museum. It is of the utmost possible rarity, and not to be found in any of the libraries of our collectors of old poetry. Lowndes refers to the Museum copy, but misquotes the title "The Comedy of Love." Warton (Hist. of Poet., iii. 339, note, edit. 1840) speaking of Francis Beaumont, says, "He also translated part of Ovid's Remedy of Love;' as did Sir T. Overbury the whole soon afterwards, Lond. 1620, 8vo. But I believe there is a former edition, no date, 8vo."
Sir Thomas Overbury's Observations in his Travailes," is reprinted from a small quarto pamphlet, "printed 1626." It was licensed, according to the entry in the Stationers' Registers, "28 Jan. 1615-16;" but no copy of that date has come down to us. Wood (Athence Oxon. ii. 135) says, "This goes under his name, but doubted by some whether he wrote it." The same writer mentions an edition in 1627, and another in 1657. Dr. Bliss informs us that a MS. copy exists in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth (MS. Lambeth, 84,115). It is also to be found in the Harleian Collection of Voyages and Travels," folio, 1745, and in the seventh volume of the Harleian Miscellany."




INTB OD AUCTION. ixiii
The Crumms fal'n from King James's Table," is printed from the Harleian MS. No. 7582, fol. 42, where it purports to have been copied from the original, in Sir Thomas Overbury's own handwriting. It has appeared in print, but from a different MS., in The Prince's Cabala, or Mysteries of State. Written by King James the First, and some Noblemen in his Reign, and in Queen Elizabeth's," &c. 12mo. 1715. The editor says in his Preface, "We here present the judicious reader with a choice collection of ingenious sentences, which fell from the table of that learned monarch, King James the First, and never made public before. The substance of them are both Theological and Moral; and being gather'd, as they proceeded from the royal mouth, by that most witty Knight Sir Thomas Overbury, a little before he was poyson'd in the Tower of London, it is not to be doubted but they will escape the censures, frowns and derisions of the criticks."
It only remains to say, that in reprinting the various pieces contained in the following pages, I have adhered to the old spelling; not because there is any value in a philological view attached to it--on the contrary, the same word is frequently spelt three different ways in the course of the same page-but for other reasons which will have more weight. Overbury, in common with almost all the writers of




xxiv INTROD UCTION.
his period, occasionally uses words and "figures of speech," ill-suited to the refinement of the present age. In reading an old author, in his own orthography, we can make every allowance for that which we are apt to forget or overlook in the more modern type and spelling of our own day.
EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.
October 8,
29, St. Mark's Crescent,
Regent's Park.




THE LIFE OF SIR THOMAS
OVERBURY.
"He cometh upon you with a tale, which holdeth children
from play, and old men from the chimney-corner."
SIm P. SIDNEY's Defence of Poesy.
* THE tale of Sir Thomas Overbury is
indeed one of fearful mystery. Born with more than ordinarygenius, nursed in affluence, the companion of statesmen, and the favourite of princes; yet this man, so highly favoured, so marked for distinction, was doomed to an early death, to suffer lingering tortures, and to die in a loathsome dungeon, surrounded by the ghastly forms of murderers !
Thomas Overbury was born at Compton Scorfen, in the parish of Ilmington in Warwickshire, in 1581.* He was the son of Nicholas Overbury, of Boorton-on-the-hill in Gloucestershire; and, ac* At the house of his maternal grandfather, Giles Palmer. It is a tradition in Warwickshire, that he frequently resided at Barton-on-the-Heath, which was purchased by Walter Overbury, younger son of Nicholas, who built the present Manor House there.




xxvi THE LIFE OF
cording to Wood,* was "educated partly in grammar learning in those parts." In Michaelmas term, 1595, he became a gentleman commoner of Queen's College, Oxford, and through the aid of a good tutor and severe discipline, made rapid progress in philosophy and logic. In 1598, as a squire's son," he took the degree of bachelor of arts, and soon after left the university and settled in the Middle Temple. How long he continued in the study of the law, we have not been able to ascertain. The writer of the Secret History of the Reign of James," MS. in the Harleian library,t says, at the University and the Temple, "he was instructed in all those qualities which became a gentleman; by the entreaty of my Lord Treasurer, Sir Robert Cecil, preferred to honour, found favour extraordinary, yet hindered in his expectations by some of his enemies, and to shift off discontent, forced to travel; therein spent not his time as most do, to loss, but furnished himself with things fitting a statesman, by experience in foreign government, knowledge of the language, passages of employment, external courtship, and good behaviour-things not common to every man." Overbury travelled for some time on the Continent, and on his return home, had the reputation of being an accomplished person, which, as
Athenve Oxonienses, ii. 134, edit. Bliss.
f Printed in the second volume of The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, 8vo. 1845. Mr. Halliwell, the editor, observes, Wilson seems to have been indebted to this MS. in his Life of James, and it is altogether a curious and valuable memorial of the stirring events of the time." It was written before the close of the year 1615.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERBURY. xxvii
Wood quaintly expresses it, the happiness of his pen, both in poetry and prose, doth declare."
The fortunes of Overbury now become mixed up with those of the powerful Earl of Somerset, some of the events of whose early career we must briefly bring before the reader.
Robert Carr was descended from an ancient Scottish family,* and had spent some years in France, acquiring the necessary qualifications of a courtier. Some writers have asserted, that he had been a favourite of King James in Scotland, and at the coronation was made a Knight; but this is not the fact. Sir Robert Carr, who was made a Knight of the Bath at the coronation, was afterwards created Earl of Ancram; he was related to Somerset. Robert Carr had certainly been a royal page before the accession of James to the throne of England; he was, however, a mere child at the time, and many years must have elapsed before his re-introduction at court in 1606.
The circumstances attending the establishment of his favour with the king, are graphically described by Sir Anthony Weldon, whose "Court of King James" is worthy of much more credit than is commonly assigned to it.t
* He was the son of Carr, of Fernihurst, a faithful servant of Queen Mary of Scotland, and frequently mentioned in her letters.
f Wood calls this book a most notorious libel ;" Rapin a satire ;" and Dr. Campbell asserts '" that the notions and evidence it contains are of no value at all." Mr. Brewer, the recent editor of Bishop Goodman's Court of King James the First, calls Weldon an infamous writer," and "a monster of0 impurity." But in spite of those learned




xxviii THE LIFE OF
"There was there," says the knight, "a young gentleman, master Robert Carre, who had his breeding in France, and was newly returned from travel, a gentleman very handsome and well bred, and one that was observed to spende his time in serious studies, and did accompany himselfe with none but men of such eminences, as by whom he might be bettered. This gentleman, the Scots so wrought it, that they got him a groom's place of the Bedchamber, and was very well pleasing to all. He did more than any other associate himselfe with Sir Thomas Overbury, a man of excellent parts, (but those made him proude, over-valuing himselfe, and
writers, recent discoveries fully confirm the truth of Weldon's statements.
Sir Anthony Weldon was of ancient family, originally of Weltden, in Northumberland. Hugh Weltden, second son of Simon Weltden, of Weltden, temp. Henry VI., was sewer to Henry VII. His second son Edward was Master of the Household to Henry VIII. and owned the manor of Swanscombe, in Kent, where he settled. His son Anthony was Clerk of the Spicery, and afterwards promoted to be Clerk of the Green Cloth to Queen Elizabeth, in which office he died. His eldest son, Sir Ralph Weldon, died in the same office to King James, 1609, vet. 64; and Sir Ralph's younger brother Anthony, who died 1613, was Clerk of the Kitchen to both Queen Elizabeth and King James, which office he surrendered to his nephew, Sir Anthony, (son of Sir Ralph,) our author, 2nd James. (See his epitaph in Swanscombe Church, printed in Thorpe's Registrum Roffense, p. 1005; and Hasteds Kent, second edition, 8vo. vol. ii. pp. 411, 412.)
These particulars are derived from Sir E. Brydges' Memoirs of the Peers of England, during the Reign of James the First: 8vo. 1802, p. 106. They are not included in Sir W. Scott's notice of the author, prefixed to his reprint of Weldon's Court of King James. (See Secret History of the Court of James the First: 8vo. Edinburgh, 1811, vol. i. p. 301.)




SIR THOMAS 0 VERBURY. xxix
under-valuing others, and was infected with a kind of insolency.) With this gentleman spent he most of his time, and drew the eyes of the court, as well as the affection of his master upon him; yet very few, but such as were the curious observers of those times, could discern the drawing of the king's affection; until upon a coronation day, riding in with the Lord Dingwell to the tilt-yard, his horse fell with him, and brake his legg. Hle was instantly carried into master Rider's house, at Charing Cross, and the news as instantly carried to the king, having little desire to see the triumph, but much desired to have it ended; and no sooner ended, but the king went instantly to visit him, and after, by his daily visiting and mourning over him, taking all care for his speedy recovery, made the daybreak of his glory appeare, every courtier now concluding him actually a favourite."
The fortunes of Robert Carr rose rapidly from this hour. On Christmas-eve 1607, he was knighted, and sworn a Gentleman of the Bed Chamber. In 1610, he was created Lord Carr, of Bransprath, and Viscount Rochester, and advanced to be Lord High Treasurer of Scotland. Shortly after, he was made a Knight of the Garter. In 1614, he was created Earl of Somerset, and appointed Lord Chamberlain of the Household, and at the death of Salisbury, he became first Minister.
During these successive steps to nobility, Somerset (for we shall now call him by that title) was not neglectful of Overbury, with whom he had formed an acquaintance very early in life. The origin of this friendship is thus related by old Sir Nicholas Over-




xxx THE LIFE OF
bury, (Overbury's father,) who, in 1637, dictated certain things to his grandson, Nicholas Oldisworth, of Borton, relative to his unfortunate son:
" When Sir Tho. Overbury was a little past 20 yeares old, hee and John Guilby, his father's chiefe clerke, were sent (upon a voyage of pleasure) to Edinburgh, with 601. between them. There Thornm: mett with Sir Wm Cornwallis, one who knew him in Queene's Colledge at Oxford. Sr Wm commended him to diverse, and among the rest to Robin Carr, then page to earle of Dunbarre: so they two came along to England together, and were great friends." *
The circumstances respecting Overbury's introduction at court are not recorded, but it was doubtless through the influence of his powerful friend, who is said to have looked upon him as an oracle of direction." He seems to have been well adapted for success, and to have been of a bold carriage and aspiring temper. Sir Nicholas has recorded of his son, That when Sir Thomas was made sewer to the King, his Maty walking in the privy garden, shewed him to the Queene saying, Looke you, this
* This interesting notice is derived from Additional MS., No. 15,476, in the British Museum. It is entitled A Booke touching Sir Thomas Overbury who was murthered by Poison in the Tower of London, the 15th day of September, 1613, being the 32nd year of his age." It contains the proceedings of the divorce of the Earl and Countess of Essex; the trials of Weston, Mrs. Turner, Franklin, and Helwysse, or Elwys; the Earl and Countess of Somerset's arraignments; a ballad on the same parties, not fit for publication; and "Notes taken A.D. 1637, from the mouth of Sir Nicholas Overbury, the father of Sir Thomas." It is altogether a most valuable MS., and well deserving of publication.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URY. xxxi
is my newe sewer; and queene Anne answered, 'Tis a prety young fellow."
On the 19th of June, 1608, Overbury received the honour of knighthood at Greenwich, and shortly afterwards his father, who was a Bencher of the Middle Temple, was made one of the Judges of Wales. In the beginning of the following year, Sir Thomas Overbury visited France and the Low Countries, and penned his Observations upon the state of the Seventeen Provinces," reprinted in the following pages. Shortly after his return he was spoken of as likely to be employed in a diplomatic capacity,* but the appointment did not take place.
Overbury was now looked upon as one of the rising stars of the court, and the wits and poets of the day were anxious to do him homage. Foremost among them was Ben Jonson, who thus epigramatized his friend:" TO SIR THOMAS OVERBURY.
"So Phoebus make me worthy of his bays,
As but to speak thee, Overbury's praise:
So where thou liv'st, thou mak'st life understood,
Where, what makes other great, doth keep thee good!
I think, the fate of court thy coming crav'd,
That the wit there and manners might be sav'd :
For since, what ignorance, what pride is fled!
And letters, and humanity in the stead!
* The Rev. John Sandford, writing to Sir Thomas Edmondes, (London, March 6, 1610,) says, The ambassador to be sent from hence is diversly spoken of: some say Sir Henry Wotton, lately arrived in court; others suspect Mr. George Calvert, who came to London on Sunday last; of late Sir Thomas Overbury, a great favourite of Sir Robert Car, hath been mentioned."-The Court and Times of James the First: 8vo. 1849, vol. i. p. 108.




xxxii THE LIFE OF
Repent thee not of thy fair precedent, Could make such men, and such a place repent: Nor may any fear to lose of their degree, Who' in such ambition can but follow thee." In Ben Jonson's Conversations with Drummond of Hawthornden," we have the following entry:" Overbury was first his [Jonson's] friend, then turn'd his mortall enimie." To which passage the learned editor adds, "When the enmity between Ben Jonson and Sir Thomas Overbury began is nowhere stated; probably anterior to February 1602-3, under which date we meet with the following in Manningham's Diary, (Harl. MSS. 5,353):
-" Ben Jonson, the poet, now lives upon one Townesend and scornes the world. So Overbury."* The notice in Manningham's Diary in no way relates to the quarrel between Overbury and Jonson, which must have been of a date long subsequent to 1602-3, at which period Overbury was probably unknown at court. The difference between them was after the date of Jonson's lines, of which Gifford says in a note," This Epigram was probably written about 1610, when Sir Thomas returned from his travels, and followed the fortunes of Carr with a zeal and integrity worthy of a better fate."t
Again in the same Conversations," we read, The Countess of Rutland was nothing inferior to her father, Sir P. Sidney, in poesie. Sir Th: Overburie was in love with her, and caused Ben to
* Notes of Ben Jonson's Conversations with William Drummond of Hawthornden, January M.Dc.xIX. [Edited by David Laing, Esq.] Shakespeare Society, 1842.
f Ben Jonson's Works, vol. viii. p. 224.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URY. xxiii
read his Wyffe to her, which he, with ane excellent grace, did, and praised the author. That the morne thereafter he discorded with Overburie, who would have him to intend a sute that was unlawful. The lines my Lady keep'd in remembrance, He comes toa near who comes to be denied." Here, in all probability, we have the cause of quarrel between Overbury and Jonson. The story, certainly, reflects more credit upon rare Ben," than it does upon his courtly cotemporary.
Somerset and Overbury were each advancing in court favour and in mutual confidence. Such,"
-we are told, "was the warmth of their friendship, that they were inseparable. Carr could enter into no scheme, nor pursue any measure without the advice and concurrence of Overbury, nor could Overbury enjoy any felicity but in the company of him he loved; their friendship was the subject of court conversation, and their genius seemed so much alike, that it was reasonable to suppose no breach could ever be produced between them."*
Had Somerset been half as prudent in the choice of his mistress, as he had been in the selection of a friend, how different might have been the dinouement! We must now retrace our steps a little, in order to introduce two other characters on the scene.
On the 5th of January, 1606, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex,t was married to Frances Howard,
* Memoir of Overbury in Cibber's Lives of the Poets, vol. ii. p. 30.
t Afterwards remarkable for his achievements as the general of the parliament army. He was the only son of
e




xxxiv THE LIFE OF
daughter of Thomas, Earl of Suffolk; a bridegroom of fourteen to a bride of thirteen. In a letter of the period we have a curious account of the nuptial rejoicings on the occasion. The bridegroom," says the writer, carried himself as gravely and gracefully as if he were of his father's age. He had greater gifts given him than my Lord of Montgomery had, his plate being valued at 3000, his jewels, money, and other gifts at 1000 more. But to return to the Mask. Both Inigo [Jones], Ben [Jonson], and the actors, men and women, did their parts with great commentation. The conceit or soul of the mask, was Hymen bringing in a bride, and Juno, Pronuba's priest, a bridegroom, proclaiming that those two should be sacrificed to nuptial union. And here the poet made an apostrophe to the union of the kingdoms; but before the sacrifice could be performed, Ben Jonson turned the globe of the earth, standing behind the altar, and within the concave sat the eight men-maskers, representing the four Humours and the four Affections, who leaped forth and disturbed the sacrifice to union. But amidst their fury, Reason that sat above them all, crowned with burning tapers, came down and silenced them. These eight, together with Reason, their moderator, mounted above their heads, sat somewhat like the ladies in the scallop-shell, the last year. About the globe of earth hovered a middle region of clouds, in the centre of which stood a grand concert of musicians, and upon the canton, or horns, sat the ladies,
the unhappy favourite of Queen Elizabeth, and was born at Essex-house in the Strand, in 1592.




SIR THOMAS OVERBURY. xxxv
four at one corner, and four at another, who descended upon the stage, downright perpendicular fashion, like a bucket into a well, but came gently slipping down. These eight, after the sacrifice was ended, represented the eight nuptial powers of Juno Pronuba, who came down to confirm the union. The men were clad in crimson and the women in white; they had every one a white plume of the richest hemrns' feathers, and were so rich in jewels upon their heads, as was most glorious. I think they hired and borrowed all the principal jewels and ropes of pearl, both in court and city. The Spanish ambassador seemed but poor to the meanest of them. They danced all variety of dances, both severally and promiscuem; and then the women took in men, as, namely, the Prince, who danced with as great perfection, and as settled a majesty, as could be devised. The Spanish ambassador, the Archduke's ambassador, the Duke, &c., and the men, gleaned out of the Queen, the bride and the greatest of the ladies." *
After the ceremony it was thought proper to separate the youthful pair till they had arrived at riper years. The young Earl was sent on his travels, while the bride remained at court with her mother, a lady whose indifferent morals rendered her totally unfit for such a charge. The Countess of Essex was suffered to mix at this early age in all the vanities and temptations of a profligate court; the danger of which measure was heightened by her acknowledged beauty, which soon constituted her the idol of
* Mr. Pory to Sir Robert Cotton, Jan. 1606, in Bishop Goodman's Court of James the First, vol. ii. p. 125.




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general admiration, and the object of amorous addresses.
In the mean time, after an absence of three or four years, her husband returned to England, full of natural eagerness to behold the young and beautiful creature whom he was to claim as his wife. But so far was the lady from sharing his anxiety, that she had engaged her affections to another, and regarded with the utmost horror the prospect of passing her days with the homely Essex. Among her admirers she reckoned the favourite Somerset, and Henry the heir to the throne.* The Prince had been from the beginning extremely jealous of the favours which his father had heaped upon his pampered minion, and his antipathy was not diminished, when on their becoming candidates for the favours of the same lady his rival proved successful.t
Essex, discovering that his person and matrimonial claims were treated with disdain, applied to the
S* The authors who have asserted the fact of the prince's passion for Lady Essex are Wilson, Sanderson (the writer of Aulicus Coquinarias) and Sir Simonds D'Ewes. On the other hand Sir Charles Cornwallis, who was the prince's treasurer, assures us, that Henry never showed a particular inclination to any of the ladies of the Court. See Birch's Life of Prince Henry, 8vo. 1760, p. 402.
f A great enmity certainly subsisted between Somerset and the Prince, whatever were the grounds of it. "Some that knew the bickerings between the Prince and the Viscount muttered out dark sentences that durst not look into the light; especially, Sir James Elphington, who, (observing the Prince one day to be discontented with the Viscount) offered to kill him: but the Prince reproved him with a gallant spirit, saying, If there were cause lie would do it himself' "- Wilson's Life and Reign of James I. 1653.




SIR TH OMAS OVERBURY. xxxvii
father of his bride to prevail on her to consummate the marriage. But the first principles of virtue in the Countess being undermined, her mind revolted at the idea of retiring with her husband to his seat in the country, or residing with him on conjugal terms.
" A belief in the arts of necromancy is well known to have characterised this age; a creed which had the king himself for its patron, and rooted superstition for its source. Nay, there is little doubt but many practised and studied it from a confidence in its efficacy, and thus had really dealings with the Prince of Darkness, as far as the gross impiety and turpitude of such attempts could place them in connexion with him."
The dilemma in which the Countess was now placed, suggested the idea of applying to some black magician of the day, in order to divert the affection of her husband from her, debilitate his body, and heighten and enflame the illicit passion of Somerset. She found a willing assistant in Anne Turner, a doctor of physic's widow, a woman whom prodigality and looseness had brought low; yet her pride would make her fly any pitch, rather than fall into the jaws of want."* This woman introduced her to Dr. Forman, of Lambeth, a reputed wizard, one of those
* Mrs. Turner was remarkable for her great beauty, and for the introduction of the starched yellow ruff." When Coke, the Lord Chief Justice, sentenced her to death for her share in the murder of Overbury, he added the strange order, that as she was the person who had brought yellow starched ruffs into vogue, she should be hanged in that dress, that the same might end in shame and detesta. tion." Even the hangman who executed this unfortunate woman was decorated with yellow ruffs on the occasion,




xxxviii THE LIFE OF
singular compounds of science and knavery of whom the age boasted many. After being made acquainted with the nature of the case, the magician commenced his spells, and produced several little waxen images, intended to represent Somerset, the Earl of Essex, and the Countess herself, assuming a power of working upon them by these forms, sympathetically.* He dispensed also his philtrous doses, to be adThere is a wood-cut of Mrs. Turner attached to her dying speech and confession, preserved in the Library of the Antiquarian Society. She was executed at Tyburn, 15th November, 1615, and according to the authority of a bystander (Bishop Goodman's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 146), died a true penitent. Nicols, in his charming poem of" Overbury's Vision," 1616, thus eulogises her :" The roses on her lovely cheeks were dead
The earth's pale colour had all overspread
Her sometime lively look; and cruel Death,
Coming untimely with his wintry breath,
Blasted the fruit, which, cherry-like, in show,
Upon her dainty lips did whilom grow.
O how the cruel cord did misbecome
Her comely neck! and yet by law's just doom
Had been her death. Those locks, like golden thread,
That used in youth to enshrine her globe-like head,
Hung careless down; and that delightful limb Her snow-white nimble hand, that used to trim
Those tresses up, now spitefully did tear
And rend the same; nor did she now forbear
To beat that breast of more than lily white
Which sometime was the bed of sweet delight.
From those two springs where joy did whilom dwell,
Grief's pearly drops upon her pale cheek fell."
* The death of Edward VI. was said to have been compassed" by witchcraft and figures of wax." The practice of attempting to destroy the lives of individuals by such processes, was formerly not uncommon. Dobenek, in his Volksglauben des Deutschen Mittelalters, ii. 20-28, has a curious chapter on this subject. See also Thoms' Anecdotes and Traditions, printed by the Camden Society, 1839.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERBURY. xxxix
ministered to the respective parties; and Mrs. Turner having an inclination for Sir Arthur Manwaring, a gentleman of the Prince's household, some of the love-powder was secretly administered by her intervention to him, by the effect of which they believed he was made to ride fifteen miles in a dark night, through a storm of rain and thunder, to visit her. The Countess however was credulous as to the operation of these doses on her own husband, and on Somerset, and observed with admiration their effects, although," as Mr. Kemp observes, the licentious passion of the one which she encouraged, and her coldness towards the other, were quite sufficient to fan the lawless flame on one side, and extinguish conjugal affection on the other, without the aid of the Sidrophel of Lambeth."
The Earl of Essex, however, now beginning too plainly to observe the misdirected inclinations of his wife, interfered once more with her father, to point out to her the obedience due to him as a husband, and, fortified by his authority, removed his Countess to his seat at Chartley, in Staffordshire, one hundred miles from the court.
On her arrival there, she affected to be overcome with a deep melancholy, refused all society whatever with the Earl, shut herself up in her chamber with her female attendants, and stirred out only in the dead of the night.
In the mean time, she continued to receive and administer Forman's damnable compositions to her husband, by means of her corrupted agents.* He,
* Simon Forman, the wizard and astrologer, though




xl THE LIFE OF
wearied at length with her humour, and thinking he had married one either lunatic or possessed of a devil, even let her return to the court, as the sphere most suitable to her phantasies.
"About seven years had elapsed since the representation of the 'Masque of Hiymen,' when the attention of the people of England was fixed on a transaction in which the parties were the somewhat incongruous personages of a King, Bishops, Doctors of Civil Law, Matrons, and Midwives. The females of this junto were directed to examine whether the Countess of Essex (the Child-Bride of the Masque of Hymen) appeared to their eyes when disrobed, to be still a virgin; whilst their royal, right-reverend, and learned associates were to decide, according to the verdict of the matrons, whether the lady had shown any adequate cause for divorce. The unionmaker, King James, not only sanctioned the proceedings, but impatiently urged them on, and dictated their final conclusion.* This was, in effect, that the
undoubtedly a rogue, was far superior in learning and ingenuity to the rest of his mountebank brotherhood. Notices of him may be seen in Wood's Athenm Oxon., and in Lilly's Life and Times. See also, The Autobiography and Personal Diary of Dr. Simon Forman, the celebrated Astrologer, 1552-1602,from unpublished MSS. in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Edited by J. 0. Halliwell. Small 4to.
* Lord Southampton, in a letter to Sir Ralph Winwood, dated Aug. 6, 1613, says, Of the nullity I see you have heard as much as I can write; by which you may discern the power of a king with judges; for of those which are now for it, I knew some of them, when I was in England, were vehemently against it, as the Bishops of Ely, [Andrews,] and Coventry, [Neyle.] The Archbishop of Canterbury, Abbot," says Weldon, to his everlasting




SIR TITOMAS 0 VERB UR Y. xli
supposed marriage, at which the King had presided, was adjudged to be no marriage at all, on the ground, that, although it could not be suggested that the Earl of Essex, now arrived at the age of twenty-one, was incapable of having children by other women; yet that the matrons discovered apparent cause for believing him incapable of having any by his own wife. A contemporary writer alleges, on the authority of the chamberlain who presided at the door of this court of female inquisition, that Miss Mounson, daughter of Sir Thomas Mounson, was substituted for the Countess, and that, with her face thickly veiled, she eluded the detection of her identity, as she braved the searching investigation of her chastity. If we suppose that the Countess of Essex was herself examined, her previous intrigues with Prince Henry, and the anecdote of her glove, which His Highness refused to pick up, because, he said, it had been stretched by another;' and her midnight interviews, arranged by Mrs. Turner, in Paternosterrow, which are detailed in the course of the Overbury trials, or are to be found in contemporary histories, give room to suspect that the matrons, who were doubtless carefully selected for the nonce, came resolved not to cast the first stone, whatever revelations might meet their eyes.
" We may not be surprised at means being re-sorted to for duping or suborning the matrons, when
fame, mainly opposed all the proceedings, and protested against them, for which he ever after lived in disgrace excluded from the counsell.table, and dyed in disgrace of the king on Earth, though in favour with the King of kings."




xlii THE LIFE OF
we read how the King prohibited the Judges of the Ecclesiastical Court from giving reasons for their opinions, and endeavoured to overawe the Archbishop of Canterbury by a singular argument ad verecundiam, couched in the following terms:-' I will conclude, therefore, that, if a Judge should have a prejudice in respect of persons, it should become you rather to have a faith implicit in my judgment, as well in respect of some skill I have in divinity, as also that I hope no honest man doubts of the uprightness of my conscience. And the best thankfulness that you, that are so far my creature,' can use towards me, is to reverence and follow my judgment, and not to contradict it, except where you may demonstrate unto me that I am mistaken or wrong informed. And so farewell.-James R.' The royal writer of this letter assumed the character of a divine and a jurist, and trampled on the independence of a high court of justice, whilst he was, in reality, demeaning himself as the founder of a flagrant act of adultery."*
The jury of grave matrons of course returned a verdict favourable to the allegations on which the Countess's suit was founded, and the Commissioners, the Bishops of Winchester, Ely, Coventry, Lichfield, and Rochester, Sir Julius Coesar, Sir Thomas Parry, and Sir Daniel Dun, signed a sentence of
* The Great Oyer of Poisoning: The Trial of the Earl of Somerset for the poisoning of Sir Thomas Overbury, in the Tower of London, and various matters connected therewith, from contemporary MSS. By Andrew Amos, Esq. Lond. 8vo., 1846. This is a volume of great research, embodying a number of valuable papers and documents, unused by the historians of the period.




SIR THOMAS OVERBURY. xliii
divorce, in which the sacred name of the Source of all purity and created being was invoked as a sanction to a decree, the details of which are superlatively disgusting.*
It was while these matters were in the course of agitation, that Overbury solemnly and affectionately forewarned his friend against the ruinous course which he was so blindly pursuing. lie urged "the marrying the Countess would not only be hurtful to his preferment, but helpful to subvert and overthrow him, and who would (being possessed of so great possibilities as he was, so great honours and large revenues, and daily in expectation of others) cast all away upon a woman, noted for her injury and immodesty, and pull upon himself the hatred and contempt of great personages for so small a matter?" He spoke of the criminal intercourse which had already taken place between them, and added, that as she had already deserted a husband for his sake, she might hereafter be induced to grant the same favours to another. He even went so far as to call her a strumpet, and her mother and brother bawds." Overbury was well qualified to give his advice on the occasion. le had a perfect knowledge of the lady's character, and had been employed throughout the intrigue; indeed, he is said to have composed many exquisite letters and love-poems for Somerset, which had gone far in raising that excess
* Those who wish to read a full and particular account" of this transaction, are referred to Truth brought to Light by Time, or A Discourse and Historicall Narra. tion of the first xmii yeares of King James' Reigne. Lon. don, 4to. 1651.




xliv THE LIFE OF
of passion which afterwards led to murder and disgrace.
" The Countess," says the writer of the Secret History of the Reign of King James I., in the Iarleian library, (before quoted) having, ere this borne a deadly hate towards Overbury, because he had oftentimes before dissuaded the Viscount to abstain from her company; yet now, having disclosed unto her his speech, she becomes much more revengeful, especially because he had taxed her with a bad name." The fate of Overbury was from this moment sealed. A deep laid plot was formed to ensnare him, to which, as we shall see, he ultimately fell a victim.
It was proposed to involve Overbury in a quarrel with one of the courtiers, and thus obtain his imprisonment. There were none who would quarrel with him, and the scheme failed. Sir Davie Wood, in some proceeding, had sought Somerset's interest, and he consented, provided Overbury should be a sharer with him; this failed, and Sir Davie imbibed a hatred of Overbury, who he considered was the sole cause of his non-success. The Countess, aware of this ill-feeling, sought, under the promise of one thousand pounds, to induce Wood to effect Overbury's assassination. Sir Davie accepted the terms, but required a surety from Somerset of a pardon from the King for the act; but as that instrument could not be procured, Wood prudently declined proceeding.*
* In a MS. copy of the "Arraignment of the Earl of Somerset," in the State Paper Office, it is mentioned that




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URY. xlv
" Then," says D'Ewes, it was advised by the subtle head of Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, and Lord Privy Seal, her [the Countess of Somerset's] great uncle, that Viscount Rochester should outwardly reconcile himself to Sir Thomas Overbury, and that some means should be used to send Sir Thomas to the Tower; after which they might at leisure advise what further course to take."
" The plot then must be," says Weldon, "he must be sent a leidger embassadour into France,* which by obeying, they should be rid of so great an eye-sore; by disobeying, he incurred the displeasure of his prince, a contempt that he could not expect less than imprisonment for, and by that means be sequestered from his friend." An interesting account of what followed is given by Sir H. Wotton, in a letter to Sir Edmund Bacon, dated Thursday, St. George's Eve (22nd April,) 1613.
" Yesterday about six o'clock at evening, Sir Thomas Overbury was from the council-chamber conveyed by a clerk of the council and two of the guard to the Tower, and there, by warrant, consigned to the lieutenant as close prisoner: which,
Sir Davie Wood desired to have an assurance of pardon for assassinating Overbury under the Earl of Somerset's hand, which being denied him, he refused to undertake it, and so the enterprise was quashed." But the printed report states that when the Countess told Sir Davie that the Earl's assurance of pardon could not be got, she further "promised all favour possible to him, and warranted him to go on upon her life."
* Bishop Goodman says, "As I remember, it was not to France, but to some meaner place." (i. 219.) Sir Simonds D'Ewes says, it was proposed to send him "ambassador to Russia.'.' (i. 73.)




xlvi THE LIFE OF
both by the suddenness, like a stroke of thunder, and more by the quality and relation of the person, breeding in the beholders (whereof by chance I was one) very much amazement, and being likely in some proportion to breed the like in the hearers, I will adventure, for the satisfying of your thoughts about it, to set down the forerunning and leading causes of this accident, as far as in so short a time I have been able to wade in so deep a water.
" It is conceived that the King hath a good while been much distasted with the said gentleman, even in his own nature, for too stiff a carriage of his fortune; besides that scandalous offence of the Queen at Greenwich, which was never but a palliated cure. Upon which considerations his majesty resolving to sever him from my Lord of Rochester, and to do it not disgracefully nor violently, but in some honourable fashion, commanded not long since the archbishop by way of familiar discourse to propound unto him the embassage of France or of the Archduke's court, whereof the one was shortly to be changed, and the other, at the present, vacant. In which proposition it seemeth, though shadowed under the archbishop's good will, that the King was also contented some little light should be given him of his majesty's inclination unto it, grounded upon his merit. At this the fish did not bite; whereupon the King took a rounder way, commanding my Lord Chancellor and the Earl of Pembroke to propound jointly the same unto him, which the archbishop had before named, as immediately from the King; and to sanction it the more, he had, as I hear, an offer made him of assurance, before his going, of the




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB UR Y. xlvii
place of treasurer of the chamber, which he expecteth after the death of the Lord Stanhope, whom belike the King would have drawn to some reasonable composition. Notwithstanding all these motives and impulses, Sir Thomas Overbury refused to be sent abroad, with such terms as were by the council interpreted pregnant of contempt, in a case where the King had opened his will; which refusal of his, I should for my part esteem an eternal disgrace to our occupation, if withal I did not consider how hard it is to pull one from the bosom of a favourite. Thus you see the point upon which one hath been committed, standing in the second degree of power in the court, and conceiving (as himself told me but two hours before) never better than at the present, of his own fortunes and ends.
" Now in this whole matter there is one main and principal doubt, which doth trouble all understandings; that is, whether this were done without the participation of my Lord Rochester; a point necessarily inviting two different consequences. For if it were done without his knowledge, we must expect of himself either a decadence or a ruin; if not, we must then expect a reparation by some other great public satisfaction whereof the world may take as much notice. These clouds a few days will clear. In the mean while, I dare pronounce of Sir Thomas Overbury, that he shall return no more to this stage, unless courts be governed every year by a new philosophy, for our old principles will not bear
it.Reliqu Wottonian, ed. 1672, p. 408.
* :Reliania Wottonianse, ed. 1672. U. 408.




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If the author of "Aulicus Coquinarie,"* can be relied on, Overbury's conduct in this transaction was well calculated to aggravate the King. He says, It was his (Overbury's) own seeking, as best fitting his excellent parts to present the King's person in embassie to France, which to my knowledge he accepted, and seemingly prepared to advance. The same writer furthermore adds, I know his instructions were drawn, and additionals thereto, by his own consent."
The scandalous affair at Greenwich," to which Wotton alludes in the letter just quoted, is thus related in Bishop Goodman's Court of King James I. "The Queen,"he says, "was looking out of her window into the garden, where Somerset and Overbury were walking; and when the Queen saw them, she said, There goes Somerset and his governor,' and a little after Overbury did laugh. The Queen conceiving that he had overheard her, thought they had laughed at her, whereupon she complained, and Overbury was committed. But when it did appear unto the Queen that they did not hear her, and that their laughter did proceed from a jest which the King was pleased to use that day at dinner, then the Queen was well satisfied and he was released."
Anne of Denmark, however, never forgave Overbury. Writing to the Earl of Salisbury, she says, in allusion to him:
"My Lord,
The King hath told me that he will advise with
* William Sanderson, author of the Histories of James I. and Charles 1 His works are chiefly compilations of little authority. The Aulicus Coquinarie is an answer to Weldon.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URY. xlix
you and some other four or five of the Council of that fellow. I can say no more, either to make you understand the matter or my mind, than I said the other day. Only I recommend to your care how public the matter is now, both in court and city, and how far I have reason in that respect, I refer the rest to this bearer, and myself to your love, ANNA R."
The Earl of Salisbury seems to have acted as a mediator in this affair. In the second volume of Goodman's Court of James, is preserved the following letter from Overbury to the Earl.
" My Honorable Lord,
As your lordship was a judge of mine innocence before, so would I now crave that favour, that your lordship would vouchsafe to be witness of the submission both of myself and cause to the Queen's mercy; which I desire you rather, because as I understand her Majesty is not fully satisfied of the integrity of my intent that way: and to that purpose, if your lordship will grant me access and audience, I shall hold it as a great favour, and ever rest,
Your Lordship's to be commanded, T. OVERBURY.
London, 11th of September.
Overbury is accused of pride and insolence, and the various records of the time, handed down to us, certainly give some colour to the imputation. At any rate during his short career he had made many enemies. The King, the Queen, the powerful Earl of Somerset, the Countess of Essex, and the various
d




1 THE LIFE OF
members of the Howard family were all eager for his downfall.
The last act of the tragedy was now advancing, and Wotton prophesied truly, when he heard of Overbury's committal to the Tower, that he should return no more to this stage." Sir Simonds D'Ewes, whose contemporary accounts of many of the transactions of this reign, are full of interest, says, As soon as the Countess of Essex had gotten him [Overbury] cooped up there, she began to plot with Mrs. Anne Turner by what means she might make him away. Sir William Wade, Knight, an honest and upright man, was then Lieutenant of the Tower; during whose continuance in his place, which was but a few days after, he had fair and noble usage. But the Countess's revenge brooking no delay, and finding Sir William Wade's integrity to be corruption-proof, so as remained no hope of making him an instrument of murder, she used means at Court to remove him out of his place; and settled Sir Jervis Elvis, Knight, in his room, upon the 6th day of May next following, being about fifteen days after Sir Thomas Overbury's imprisonment."
The gaoler who had the care of Overbury was next removed, and one Richard Weston, a man well acquainted with the power of drugs, was by the Countess specially commanded to that appointment. The poisoners now commenced their work.
" Upon the 19th day of the same month, Weston, being yet scarcely of two days' standing in his new office, had a little glass full of rosaker sent him, being a water of a yellowish green colour, with which he that very day poisoned Sir Thomas Overbury's broth;




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB UR Y. li
from which time, for the space of three months and six days, he had several poisons administered unto him in tarts, jellies, physic, and almost in everything he took; so as the stronger his body and constitution were, the more horrible were his torments; having sometimes, upon the taking of one only fascinated potion, threescore stools and vomits, and divers of them mixed with blood."
Sir Simonds D'Ewes' account of Overbury's sufferings are confirmed by the following passages in a series of letters written by the unhappy prisoner, some extracts from which are preserved among the Harleian MSS.* The persons herein named were well-known physicians, of whom more anon.
" I have now sent to the leiftennant to desire you (Mayerus being absent) to send young Crag hither and Nessmith; if Nessmith be away, send I pray Crag and Allen."
" This morning (notwithstanding my fasting till yesterday) I find a great heat continew in all my bodye; and the same desire of drinke and loathing of meat, and my water is strangly high, which I keep till Mayerus com."
" I was lett blood wensday x o'clock; to this fryday morning my heat slackens nott, my water remains as high, my thirstines the same; the same loathing of meat, having eat not a bitt since thursday was senight to this howre; the same scworing [sic] and vomitting. Yesternight about eight o'clocke, after Mr. Mayerus was gone, I faynted."
* No. 7002, a MS. hitherto unnoticed by all who have written upon the Overbury murder. It would have thrown much light upon the subject of Mr. Amos's third chapter




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SCertainly this gentleman's extreme misery," says D'Ewes, is scarce to be paralleled by any examples of former ages; being cut off in the midst of his hopes, and in the flower of his youth; betrayed by his friend, and prostituted to the cruelty of his fatal enemy; sent to prison as it were in a jest, and there undergoing many deaths, to satiate the implacable malice of one cruel murderess; debarred from the sight of friends, divines, and physicians, and only cumbered with the daily converse of his treacherous executioner. His own father, not being able to entertain the least speech with him-no, nor so much as to see him, petitioned the King for remedy, from whom he received a gracious answer; but was prevented by Viscount Rochester from ever reaping any good effect by it, or happy issue from it, on whom he yet relied for relief and help: but he that had betrayed the son, did as easily delude the father. Towards this end, to fill his soul yet with greater horror, they conveyed him to a dark and unwholesome prison, where he scarce beheld the light of the sun to refresh him. His youth, indeed, even to the day of his imprisonment, had been spent vainly enough, according to the Court garb; and he now found need of comfort from Heaven, before he had fully studied the way thither: and in this appears the devilish and barbarous fury of his enemies; who by debarring him from the sight and conference of all godly ministers, did, as much as in them lay, endeavour to destroy both his soul and body together."
The poisoners proceeded slowly in their work. The catastrophe being thus delayed, a suspicion was excited in the minds of his employers that Weston




SIR THOMAS 0 VERBURY. liii
was playing a double part. The Countess sent for him; reviled him for his treachery; and joining with him in the bloody work one James Franklin, an apothecary "then dwelling on the back side of the Exchange," used such arguments as induced him to enter more vigorously on his task. Still the work was unaccomplished. Mayerne, the King's physician, (whom as we have already seen was in attendance upon Overbury) recommended as medical attendant one Paul de Lobell, an apothecary dwelling in Limestreet, near the Tower. This man with less compunction, administered a clyster on Sept. 14th, that ended all anxieties on the part of the persons involved in the guilty transaction. Sir Thomas Overbury, already prostrated by the frequent appliance of the poisons, whichWeston affirmed to have been sufficient to destroy twenty other men, was a mass of sores, and reduced to skin and bone. In this wretched condition he expired about five o'clock in the morning of Wednesday, Sept. 15, 1613, and was buried in the body of the choir of the church within the Tower, between three and four P. ~. on that day.
" And now the great ones," says Sir Simonds D'Ewes, thought all future danger to be inhumed with the dead body; and therefore, shortly after, in the year 1614, the Viscount Rochester, then created Earl of Somerset, married the lady Francis Howard, who had been divorced from the Earl of Essex the year before. Sir Jervis Elvis, Mrs. Turner, and Weston, and Franklin, all rested secure to be borne out by Somerset's power, if anything should be questioned; and so were all the actors in the tragedy, the apothecary excepted, that administered the last




liv THE LIFE OF
fatal glister, all in a moment seized upon as soon as the thing itself was discovered, although Weston presently left the Lieutenant's service after he had despatched the work he had undertaken."
The discovery of the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury, which gave occasion to Somerset's fall, has been attributed to various persons, D'Ewes and Bishop Goodman coincide. It came first to light," observes the former, by a strange accident of Sir Ralph Winwood, Knight, one of the Secretaries of State, his dining with Sir Jervis Elvis, Lieutenant of the said Tower, at a great man's [the Earl of Shrewsbury's] table, not far from White-hall. For that great man, commending the same Sir Jervis to Sir Ralph Winwood as a person in respect of his many good qualities very worthy of his acquaintance, ,Sir Ralph answered him, that he should willingly embrace his acquaintance, but that he could first wish he had cleared himself of a foul suspicion the world generally conceived of him, touching the death of Sir Thomas Overbury. As soon as Sir Jervis heard that, being very ambitious of the Secretary's friendship, he took occasion to enter into private conference with him, and therein to excuse himself to have been enforced to connive at the said murder, with much abhorring of it. He confessed the whole circumstance of the execution of it in general, and the instruments to have been set on work by Robert Earl of Somerset and his wife. Sir Ralph Winwood, having gained the true discovery of this bloody practice from one of the actors, even beyond his expectation, parted from the Lieutenant of the Tower in a very familiar and friendly manner, as if




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URY. 1v
he had received good satisfaction by the excuse he had framed for himself, but soon after acquainted the King's Majesty with it."
Wilson's narrative of the discovery of the murder differs from this. He says, the apothecary's boy, that gave Sir Thomas Overbury the glister, falling sick at Flushing, revealed the whole matter, which Sir Ralph Winwood, by his correspondents, had a full relation of ; and a small breach being made, his enemies, like the noise of many waters, rise up against him, following the stream."
Roger Coke in his Detection of the Court and State of England," published in 1696, gives a minute account of the arrest of Somerset.* He states that the King was at Royston, on a royal progress, and Somerset was with him; and when the King had been there about a week, next day he designed to proceed to Newmarket, and Somerset to return to London, when Sir Ralph [Winwood] came to iRoyston, and acquainted the King with what he had discovered about Sir Thomas Overbury's murder. The King was so surprised herewith, that he posted away a messenger to Sir Edward Coke, to apprehend the Earl: I speak this with confidence," exclaims the writer, because I had it from one of Sir Edward's sons.
" Sir Edward lay then at the Temple, and measured out his time at regular hours, two whereof
* Roger Coke was the grandson of Sir Edward Coke, by his fourth son, through whom the present title to the Holkham property is derived. The author died at the age of seventy-seven, and lived during the latter part of his life within the rules of the Fleet Prison.




Ivi THE LIFE OF
were to go to bed at nine o'clock, and in the morning to rise at three. At this time Sir Edward's son, and some others, were in Sir Edward's lodging, but not in bed, when the messenger, about one in the morning, knocked at the door, where the son met him, and knew him: says he, I come from the King, and must immediately speak with your father.' 'If you come from ten kings,' he answered, you shall not; for I know my father's disposition to be such, that if he be disturbed in his sleep, he will not be fit for any business; but if you will do as we do, you shall be welcome; and about two hours hence my father will rise, and then you may do as you please:' to which he assented.
" At three Sir Edward rung a little bell, to give notice to his servant to come to him: and then the messenger went to him and gave him the King's letter; and Sir Edward immediately made a warrant to apprehend Somerset, and sent to the King that he would wait upon him that day.
" The messenger went back post to Royston, and arrived there about ten in the morning. The King had a loathsome way of lolling his arms about his Favourites' necks, and kissing them; and in this posture the messenger found the King with Somerset, saying, When shall I see thee again ?' Somerset then designing for London, when he was arrested by Sir Edward's warrant. Somerset exclaimed, that never such an affront was offered to a Peer of England in the presence of the King. Nay man,' said the King, if Coke sends for me, I must go;' and when he was gone, Now the Deel go with thee,'




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB UR Y. lvii
said the King, for I will never see thy face any more.' "*
The King's detestable hypocrisy and dissimulation are apparent throughout the whole of this transaction. Sir Edward Coke, arriving the same day at Royston, James expressed the strongest determination to discover and punish the crime, without any respect of persons: he added, that if he pardoned any one of them, he hoped God's curse might light on him and his posterity. How little the King respected this solemn imprecation is known by the sequel.
Shortly after Somerset's arrival in London, he was committed to the Tower, to the custody of Sir George More; and his Countess was restrained under charge of Sir William Smyth at the Blackfriars. The accomplices in the murder were first arraigned, and suffered; being Weston, Franklin, Mrs. Turner, and Sir Jervise Elwes.t The latter
* This singular passage concerning the King's parting with the Earl of Somerset, confirms the statements made by Weldon. But it appears from the documents discovered in the State Paper Office, and printed by Mr. Amos (pp. 38 to 41), that Somerset was not arrested at Royston by Sir E. Coke's warrant. He was allowed to come to London, and was arrested shortly afterwards at Whitehall. This however does not impugn the main statements of Coke. Mr. Amos remarks, When the king parted with Somerset at Royston, he might have kissed him in the way he had been accustomed to do, and might have foreseen that those kisses would not have to be repeated."
f The arraignments, trials, and confessions of all these parties, may be seen in Truth brought to Light by Time," and in Mr. Amos's Great Oyer of Poisoning." ". However atrocious may have been the conduct of the prisoners," remarks Mr. C. W. Johnson in his Life of Sir-




Iviii THE LIFE OF
indeed, obtained some pity, as he had been only the passive accomplice of the deed. He was convicted on some few expressions contained in a letter from him to the Earl of Northampton,* and bore in his dying words a strong testimony to the force of conscience. "At my arraignment," said he, I pleaded hard for my life, and protested mine innocency; but when my own pen came against me, I was not able to speak, but stood as one amazed, or that had no tongue."
The Countess of Somerset was tried on May 24, 1616. She pleaded guilty, but hoped for mercy; and being pregnant, had determined not to perish on the scaffold, but to accomplish her own death by placing a wet towel upon her abdomen, after being delivered of her infant.t
Upon the approach of Somerset's trial, Weldon
Edward Coke, "however clear their guilt, the government so managed the trials, as to render the whole proceeding full of mystery, real or affected,-mystery which all pos. terior researches have failed to clear away."
* Henry Howard Earl of Northampton, was the second son of the lamented Earl of Surrey. A long career of folly and artifice was followed by an old age of infamy and crime. He had actually completed his seventieth year, when he became a pander to the dishonour of his own niece in her adulterous intrigue with Somerset." Of his share in the murder of Overbury, not the remotest doubt exists. See Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 481; Wood's Ath. Oxon., and Cotton MS. Titus 6. vii. fol. 465. He died June 15, 1614; had he lived but a few months longer, the gallows most assuredly would have been his doom.
t It is related that when she was committed to the Tower, she passionately entreated the Lieutenant that she might not be imprisoned in the same room in which Overbury had died. Her guilty conscience dreaded to weet the spectre of her victim.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB UB Y. lix
t relates that, Sir George More telling him he must q go to trial the next day, he exclaimed, "they must Scarry me in my bed then; for I shall not go to t trial, nor dare the King bring me to any !" These 1 words so alarmed the trusty Lieutenant, that late as it was, twelve at night, he took boat and proceeded to Greenwich, where, on his arrival, finding all the household retired to rest, he went to the back stairs, and knocking violently at the door, John Loreston, one of the grooms in waiting, started from his slumber, and demanded who knocked so boisterously at such an hour. Sir George More. I must speak with the King." Loreston. He is quiet" (a Scottish phrase for asleep.) Sir George More. You must awake him then, for I have matter of great import
*for his Majesty's ear." Sir George was accordingly at length introduced into the presence, and the King hearing his relation, exclaimed, On my soul, More, I know not what to do! Thou art a wise man, help mne in this great strait, and thou shalt find thou servest a thankful master." Sir George accordingly returned to the Tower, and told Somerset that he found the King full of grace and mercy towards him, but that he must make his appearance to satisfy the preliminary forms of justice, and he shall then return without further proceedings had. It is added that two servants were kept in readiness by Sir George all the time of Somerset's arraignment, with a view to smother his voice if he uttered anything to impeach the King; in order that he might be taken away from the bar as one distract: and it is not a little remarkable," adds Mr. Kemp, that the King (in the letters preserved at Losely Hall) dwells




lx THE LIFE OF
much on the idea of Somerset being mad, if he should saytheKing had any share in the poisoning."*
The King, says Weldon, on the day of trial sent to every boat he saw, for news how the cause was proceeding, cursing (according to his custom) all those which brought none. At length arrived one with the news of Somerset's condemnation; then this great master of kingeraft became calm. Weldon states all this on the authority of Sir George More's own relation, who told him the story, he says, without any injunction of secrecy; an assertion borne out from the indifference with which the services of Sir George More were requited by the King.
Somerset bore his trial bravely. An eye witness observes,-" A thing worthy of note in him was his constancy and undaunted carriage in all the time of his arraignment, which, as it began, so it did continue to the end without any change or alteration." t
Mr. Amos, who prints the Earl's speech from q MS. in the State Paper Office, observes, that it displays a flow of natural eloquence that might have become a suffering patriot."
As to his criminality, Weldon expresses the fol* The letters of the King to Sir George More, preserved at Losely Hall, are remarkable confirmations of the truth of Weldon's statements. They were published in the year 1835, by Mr. A. J. Kemp, from the originals in the possession of James More Molyneux, Esq.
t A valuable report of the trial of the Earl of Somerset is preserved among the archives of the State Paper Office. It is indorsed in the handwriting of Sir R. Winwood, and differs considerably from the printed report. The latter was evidently prepared for the public eye by omissions and emendations. See Mr. Amos's Great Oyer of Poisoning, Section 11, p. 112.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URY. lxi
lowing opinion on the subject. Many believe the Earl of Somerset guilty of Overbury's death, but the most thought him guilty only of the breach of friendship (and that in a high point) by suffering his imprisonment, which was the highway to his murder; and this conjecture I take to be of the soundest opinion."
According to a valuable memoranda in one of the Losely papers, it appears to have been the opinion of the son-in-law of Sir George More (the Lieutenant of the Tower before mentioned) that Somerset was innocent of Overbury's murder; but that he was prosecuted, because King James was weary of him, and Buckingham had supplied his place." He grounds his opinion upon conversations with the Earl of Somerset's chief servant. The author of the Annals of King James, printed in 1681, writes: Some that were then at Somerset's trial, and not partial, conceived in conscience, and as himself says to the King, that he fell rather by want of well defending, than by force of proofs."
The Earl and Countess of Somerset received a pardon from the King, and were released from the Tower in January 1621. The Countess died in obscurity, August 23, 1632, leaving a daughter Ann, who married Lord William Russell, afterwards Duke of Bedford. Somerset survived till July 1645.*
* Some curious papers have been published in the Archeologia of the Antiquarian Society, from which it appears that James consulted Somerset, long after the trial, concerning the proceedings of Villiers, whose insolence had awakened the jealousy and apprehensions of the




lxii TIlE LIFE OF
We must now turn to a remarkable fact in connection with Overbury's death. During the time of his imprisonment, from the 9th of May to the 15th of September, he was constantly visited by three physicians-Dr. Mayerne, Dr. Craig, and Sir Robert Killegrew. Now it must strike the reader as not a little singular, if, as Sir F. Bacon in his opening speech on Somerset's trial states, "Weston chased Sir T. Overbury with poison after poison, poison in salt meats, poison in sweet meats, poison in medicines and vomits," that these learned medical men should not have detected the symptoms. It is also worthy of remark, that the King's chief physician Dr. Mayerne, was not examined at the trial. Killigrew, and Lobell the apothecary, who were examined, were not asked if Sir Thomas Overbury exhibited any symptoms of having been poisoned. It must be borne in mind too, that Lobell was a Frenchman, and that he was placed in immediate attendance upon Overbury by his countryman Dr. Mayerne. The clyster alleged to have contained corrosive sublimate, which was the only imputed cause of Overbury's death, at all proximate to that event in point of time, and which was stated (or rather related to have been stated) by Weston, to have actually killed him, was by the like evidence said to have been administered by Lobell or one of his assistants.
In Bacon's celebrated expostulation with Sir Edward Coke, there is a remarkable passage indicating
Sovereign who had spoiled him by his unmeasured favour. The papers alluded to were found by Lord Sinclair, of Nesbit House in Berwickshire, when he became possessed of that ancient seat of the Carr family.




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URJY. 1xiii
that the poisoning of Overbury, was only a detached part of an extensive system of secret poisoning. The author of Truth brought to light by Time," says, There never was known, in so short a time, so many great men die with suspition of poyson and witchcraft: for there was first my Lord Treasurer, the Prince, the Lord Harrington and his sonne, Sir Thomas Overbury, Northampton, and besides these, which are no less than sixe, within three years and a half; and the two Monsons, which yet remain untryed."
Dr. Mayerne had been physician to Henry IV. of France, and was well experienced in the secret state poisonings of the French capital. He was invited over to England by King James in order to be his own physician, and there seems little doubt that he was the prime mover in the secret state poisonings of the English capital.*
SDr. Theodore Mayerne was born at Geneva in 1573, and had for his godfather the celebrated Theodore Beza. Hle studied medicine at Heidelberg and Montpellier, at which latter University he took his degree, as doctor of physic, in 1597. He came to England in 1606, and was received into both Universities, and into the College of Physicians. In July 1624 he was honoured by King James with knighthood. On the accession of Charles, he was appointed first physician to him and his queen, and appears to have enjoyed considerable fame and reputation. He is said to have been the first chemist of his time, and one of the earliest practitioners who ventured on the use of mineral medicines. Nevertheless, he seems to have been singularly unfortunate with his patients. John Chamberlain, writing to Sir Dudley Carleton (March 25, 1612), concerning the illness of the Lord Treasurer, adds, "And yet he wants not a whole college of physicians that consult upon him every day, among whom Turquet




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If the conduct of King James, in this melancholy transaction, was free from reproach-if he acted
(Mayerne) takes upon him, and is very confident, though he has failed as often in judgment as any of the rest. His letting blood is generally disallowed, as well by reason as by experience in this case, and in Sir William Cornwallis's, whom, by that means, he despatched very presently." The same, writing to the same, (Nov. 12, 1612) thus speaks of Mayerne's conduct on the last illness of Prince Henry,-" The world here is much dismayed at the loss of so beloved and likely a prince, on such a sudden, and the physicians are much blamed, though, no doubt they did their best. But the greatest fault is laid on Turquet, (Mayerne,) who was so forward to give him a purge the day after he sickened, and so dispersed the disease, as Butler says, into all parts; whereas, if he had tarried till three or four fits or days had been passed, they might the better have judged of the nature of it; or if instead of purging, he had let him blood before it was so much corrupted, there had been more probability. These imputations lie hard upon him, and are the more urged, by reason of a hard censure set forth in print, not long since by the Physicians of Paris against him, wherein they call him temulentum, indoctum, temerarium, et indignum, with whom any learned physician should confer or communicate." Again, the same to the same (Oct. 31, 1617), speaking of Secretary Winwood's death, says, He had all the help that our physicians could afford; but Mayerne never saw him after he had let him blood, for he went straight to the King. Of all men I have no fancy to him; at leastwise, for luck sake; for, by that I have commonly observed, he is commonly unfortunate in any dangerous disease."
In the Diary of Sir Henry Slingsby, of Scriven, Bart., (edited by the Rev. Daniel Parsons, 8vo. Lond. 1836,) is a very interesting notice of Mayerne, introducing us into the physician's study. Sir Henry speaking of his wife's illness, says, The physick I sent her down from London by ye directions of Dr. Mayerne of whom she had taken physick ye year before: for his custom is to register in a book ye diseases and remedies of all his patients, if they be of difficulties, so yt sending for his book he finds wt he




SIR THOMAS O VERB UR Y. lxv
throughout as an innocent spectator of the trials of Overbury's murderers his ill fortune and bad
had done to her formerly, and thereupon prescribes ye same; usually I went in a morning for his advise, about 7 of ye clock, where I us'd to find him set in his study, Wch was a large room furnish'd wth books and pictures; and as one of ye cheifest he had ye picture of ye head of Hyppocrates yt great physitian; and upon his table he had the proportion of a man in wax, to set forth ye ordure and composure of every part: before his table he had a frame wth shelves, wheron he set some books; and behind this he sat to receive those yt came for his advice, for he seldom went to any, for he was corpulent and unweildy; and yn again he was rich, and ye King's physician, and a Knight, wch made him more costly to deal wth all."
Among Mayerne's Medicinal Counsels and Advices, 1676, are some startling receipts. He gives a gout powder, one of the ingredients of which is raspings of a human skull unburied; and again, speaking of the good effects of absorbents, he particularly recommends human bones of the same kind with the part affected. These tokens of superstition," says Aikin in his Biographical Memoirs of Medicine (1780, p. 261), are not invalidated by a recipe contained in the same book, of an unguent for hypochondriacal persons, which he calls his balsam of bats. In the composition of this there enters, adders, bats, sucking whelps, earth-worms, hog's grease, the marrow of a stag, and of the thigh-bone of an ox-ingredients fitter for the witches' cauldron in Macbeth, than a learned physician's prescription."
Mayerne died at Chelsea in the 82nd year of his age, March 15, 1655. It is said that the immediate cause of his death proceeded from the effects of bad wine-which the weakness of old age rendered a quick poison, and that he foretold the event to some friends with whom he had been drinking moderately at a tavern in the Strand. He was buried in the church of St. Martin's in the Fields. Many of Mayerne's papers, are in the Ashmolean Library; others are in the British Museum. He left his library to the Royal College of Physicians.
We are glad to hear that his Ephemerides," or Case books, are to be published by the Camden Society.
e




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management were equally deplorable. But we are not inclined to look upon him as a mere spectator in the affair. He was fully capable of being the principal in all the villany that can be laid to his charge. It may be asked, why did he seek the death of Overbury ? It is sufficient to know that he hated him. The Earl of Southampton writing to Sir R. Winwood, on the 4th of August, 1613, observes, "And much ado there hath been to keep Sir T. Overbury from a public censure of banishment and loss of office, such a rooted hatred lyeth in the King's heart towards him." The true cause of this rooted hatred" is not known. There is a tradition that Overbury was concerned in the murder of Prince Henry, and that his death was only a just retribution.* Some terrible bond of secrecy certainly existed between King James, Somerset, and Overbury, which time has not unravelled, and probably never will.t
* "The Scots have a constant report amongst them, as I learned from one of them, that Sir Thomas Overbury, seeing divers crossings and oppositions to happen between that peerless Prince and the said Rochester, by whose means only he expected to rise; and fearing it would in the end be a means to ruin Rochester himself, did first give that damnable and fatal advice of removing out of the way and world that royal youth by fascination, and was himself afterwards in fact an instrument for the effecting of it; and therefore, say they in Scotland, it happened by the just judgment of God, afterwards as a punishment upon him that he himself died by poison."-Sir Simonds D'Ewes' Autobiography, vol. i. p. 91. SHistorians relate numerous instances of the extent of Somerset's influence with the King; and Mr. Amos remarks, "' The records of the State Paper Office supply a variety of particulars to the same effect." The letter from




SIR THOMAS 0 VERB URY. lxvii
Much-very much could be said upon the Overbury murder, and documents, damning to the King, could, if space permitted, be adduced. But the writer reserves them for an opportunity of entering more fully into the subject.
The character of Mayerne yet remains to be thoroughly investigated, and his connection with the King fully explained. When this has been accomplished it will then probably be found that Dr. Mayerne, the courtly pander to the vices of the great, was the instrument, and James the First, the double-faced, "serpent-tongued," King of England, the murderer!
James to Somerset, printed in Mr. Halliwell's Letters of the Kings of England, vol. ii. p. 126, is perhaps the most extraordinary epistle from a king to a subject on record. As it has been remarked, it prepares the mind for the darker hints and threatened revelations that followed shortly afterwards."
ERRATA.
Page 1, line 14, for "Griffit" read Griffin." Page 54, line 1, for swallowers" read swallowes."







- Tkmas Ozerbury
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WIFE
H I S
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WITH
ADDITION OF
many new ELEGIES upon his
vntimely and much lamented death.
As ALSO
ATew Newes, and diuers more C/haralers,
(never before annexed) written by himfelfe and other much learned Gentlemen.
The ninth imprejfion augmented.
L 0 N D 0 N,
Printed by Edward Grifft for Laurence Li/le, and are to be fold at his fl)hop at the Tigers Head in Paules Churchyard. 1616.







TO THE READER.
HE generall acceptance of this matchlesse Poem the Wife, (written by Sir THOMAS OVERBURIE) is sufficiently approoved by many, the worth whereof if any other out of malice shall neglect to commend, hee may well (if it proceed from nice criticisme) bee excluded as a churlish retainer to the Muses: if from direct plaine dealing, hee shall bee degraded for insufficiency. For had such a Poem beene extant among the ancient Romanes, although they wanted our easie conservations of wit by printing, they would have committed it to brasse, lest injurious time deprive it of due eternity. If to converse with a creature so amiable as is here described, be thought difficult; let the contemplation thereof be held admirable. To which are added (this ninth impression) many new ELEGIES of his untimely




4
death, diverse more CHIIARACTERS, and NEWEs, written by himselfe and others his friends. Howsoever, they are now exposed, not onely to the judicious, but to all that carry the least scruple of mother wit about them.
Licet toto nunc Helicone frui-Mar.
LAU. LISLE.




ELEGIES OF SEVERALL AUTHORS,
ON THE UNTIMELY DEATH OF
SIR THOMAS OVERBURY,
Poysoned in the Tower.
UPON THE UNTIMELY DEATH OF
SIR THOMAS OVERBURIE.
WO ULD ease our sorrows, 'twould release our teares,
Could we but heare those high celestiall
spheres,
Once tune their motions to a dolefull straine, In sympathy of what we mortals plaine: Or see their faire intelligences change Or face or habit, when blacke deeds, so strange, As might force pitty from the heart of hell, Are hatcht by monsters, which among us dwell. The stars me thinks, like men inclinde to sleep, Should through their chrystall casements scarcely peep, Or at least view us but with hale an eye,




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For feare their chaster influence might descry Some murdering hand, oaded in guiltlesse blood, Blending vile juices to destroy the good. The sunne should wed his beames to endlesse night, And in dull darknesse canopy his light, When from the ranke stewes of adult'rous brests, Where every base unhallowed project rests, Is belcht, as in defiance of his shine, A streame might make even death it selfe to pine. But these things happen still, but ne're more cleare, Nor with more lustre did these lamps appeare; Mercury capers with a winged heele, As if he did no touch of sorrow feele, And yet he sees a true Mercurian kill'd, Whose birth his mansion with much honour fll'd. But let me not mistake those pow'rs above, Nor tax injuriously those courts of Jove: Surely, they joy to see these acts reveal'd, Which in blind silence have beene long conceal'd; And Vertue now triumphant, whil'st we mourne To thinke that ere she was foule Vices scorne: Or that poore Over-buries bloude was made A sacrifice to malice and darke shade. Weston, thy hand that Couvre-feu Bell did sway, Which did his life to endlesse sleep convay. But rest thou where thou art; Ile seeke no glory By the relation of so sad a story. If any more were privy to the deed, And for the crime must be adjudg'd to bleed, To heaven I pray, with heav'd up hands and eyes, That as their bodies fall, their soules may rise:




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L And as those equally turne to one dust, SSo these alike may shine among the just, And there make up one glorious constellation, Who suffered here in such a differing fashion.
D. T.
TO THE MEMORY OF THE GENERALLY
BEWAILED GENTLEMAN, SIR
THOMAS OVERBURIE.
BUT that w'are bound in Christian piety To wish Gods will be done; and destiny, (In all that haps to men, or good, or ill) Suffer'd, or sent, by that implored will; Me thinks, t' observe how Vertue drawes faint breath, Subject to slanders, hate, and violent death, Wise men kept low, others advanc'd to state, Right checkt by wrong, and ill men fortunate; These mov'd effects, from an unmoved cause, Might shake the firmest faith; Heavens fixed laws Might casuall seem, and each irregular sense Spurne at just order, blame Gods Providence. But what is man, t' expostulate th' intents Of his high will, or judge of strange events ? The rising sun to mortall sight reveales This earthly globe; but yet the stars conceales; So may the sense discover naturall things; Divine above the reach of humane wings.
Then not the fate, but Fates bad instrument Doe I accuse in each sad accident:




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Good men must fall: rapes, incests, murders come; But woe and curses follow them by whom: God authors all mens actions, not their sin, For that proceeds from dev'lish lust within. Thou then that suffer'dst by those forms so vile, From whom those wicked instruments did file Thy drossie part, to make thy fame shine cleare, And shrine thy soule in heavens all-glorious sphere; Who being good, nought lesse to thee befell, Though it appear'd disguis'd in shape of hell; Vanish thy bloud and nerves; true life alone In vertue lives, and true religion, In both which thou art deathlesse; O behold, (If thou canst looke so low as earths base mold) How dreadfull justice (late with lingring foot) Now comes like whirlewind! how it shakes the root Of lofty cedars; makes the stately brow Bend to the foot! how all men see that now The breath of infamy doth move their sailes; Whiles thy deare name by loves more hearty gales Shall still keep wing, untill thy fames extent Fill ev'ry part of this vast continent. Then you the Syre of this thus murther'd sonne, Repine not at his fate; since he hath wonne More honour in his sufferance: and his death Succeeded by his vertues endlesse breath. For him, and to his life and deaths example, Love might erect a statue; Zeale a temple: On his true worth the Muses might be slaine, To die his honours web in purest graine.
C.B.




UPON THE UNTIMELY DEATH OF THE
AUTHOUR OF THIS INGENIOUS
POEM, SIR THOMAS OVERBURY KNIGHT
Poysoned in the Tower.
S O many moones, so many times goe round,
And rose from hell, and darknes under ground, And yet till now, this darned deed of hell Not brought to light? 0 tardy Heaven! yet tell If murther laies him down to sleep with lust Or no ? reveale, as thou art truth and just, The secrets of this unjust secure act, And what our feares make us suspect, compact With greater deeds of mischiefe: for alone We thinke not this, and doe suspect yet one, To which compar'd, this, but a falling starre; That a bright firmament of fire: thy care We see takes meaner things: it times the world, The sig-nes at random through the zodiack hurld, The stars wild wandrings, and the glib quick hinges Which turne both poles, and all the violent changes It over-looks, which trouble th' endlesse course Of the high firmament: by thy blest force Do hory winter-frosts make forests bare, And straight to groves againe their shades repaire; By thee doth autumns, lyons flaming maine Ripen the fruits: and the full yeare sustaine




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Her burthened powers: 0 being still the same, Ruling so much, and under whom the frame Of this vast world weigh'd, all his orbes doth guide, Why are thy cares of men no more applide? Or if: why seem'st thou sleeping to the good, And guarding to the ill ? as if the brood Of best things still, must chance take in command, And not thy providence; and her blind hand Thy benefits erroniously disburse, Which so let fall, ne're fall but to the worse? Whence so great crimes commit the greater sort, And boldest acts of shame blaze in the court, Where buffones worship in their rise of state Those filthy scarahs, whom they serve and hate. Sure things meer backward, there ; humour disgrast, And vertue laid by fraud, and poison waste: The adult'rer up like Haman, and so sainted: And females modesty (as females) painted, Lost in all reall worth: what shall we say ? Things so farre out of frame, as if the day Were come, wherein another Phaeton Stolne into Phwbus waine, had all misse-won A cleane contrary way: 0 powerfull God, Right all amisse, and set thy wonted period Of goodnesse, in his place againe: this deed Be usher to bring forth the mashe, and weed Whereunder, blacker things lie hid perhap, And yet have hope to make a false escape. Of this make knowne, why such an instrument As Weston, a poore serving-man, should rent The frame of this sad-good-mans life: did he




SStand with this court-bred learned OVERBURIE,
1 In strife for an Ambassadour-ship ? no, no,
1 His orbes held no such light: what, did he owe The prophet malice for composing this, This cynosure in neat poesis, How good, and great men ought, and all, to chuse A chaste, fit noble wife, and the abuse Of strumpets friendly shadowing in the same, Was this his fault? or doth there lye a flame Yet in the embers not unrak't, for which He dy'de so falsly ? Heaven we doe beseech Vnloche this secret, and bring all to view, That law may purge the bloud, lust made untrue.
W. S.
AN
ELEGIE CONSECRATED TO THE MEMORY OF
THE TRULY WORTHY AND LEARNED
SIR THOMAS OVERBURY, KNIGHT.
H AD not thy wrong like to a wound ill cur'd
Broke forth in death; I had not bin assur'd Of griefe enough to finish what I write. These lines, as those which do in cold bloud fight, Had come but faintly on; for ever he That shrines a name within an elegie, (Unlesse some neerer cause doe him aspire) Kindles his bright flame at the funerall fire.




12
Since passion (after lessening her extent) Is then more strong, and so more eloquent.
How powerfull is the hand of murther now! Wast not enough to see his deare life bow Beneath her hate ? but crushing that faire frame, Attempt the like on his unspotted fame ? O base revenge! more than inhumane fact! Which (as the Romanes sometimes would enact No doome for paricide, supposing none Could ever so offend) the upright throne Of Justice salves not: leaving that intent Without a name, without a punishment. Yet through thy woundedfame, as thorow these Glasses which multiply the species, We see thy vertues more; and they become So many statues sleeping on thy tombe.
Wherein confinement new thou shalt endure, But so, as when to make a pearle more pure, We give it to a dove, in whose womb pent Some time, we have it forth most orient.
Such is thy luster now, that venom'd spight With her black soule dares not behold thy light, But banning it, a course begins to runne With those that curse the rising of the sunne. The poyson that works upwards now, shall strive To be thy faire fames true preservative. And witchcraft, that can maske the upper shine, With no one cloud shall blind a ray of thine.
And as the Hebrewes in an obscure pit Their holy fire hid, not extinguish'd it, And after-time, that brake their bondage chaine




13
Found it to fire their sacrifice againe: So lay thy worth some while, but being found, 'The Muses altars plentifull crown'd With sweet perfumes, by it new kindled be, And offer all to thy deare memory.
Nor have we lost thee long: thou art not gone, Nor canst descend into oblivion. But twice the sun went round since thy soule fled, And only that time men shall terme thee dead. Hereafter (rais'd to life) thou still shalt have An antidote against the silent grave.
IV. B. Int. temp.
UPON THE UNTIMELY DEATH OF SIR
THOMAS OVERBURIE.
F for to live be but a misery,
If by death good men gaine eternity,
'Twas friendly done in robbing thee of life,
To celebrate thy nuptials with thy wife; So that his will no other aime intended,
But by exchange thy life should be amended:
Yet wert to compasse his insatiate lust,
He this last friendship tendred to thee: trust
Whiles he dishonor'd and defam'd may die, Justice and Fame, shall crowne thy memorie.
B. G. medii Temp.




14
IN OBITUM INTEMPESTIVUM ET LACIIRYMABILEM ILLUSTRISSIMI EQUITIS
AURATI, THO. OVERBURI, MAGNE SPEI ET EXPECTATIONIS VIRI.
OWEVER windy mischiefe raise up high
Darke thickning clouds, to powre upon us all A tempest of foule rumours, which descry Thy hard mis-hap and strange disastrous fall;
As if thy wounds were bleeding from that hand,
Which rather should have rais'd thee up to stand.
Yet shalt thou here survive in pittying fame, In thy sweet wife, in these most acute lines, In well reputed characters of name, And vertues tombe, which all thine honour shrines:
In spight of envy, or the proudest hate,
That thus hath set opinion at debate.
But for mine owne part, sith it fals out so, That death hath had her will; I now compare It to a wanton hand, which at a throw To breake a box of precious balme did dare: With whose perfume, altho it was thus spild, The house and commers by were better fild.
Cap. Tho. Gainsford.




15
A MEMORIALL, OFFERED TO THAT MAN
OF VERTUE, SIR THO. OVERBURY.
ONCE dead and twice alive; Death could not
frame
A death, whose sting could kill him in his fame. He might have liv'd, had not the life which gave Life to his life, betraid him to his grave. If greatnesse could consist in being good, His goodnesse did adde titles to his blood. Onely unhappy in his lives last fate, In that he liv'd so soone, to dye so late. Alas, whereto shall men oppressed trust, When innocence cannot protect the just ? His error was his fault, his truth his end, No enemy his ruine, but his friend. Cold friendship, where hot vowes are but a breath, To guerdon poore simplicity with death: Was never man, that felt the sense of griefe, So Overburyed in a safe beliefe: Beliefe ? 0 cruell slaughter! times unbred Will say, Who dies that is untimely dead, By treachery, of lust, or by disgrace. In friendship, 'twas but Overburies case: Which shall not more commend his truth than prove Their guilt, who were his opposites in love. Rest happy man; and in thy spheare of awe Behold how Justice swaies the sword of law




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To weed out those, whose hands imbrew'd in bloud Cropt off thy youth, and flower in the bud.
Sleep in thy peace: thus happy hast thou prov'd, Thou might'st have di'de more knowne, not more
belov'd.
Io. Fo.
UPON SIR THO. OVERBURIE THE AUTHOR OF THIS INGENIOUS POEM.
H ESPERIDES (within whose gardens grow
Apples of gold) may well thy losse deplore:
For in those gardens they could never show
A tree so faire of such a fruitfull store.
Grace was the root, and thou thy selfe the tree,
Sweet counsels were the berries grew on thee.
Wit was the branch that did adorne the stocke,
Reason the leafe upon those branches spred,
Under thy shadow did the Muses flocke,
And (by thee) as a mantle covered:
But what befell, O, too much out of kind!
For thou wast blasted by a West-on wind.
R. Ca.




OF SIR THOMAS OVERBURIE HIS WIFE AND MARRIAGE.
W HEN I behold this wife of thine so faire,
So far remov'd from vulgar beauties (aire Being lesse bright and pure) me thinks I see An uncloth'd soule, by potent alchymy Extraught from ragged matter. Thou hast made A wife more innocent than any maide. Evah's state, before the fall, decyphered here, And Plato's naked vertue's not more cleare. Such an idea as scarce wishes can Arrive at, but our hopes must ne're attaine A soule so far beyond the common make As scorn'd corporeall joyning. For her sake (Despairing else contract) thou too turn'st soule; And to enjoy her faires without controule, Cast'st off this bodies clog: so must all do, Cast matter off, who would abstractions woo. To flie so soone then (soule) wel hast thou done, For in this life, such beauties are not wone. But when I call to mind thine unripe fall, And so sad summons to thy nuptiall, Either, in her thy bold desires did taste Forbidden fruit, and have this curse purchast, Or, having this elixir made thine owne (Drawne from the remnant of creation,)
C




18
The faces their malignant spirits breathe To punish thine ambitious love with death. Or, thy much envide choyce hath made the rest Of concrete relicts, point their aymes infest To thy confusion. And with them seduc'd Friendship (displeas'd to see a love produc'd Lesse carnall than it selfe) with policy So pure and chaste a love to nullifie. Yet howsoe'r, their project flies in smoke, The poyson's cordiall, which they meant should choke: Their deeds of darknes, like the bridall night, Have joyn'd spirituall lovers, in despight Of false attempts: And now the wedding's done; When in this life such faires had not bin won.
E. G.
TO THE BOOKE.
T HOU wofull widdow, once a happy wife,
That didst enjoy so sweet a mate:
Who, now bereaved is of life,
Untimely wrought, through inward hate.
O deed most vile, to haste the end
Of him, that was so good a friend!
F. H.




19
ON THIS EXCELLENT POEM, THE WIFE.
L OE here the matchlesse patterne of a wife,
Disciphered in forme of good, and bad:
The bad commends the good, as dark doth light, Or as a loathed bed a single life; The good, with wisdome and discretion clad,
With modesty, and faire demeanour dight, Whose reason doth her will to love invite.
Reason begot, and passion bred her love, Self-will she shun'd, fitnes the marriage made; Fitnes doth cherish love, selfe-will debate. Loe thus, and in this monument of proofe A perfect wife, a worke nor time can fade,
Nor loose respect betray to mortall fate.
This none can equall; best, but imitate.
R.C.
ON SIR THOMAS OVERBURIES POEM, THE WIFE.
I AM glad yet ere I die, I have found occasion,
Honest and just, without the worlds perswasion, Or flattery, or bribery, to commend A woman for her goodnesse; and God send




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I may find many more: I wish them well; They are pretty things to play with; when Eve fell She tooke a care that all the women-kind That were to follow her, should be as blind As she was wilfull; and till this good wife, This peece of vertues that ne're tooke her life From a fraile mothers labour: those stand still As marginals to point us to our ill, Came to the worlde, as other creatures doe That know no God but will; we learn'd to woo; And if she were but faire, and could but kisse, Twenty to one we could not chuse amisse; And as we judge of trees, if straight and tall, That may be sound, yet never till the fall Find how the raine hath drill'd them; so till now We only knew we must love; but not how: But here we have example, and so rare, That if we hold but common sense and care, And steere by this card; he that goes awry, Ile boldly say at his nativity, That man was seal'd a foole: yet all this good Given as it is, not cloath'd in flesh and blood, Some may averre, and strongly, 'twas meere ment In way of practice, but not president; Either will make us happy men; for he That marrieth any way this mystery, Or any parcell of that benefit, Though he take hold of nothing but the wit, Hath got himselfe a partner for his life, More than a woman, better than a wife.
I. F.




21
EJUSDEM IN EADEM.
AS from a man the first fraile woman came,
The Jrst that ever made us know our shame, And find the curse of labour; so againe, Goodnesse and understanding found a man
To take this shame away; and from him sprung A peece of excellence without a tongue, Because it should not wrong us; yet the life
Makes it appeare, a woman and a wife.
And this is shee, if ever woman shall
Doe good hereafter; borne to blesse our fall.
J. F.
ON SIR THOMAS OVERBURIES POEM, THE WIFE.
WERE every beauty, every severall grace,
Which is in women, in one womans face, Som courtly gallants might, I think, come to her, Which would not wed her, tho' they seem'd to woo
her.
Settled affections follow not the eye, Reason and judgement must their course descry. Pigmalions image, made of marble stone, Was lik'd of all, belov'd of him alone:




22
But here's a dame growne husbandlesse of late, Which not a man but wisheth were his mate. So faire without, so free from spot within, That earth seemes here to stand exempt from sin.
Juno vouchsafe, and Hymen, when I wed,
I may behold this widdow in my bed.
D.T.
ON THE WIFE.
B EAUTY affords contentment to the eye,
Riches are meanes to cure a weake estate, Honour illustrates what it commeth nie: To marry thus, men count it happy fate.
Vertue they think doth in these emblemes shroud,
But triall shewes the'are gulled with a cloud.
These are but complements; the inward worth, The outward carriage, gesture, wit, and grace, Is that alone that sets a woman forth: And in this woman, these have each a place.
Were all wives such: this age would happy be,
But happier that of our posteritie.
D. T.




23
ON THE WIFE.
WELL hast thou said, that women should be such;
And were they that, had but a third as much, I would be marri'd too, but that I know Not what she is, but should be, thou dost show:
So let me praise thy worke, and let my life
Be single, or thy widow be my wife.
X.Z.
ON THE WIFE.
T HIS perfect creature, to the easterne use
Liv'd, whilst a wife retired from common show: Not that her lover fear'd the least abuse, But with the wisest knew it fitter so: Since, falne a widow, and a zealous one, She would have sacrifiz'de her selfe agen, But importun'd to life, is now alone Lov'd, woo'd, admir'd, by all wise single men.
Which, to th' adulterous rest, that dare begin
Their us'd temptations, were a mortall sin.
TO THE WIFE.
E XPOS'D to all thou wilt lesse worthy seeme,
I feare: wives common, all men disesteeme,

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